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Winter 1995-96

World Order

THE UNITED NATIONS—A PORTRAIT
IN GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT
EDITORIAL

TURNING POINT FOR ALL NATIONS
A STATEMENT ON THE OCCASION OF THE
FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF THE UNITED NATIONS
BAHÁ’Í INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY

IMPLICATIONS OF EUROPEAN
ECONOMIC INTEGRATION
AUGUSTO LOPEZ-CLAROS

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World Order

VOLUME 27, NUMBER 2

WORLD ORDER IS INTENDED TO STIMULATE, INSPIRE, AND SERVE THINKING PEOPLE IN
THEIR SEARCH TO FIND RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN CONTEMPORARY LIFE AND CONTEMPORARY
RELIGIOUS TEACHINGS AND PHILOSOPHY

Editorial Board:
FIRUZ KAZEMZADEH
BETTY J. FISHER
HOWARD GAREY
ROBERT H. STOCKMAN
JAMES D. STOKES

Consultant in Poetry:
HERBERT WOODWARD MARTIN

Subscriber Service:
LISA CORTES

WORLD ORDER is published quarterly by the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the United States, 415 Linden Avenue, Wilmette, IL 60091. POSTMASTER: Send address changes to WORLD ORDER Subscriber Service, Bahá’í National Center, Wilmette, IL 60091. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the publisher, the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the United States, or of the Editorial Board. Manuscripts can be typewritten or computer generated. They should be double spaced throughout, with the footnotes at the end. The contributor should send four copies—an original and three legible copies—and should keep a copy. Return postage should be included. Send manuscripts and other editorial correspondence to WORLD ORDER, 415 Linden Avenue, Wilmette, IL 60091.

Subscription rates: U.S.A., 1 year, $15.00; 2 years, $28.00; single copies, $3.75. Surface mail to all other countries, 1 year, $15.00; 2 years, $28.00; single copies, $3.75. Airmail to all other countries, 1 year, $20.00; 2 years, $38.00.

WORLD ORDER is protected through trademark registration in the U.S. Patent Office.

Copyright © 1996, National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the United States. All Rights Reserved. Printed in the U.S.A.
ISSN 0043-8804

IN THIS ISSUE

2   The United Nations—A Portrait in Growth

and Development

Editorial

4   Interchange: Letters from and to the Editor

5   Sun in My Second House

poem by Judith A. Tugwell

7   Turning Point for All Nations

A Statement on the Occasion of the

Fiftieth Anniversary of the United Nations

by Bahá’í International Community

33   Two Snowflakes

poem by Barbara Lynn Boardman

35   Implications of European Economic Integration

by Augusto Lopez-Claros

Inside back cover: Authors & Artists in This Issue

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The United Nations—A Portrait
in Growth and Development

IN THE half century of its existence the United Nations has had both solid achievements and costly failures. While the former tend to be ignored, the latter are the stock in trade of those who fear the inevitable advent of a new world order.

No institution is perfect at its creation. The United Nations, like any organization, must grow, develop through trial and error, abandon practices that may have been expedient fifty years ago but have since become an impediment to progress, and adjust to the new demands raised by the turbulent history of the world at the end of the twentieth century.

Ten years after its founding. a feeble attempt was made to revise the UN Charter to make its provisions correspond more closely to the needs of a rapidly changing world. International rivalries, particularly the Cold War, prevented any action, and the constitutional framework of the United Nations has remained unchanged.

Now an enormously expanded membership is about to review and discuss the structure and function of the world organization. Such discussions would be greatly enhanced if nongovernmental organizations, which have increased in numbers and influence to become a significant force, were to offer the UN advice based on principle and experience.

The Bahá’ís were proponents of a world organization long before the idea was first incarnated in the League of Nations. The collapse of the League did not diminish their commitment but rather confirmed and intensified it. They have hailed the establishment of the United Nations, have supported its activities, have suggested methods of improving its effectiveness, and will continue to work for its success until the peace of the world is assured.

In the epigraph to its statement issued on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations as a contribution to the discussion of that organization’s future, the Bahá’í International Community quoted the words of Shoghi Effendi penned sixty years ago:

Unification of the whole of mankind is the hall-mark of the stage which human society is now approaching. Unity of family, of tribe, of city-state, and nation have been successively attempted and fully established. World unity is the goal towards which a harassed humanity is striving. . . . The anarchy inherent in state sovereignty is moving towards a climax. A world, growing to maturity, must abandon this fetish, recognize the oneness and wholeness of human relationships, and establish once for all the machinery that can best incarnate this fundamental principle of its life.

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Interchange LETTERS FROM AND TO THE EDITOR

THE WORLD does have a future, in spite of what cynics may aver in the present climate of strife, violence, and corruption, to name only the foremost problems that come to mind. To those who have given up on the United Nations (it doesn’t get anything done, it takes forever to make crucial decisions, and on and on) we offer a statement by the Bahá’í International Community, “Turning Point for All Nations.” The statement proposes reforms in the polity of the United Nations that will, when adopted, result in a more efficient use of the Security Council, a more effective General Assembly, a more realistic approach to the principle of national sovereignties, prompt and forceful reactions to abuses of national and civil rights, and arrangements for economics and trade that provide the greatest benefits to all peoples and classes. Sober, carefully reasoned, and humane, these suggestions for the reform of our nearest approach to a world parliament that we have are no “pie in the sky” proposals; they represent a moderate, well-crafted alternative to otherwise probable chaos and ruin.

Highly encouraging to those who would like to believe that such reforms are possible but suspect that human nature is incapable of seeing them through is the article “Implications of European Economic Integration” by Augusto Lopez-Claros. The author follows the evolution of the European Community, the idea of Europe, from the first suggestions of Jean Monnet through the arduous and politically charged adaptations it has made, under real conditions, among the growing number of countries that are now a part of the European Community. Frontiers have, for all practical purposes, been eliminated between these countries; they are steadily approaching a fixed relation among the various national monetary systems that will culminate in a common monetary unit; the necessity for a common auxiliary language is generally coming to be accepted. But let Dr. Lopez-Claros tell the rest of the story.

In any case. as startling and even earthshaking as developments within the European Community may be, they are hardly surprising to those who have read Shoghi Effendi’s World Order of Bahá’u’lláh, wherein Bahá’u’lláh’s immaculate blueprint for world governance is clearly set forth. What the Europeans have managed to do, through a careful and gradual evolutionary process, is most certainly a goal also within the reach of the United Nations.

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Sun in My Second House

Mardi Gras

thin reed music

through thin

reed blinds

Hawk wings soaring

wide open

for business

Shrunken bird women

peck and straighten

family graves

Lazy Moslem

kneeling

not quite Mecca

An unread book on

an undusted shelf

she sits on the

park benches

One thin bamboo

conducts the wind

Empty playground

empty shelves

Ghetto Christmas

Making amends

for my past

healing my

future

Old Church saints

holding stained glass

waiting for sunrise

The commuter

dressing at

every stoplight

Ancient of days

light years

in his eyes

—To Bahá’u’lláh

Autumn leaves falling

one way butterflies

Her eyes

panes of glass

the recluse poet

—to Emily Dickinson

Treasure hangs

in the air

my baby’s

first cry

Gossiping blackbirds

in the field

discussing the dirt

Crop of Christmas trees

at the land fill

Autumn winds

leaves and cigarette butts

dance in the street

Next table’s gossip

personal pronouns

spice my food

Scary bathtime

the child clutches

her toys above

the water line

—Judith A. Tugwell

Copyright © 1996 by Judith A. Tugwell

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Turning Point for All Nations

A STATEMENT OF THE BAHÁ’Í INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY ON THE OCCASION
OF THE FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF THE UNITED NATIONS, OCTOBER 1995

Copyright © 1995 by Bahá’í International Community, United Nations Office. Reprinted by permission.

Unification of the whole of mankind is the hallmark of the stage which human society is now approaching. Unity of family, of tribe, of city-state, and nation have been successively attempted and fully established. World unity is the goal towards which a harassed humanity is striving. Nation-building has come to an end. The anarchy inherent in state sovereignty is moving towards a climax. A world, growing to maturity, must abandon this fetish, recognize the oneness and wholeness of human relationships, and establish once for all the machinery that can best incarnate this fundamental principle of its life.
—SHOGHI EFFENDI, 1936

Overview: An Opportunity
for Reflection

THE twentieth century, one of the most tumultuous periods in human history, has been marked by numerous upheavals, revolutions, and radical departures from the past. Ranging from the collapse of the colonial system and the great nineteenth-century empires to the rise and fall of broad and disastrous experiments with totalitarianism, fascism, and communism, some of these upheavals have been extremely destructive, involving the deaths of millions, the eradication of old lifestyles and traditions, and the collapse of time-honored institutions.

Other movements and trends have been more obviously positive. Scientific discoveries and new social insights have spurred many progressive social, economic, and cultural transformations. The way has been cleared for new definitions of human rights and affirmations of personal dignity, expanded opportunities for individual and collective achievement, and bold new avenues for the advancement of human knowledge and consciousness.

---

These twin processes—the collapse of old institutions on the one hand and
the blossoming of new ways of thinking on the other—
are evidence of the trend toward ever—increasing interdependence
and integration of humanity.

---

These twin processes—the collapse of old institutions on the one hand and the blossoming of new ways of thinking on the other—are evidence of a single trend which has been gaining momentum during the last hundred years: the trend toward ever-increasing interdependence and integration of humanity.

This trend is observable in wide-ranging phenomena. from the fusion of world financial markets, which in turn reflect humanity’s reliance on diverse and interdependent sources of energy, food, raw materials, technology, and knowledge, to the construction of globe-girdling systems of communications and transportation. It is reflected in the scientific understanding of the earth’s interconnected biosphere, which has in turn given a new urgency to the need for global coordination. [Page 8] It is manifest, albeit in a destructive way, in the capacities of modern weapons systems, which have gradually increased in power to the point where it is now possible for a handful of men to bring an end to human civilization itself. It is the universal consciousness of this trend—in both its constructive and destructive expressions—that lends such poignancy to the familiar photograph of the earth as a swirling sphere of blue and white against the infinite blackness of space, an image crystallizing the realization that we are a single people, rich in diversity, living in a common homeland.

This trend is reflected, too, in steady efforts by the nations of the world to forge a world political system that can secure for humanity the possibility of peace, justice, and prosperity. Twice in this century humanity has attempted to bring about a new international order. Each attempt sought to address the emergent recognition of global interdependence, while nevertheless preserving intact a system which put the sovereignty of the state above all else. In the perspective of the century now ending, the League of Nations, a breakthrough in the concept of collective security, marked a first decisive step toward world order.

---

As an international organization,
the United Nations has demonstrated humanity’s capacity
for united action. Yet the overall goals
set out in the Charter of the United Nations
have proved elusive.

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The second effort, born from the cataclysm of World War II and based on a Charter drawn up principally by the victors of that conflagration, has for fifty years provided an international forum of last resort, a unique institution standing as a noble symbol for the collective interests of humanity as a whole.

As an international organization, the United Nations has demonstrated humanity’s capacity for united action in health, agriculture, education, environmental protection, and the welfare of children. It has affirmed our collective moral will to build a better future, evinced in the widespread adoption of international human rights Covenants. It has revealed the human race’s deep-seated compassion, evidenced by the devotion of financial and human resources to the assistance of people in distress. And in the all-important realms of peace-building, peace-making, and peace-keeping, the United Nations has blazed a bold path toward a future without war.

Yet the overall goals set out in the Charter of the United Nations have proved elusive. Despite the high hopes of its founders, the establishment of the United Nations some fifty years ago did not usher in an era of peace and prosperity for all.

Although the United Nations has surely played a role in preventing a third world war, the last half decade has nevertheless been marked by numerous local, national, and regional conflicts costing millions of lives. No sooner had improved relations between the superpowers removed the ideological motivation for such conflicts, than long-smoldering ethnic and sectarian passions surfaced as a new source of conflagration. In addition, although the end of the Cold War has reduced the threat of a global, terminal war, there remain instruments and technologies —and to some extent the underlying passions—which could bring about planetwide destruction.

With respect to social issues, likewise, grave problems persist. While new levels of consensus have been reached on global programs to [Page 9] promote health, sustainable development, and human rights, the situation on the ground in many areas has deteriorated. The alarming spread of militant racialism and religious fanaticism, the cancerous growth of materialism, the epidemic rise of crime and organized criminality, the widespread increase in mindless violence, the ever-deepening disparity between rich and poor, the continuing inequities faced by women, the inter-generational damage caused by the pervasive breakdown of family life, the immoral excesses of unbridled capitalism, and the growth of political corruption—all speak to this point. At least a billion live in abject poverty and more than a third of the world’s people are illiterate.

---

As the twin processes of collapse and renewal
carry the world toward some sort of culmination,
the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations
offers a timely opportunity to pause and reflect
on how humanity may collectively face its future.

---

As the twin processes of collapse and renewal carry the world toward some sort of culmination, the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations offers a timely opportunity to pause and reflect on how humanity may collectively face its future. Indeed, there has emerged of late a wide range of useful proposals for strengthening the United Nations and improving its capacity to coordinate the responses of nations to these challenges.

These proposals fall roughly into three categories. One group addresses primarily bureaucratic, administrative. and financial problems within the United Nations system. Another group comprises those that suggest reconfiguring bodies like the Economic and Social Council, the Trusteeship Council, and the Bretton Woods economic institutions. Still others propose to undertake changes in the United Nations’ political structure, calling, for example, for an expansion of the Security Council and/or a reconsideration of the United Nations Charter itself.

Most of these works are constructive; some are also provocative. Among them, one of the most balanced and thoughtful is the report of the Commission on Global Governance, entitled, Our Global Neighborhood, which argues for the widespread adoption of new values, as well as structural reforms in the United Nations system.

It is in the spirit of contributing to the ongoing discussion and consultation on this issue of paramount importance that the Bahá’í International Community has been moved to share its views. Our perspective is based on three initial propositions.

First, discussions about the future of the United Nations need to take place within the broad context of the evolution of the international order and its direction. The United Nations has co-evolved with other great institutions of the late twentieth century. It is in the aggregate that these institutions will define—and themselves be shaped by—the evolution of the international order. Therefore, the mission, role, operating principles, and even activities of the United Nations should be examined only in the light of how they fit within the broader objective of the international order.

Second, since the body of humankind is one and indivisible, each member of the human race is born into the world as a trust of the whole. This relationship between the individual and the collective constitutes the moral foundation of most of the human rights which the instruments of the United Nations are attempting to define. It also serves to [Page 10] define an overriding purpose for the international order in establishing and preserving the rights of the individual.

Third, the discussions about the future of the international order must involve and excite the generality of humankind. This discussion is so important that it cannot be confined to leaders—be they in government, business, the academic community, religion, or organizations of civil society. On the contrary, this conversation must engage women and men at the grassroots level. Broad participation will make the process self-reinforcing by raising awareness of world citizenship and increase support for an expanded international order.

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The body of humankind is one and indivisible;
each member of the human race is born into the world as a trust of the whole.

This relationship between the individual and the collective
constitutes the moral foundation of most of the human rights
which the instruments of the United Nations are attempting to define.

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Recognizing the Historical Context:
A Call To World Leaders

THE Bahá’í International Community regards the current world confusion and the calamitous condition of human affairs as a natural phase in an organic process leading ultimately and irresistibly to the unification of the human race in a single social order whose boundaries are those of the planet.

The human race, as a distinct, organic unit, has passed through evolutionary stages analogous to the stages of infancy and childhood in the lives of its individual members and is now in the culminating period of its turbulent adolescence approaching its long-awaited coming of age. The process of global integration, already a reality in the realms of business, finance, and communications, is beginning to materialize in the political arena.

Historically, this process has been accelerated by sudden and catastrophic events. It was the devastation of World Wars I and II that gave birth to the league of Nations and the United Nations, respectively. Whether future accomplishments are also to be reached after similarly unimaginable horrors or embraced through an act of consultative will is the choice before all who inhabit the earth. Failure to take decisive action would be unconscionably irresponsible.

Since sovereignty currently resides with the nation-state, the task of determining the exact architecture of the emerging international order is an obligation that rests with heads of state and with governments. We urge leaders at all levels to take a deliberate role in supporting a convocation of world leaders before the turn of this century to consider how the international order might be redefined and restructured to meet the challenges facing the world. As some have suggested, this gathering might be called the World Summit on Global Governance.

6.

7.

This proposed Summit might build on the experience gained from the series of highly successful United Nations conferences in the early 1990s. These conferences. which have included the World Summit for Children in 1990, the Earth Summit in 1992, the World Conference on Human Rights in 1993, the International Conference on Population and Development in 1994, the World Summit for Social Development in 1995, and the Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995, have established a new methodology for global deliberations on critical issues.

A key to the success of these deliberations has been the substantive participation by [Page 11] organizations of civil society. Painstaking negotiations among government delegations about changes in the world’s political, social, and economic structures have been informed and shaped by the vigorous involvement of these organizations, which tend to reflect the needs and concerns of people at the grass roots. It is also significant that in each case the gathering of world leaders, in the presence of civil society and the global media, gave the stamp of legitimacy and consensus to the processes of the conference.

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The Bahá’í International Community regards the current world confusion
and the calamitous condition of human affairs
as a natural phase in an organic process
leading ultimately and irresistibly to the unification of the human race
in a single social order whose boundaries are those of the planet.

---

In preparing for the proposed Summit, world leaders would be wise to heed these lessons, to reach out to as wide a circle as possible and to secure the goodwill and support of the world’s peoples.

Some fear that international political institutions inevitably evolve toward excessive centralization and constitute an unwarranted layer of bureaucracy. It needs to be explicitly and forcefully stated that any new structures for global governance must, as a matter of both principle and practicality, ensure that the responsibility for decision-making remains at appropriate levels.

Striking the right balance may not always be easy. On the one hand, genuine development and real progress can be achieved only by people themselves, acting individually and collectively, in response to the specific concerns and needs of their time and place. It can be argued that the decentralization of governance is the sine qua non of development. On the other hand, the international order clearly requires a degree of global direction and coordination.

Therefore, in accordance with the principles of decentralization outlined above, international institutions should be given the authority to act only on issues of international concern where states cannot act on their own or to intervene for the preservation of the rights of peoples and member states. All other matters should be relegated to national and local institutions.

Furthermore, in devising a specific framework for the future international order, leaders should survey a broad range of approaches to governance. Rather than being modeled after any single one of the recognized systems of government, the solution may embody, reconcile, and assimilate within its framework such wholesome elements as are to be found in each one of them.

For example, one of the time-tested models of governance that may accommodate the world’s diversity within a unified framework is the federal system. Federalism has proved effective in decentralizing authority and decision-making in large, complex, and heterogeneous states, while maintaining a degree of overall unity and stability. Another model worth examining is the commonwealth, which at the global level would place the interest of the whole ahead of the interest of any individual nation.

Extraordinary care must be taken in designing the architecture of the international order so that it does not over time degenerate into any form of despotism, of oligarchy, or of demagogy corrupting the life and machinery of the constituent political institutions.

In 1955, during the first decade review of the UN charter, the Bahá’í International Community offered a statement to the United [Page 12] Nations, based on ideas articulated nearly a century before by Bahá’u’lláh. “The Bahá’í concept of world order is defined in these terms: A world Super-State in whose favor all the nations of the world will have ceded every claim to make war, certain rights to impose taxation and all rights to maintain armaments, except for the purposes of maintaining internal order within their respective dominions. This State will have to include an International Executive adequate to enforce supreme and unchallengeable authority on every recalcitrant member of the Commonwealth; a World Parliament whose members are elected by the peoples in their respective countries and whose election is confirmed by their respective governments; a Supreme Tribunal whose judgment has a binding effect even in cases where the parties concerned have not voluntarily agreed to submit their case to its consideration.”

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Extraordinary care must be taken in designing the architecture
of the international order so that it does not over time degenerate
into any form of despotism, of oligarchy, or of demagogy
corrupting the life and machinery of the constituent political institutions.

---

While we believe this formulation of a world government is at once the ultimate safeguard and the inevitable destiny of humankind, we do recognize that it represents a long-term picture of a global society. Given the pressing nature of the current state of affairs, the world requires bold, practical, and actionable strategies that go beyond inspiring visions of the future. Nevertheless, by focusing on a compelling concept, a clear and consistent direction for evolutionary change emerges from the mire of contradictory views and doctrines.

Defining a Role for the UN within the
Emerging International Order

THE United Nations was the centerpiece of the international system created by the victors of World War II, and during the long decades of ideological conflict between the East and the West it served as a forum for international dialogue. Over the years its activities have expanded to include not only international standard-setting and promotion of social and economic development but also peacekeeping operations on several continents.

Over the same period the political reality of our world has experienced a dramatic transformation. At the time of the UN’s inception, there were some 50 independent states. That number has grown to exceed 185. At the close of World War II governments were the main actors on the global scene. Today the growing influence of organizations of civil society and of multinational corporations has created a much more intricate political landscape.

Despite the growing complexity in its mission, the United Nations system has retained more or less the same structure that was designed for a new international organization some fifty years ago. It is not surprising then that the occasion of its fiftieth anniversary has stimulated a new dialogue about its ability to meet the political realities of the twenty-first century. Unfortunately, in this dialogue, criticism has far outweighed praise.

Most criticisms of the operations of the United Nations are based on comparisons with the operations of the leading organizations in the private sector or on measurements relative to inflated initial expectations. Although some specific comparisons may be useful in increasing the efficiency of the United Nations, more general exercises of this kind are essentially unfair. The United Nations [Page 13] lacks not only the clear authority but also the requisite resources to act effectively in most instances. Accusations of the UN’s failure are, in fact, indictments of the member states themselves.

Judged in isolation from the reality within which it operates, the United Nations will always seem inefficient and ineffective. However, if it is viewed as one element of a larger process of development in systems of international order, the bright light of analysis would shift from the UN’s shortcomings and failures to shine on its victories and accomplishments. To those with an evolutionary mindset the early experience of the United Nations offers us a rich source of learning about its future role within the international regime.

An evolutionary mindset implies the ability to envision an institution over a long time-frame—perceiving its inherent potential for development, identifying the fundamental principles governing its growth, formulating high-impact strategies for short-term implementation, and even anticipating radical discontinuities along its path.

Studying the United Nations from this perspective unveils significant opportunities to strengthen the current system without the wholesale restructuring of its principal institutions or the intensive re-engineering of its core processes. In fact, we submit that no proposal for UN reform can produce high impact unless its recommendations are internally consistent and direct the UN along a projected evolutionary path toward a distinctive and relevant role within the future international order.

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Studying the United Nations from an evolutionary perspective
unveils significant opportunities to strengthen the current system
without the wholesale restructuring of its principal institutions
or the intensive re-engineering of its core processes.

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We believe the combination of recommendations described herein meets these conditions and that their adoption would represent a measured but significant step toward building a more just world order.

Resuscitating the General Assembly. The foundation for any system of governance is the rule of law, and the primary institution for promulgating law is the legislature. While the authority of local and national legislatures is generally respected, regional and international legislative bodies have been the subject of fear and suspicion.

In addition, the United Nations General Assembly has been a target of attack for its ineffectiveness. Although some of the accusations hurled against it are unfounded, there are at least two shortcomings that hamper the ability of the General Assembly to have impact.

First, the current arrangement gives undue weight to state sovereignty, resulting in a curious mix of anarchy and conservatism. In a reformed United Nations, the legislative branch and its voting structure will need to represent more accurately the people of the world as well as nation-states.

Second. General Assembly resolutions are not binding unless they are separately ratified as a treaty by each member state. If the current system, which places state sovereignty above all other concerns. is to give way to a system which can address the interests of a single and interdependent humanity, the resolutions of the General Assembly—within a limited domain of issues—must gradually come to possess the force of law with provisions for both enforcement and sanctions.

These two shortcomings are closely linked inasmuch as the majority of the world’s people, suspicious and fearful of world government, [Page 14] are unlikely to submit to an international institution unless it is itself more genuinely representative.

Nevertheless, in the short term, five practical measures are possible to strengthen the General Assembly, enhance its reputation, and align it with a longer term direction.

RAISING MINIMUM REQUIREMENTS FOR MEMBERSHIP. The minimum standards for conduct by a government toward its people have been well established in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and subsequent international covenants, collectively referred to as the International Bill of Human Rights.

Without an unshakable commitment to regular and periodic elections with universal participation by secret ballot, to freedom of expression, and to other such human rights, a member state stands in the way of the active and intelligent participation of the vast majority of its population in the affairs of its own communities.

We propose that there should be consequences for member states that violate these standards. Similarly, nations seeking recognition should be denied membership until they openly espouse these standards or make recognizable efforts to move in that direction.

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In order to establish a genuine community of nations in the long run,
it will be necessary to settle finally all disputes over borders.

---

APPOINTING A COMMISSION TO STUDY BORDERS AND FRONTIERS. Outstanding irredentist claims continue to be a major source of conflict and war, highlighting the critical need for general agreements on national boundaries. Such treaties can only be arrived at after consideration of the arbitrary manner in which many nation-states were originally defined and of all outstanding claims of nations and ethnic groups.

Rather than relegating such claims to the World Court, we believe it would be best to establish a special International Commission to research all claims affecting international boundaries and then, after careful consideration, to make recommendations for action. The results would serve as an early warning system for growing tension among civil or ethnic groups and assessment of threats in situations benefiting from early preventive diplomacy.

In order to establish a genuine community of nations in the long run, it will be necessary to settle finally all disputes over borders. This research would serve that end.

SEARCHING FOR NEW FINANCIAL ARRANGEMENTS. Primarily triggered by the unwillingness of some member states to remit their general assessments on time, compounded by the absence of authority to collect any interest accrued because of that delay, and further aggravated by the bureaucratic inefficiencies in parts of its operations, the annual budget shortfall pressures the UN into a crisis management mentality.

Voluntary payments from member states will never be a reliable approach to financing an international institution. Vigorous approaches to revenue generation must be devised to enable the smooth functioning of the UN machinery. We propose the immediate appointment of an expert Task Force to begin a rigorous search for solutions.

In studying alternatives the Task Force should be mindful of several fundamental principles. First, there should be no assessments without representation. Second, in the interest of fairness and justice, assessments should be graduated. Third, mechanisms for encouraging voluntary contributions by individuals and communities should not be overlooked.

MAKING A COMMITMENT TO A UNIVERSAL AUXILIARY LANGUAGE AND A COMMON SCRIPT. [Page 15] The United Nations, which currently uses six official languages, would derive substantial benefit from either choosing a single existing language or creating a new one to be used as an auxiliary language in all its fora. Such a step has long been advocated by many groups, from the Esperantists to the Bahá’í International Community itself. In addition to saving money and simplifying bureaucratic procedures, such a move would go far toward promoting a spirit of unity.

We propose the appointment of a high-level Commission, with members from various regions and drawn from relevant fields, including linguistics, economics, the social sciences, education, and the media, to begin careful study on the matter of an international auxiliary language and the adoption of a common script.

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At the international level, the single most important executive function
is the enforcement of a collective security pact.

---

We foresee that. eventually, the world cannot but adopt a single, universally agreed-upon auxiliary language and script to be taught in schools worldwide, as a supplement to the language or languages of each country. The objective would be to facilitate the transition to a global society through better communication among nations, reduction of administrative costs for businesses, governments, and others involved in global enterprise, and a general fostering of more cordial relations between all members of the human Family.

This proposal should be read narrowly. It does not in any way envision the decline of any living language or culture.

INVESTIGATING THE POSSIBILITY OF A SINGLE INTERNATIONAL CURRENCY. The need to promote the adoption of a global currency as a vital element in the integration of the global economy is self-evident. Among other benefits, economists believe that a single currency will curb unproductive speculation and unpredictable market swings, promote a leveling of incomes and prices worldwide, and thereby result in significant savings.

The possibility of savings will not lead to action unless there is an overwhelming body of evidence addressing the relevant concerns and doubts of skeptics, accompanied by a credible implementation plan. We propose the appointment of a Commission consisting of the most accomplished government leaders, academics, and professionals to begin immediate exploration into the economic benefits and the political costs of a single currency and to hypothesize about an effective implementation approach.

Developing a Meaningful Executive Function. At the international level, the single most important executive function is the enforcement of a collective security pact.

Collective security implies a binding covenant among nations to act in concert against threats to the collective. The effectiveness of the covenant depends on the degree to which members commit themselves to the collective good, even if motivated by a sense of enlightened self-interest.

Within the United Nations, the enforcement role is largely carried out by the Security Council, with other functions of the executive being shared with the Secretariat. Both are hampered in fulfilling their mandated roles. The Security Council suffers from an inability to take decisive action. The Secretariat is pressured by the complex demands of the member states.

In the short term four practical measures are possible to strengthen the executive function within the United Nations.

LIMITING THE EXERCISE OF THE VETO POWER. The original intention of the UN Charter in conferring veto power on the five Permanent [Page 16] Members was to prevent the Security Council from authorizing military actions against a Permanent Member or requiring the use of its forces against its will. In fact, beginning with the Cold War the veto power has been exercised repeatedly for reasons that have to do with regional or national security.

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To support the peacekeeping operations of the United Nations
and to add credibility to resolutions of the Security Council,
an International Force should be created.

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In its 1955 submission on UN reform, the Bahá’í International Community argued For the gradual elimination of the concepts of “permanent membership” and “veto power” as confidence in the Security Council would build. Today, forty years later, we reaffirm that position. However, we also propose that, as a transitionary step, measures be introduced to curb the exercise of the veto power to reflect the original intention of the Charter.

INSTITUTIONALIZING AD HOC MILITARY ARRANGEMENTS. To support the peacekeeping operations of the United Nations and to add credibility to resolutions of the Security Council, an International Force should be created. Its loyalty to the UN and its independence from national considerations must be assured. The command and control of such a fully armed Force would reside with the Secretary-General under the authority of the Security Council. Its finances, however, would be determined by the General Assembly. In constructing such a Force the Secretary-General would seek to draw competent personnel from all regions of the world.

If properly implemented, this Force would also provide a sense of security that might encourage steps toward global disarmament, thereby making possible an outright ban on all weapons of mass destruction. Furthermore, in line with the principle of collective security, it would become gradually understood that states need only maintain armaments sufficient for their own defense and the maintenance of internal order.

As an immediate step toward the establishment of this Force, the present system of ad hoc arrangements could be institutionalized to establish core regional forces for rapid deployment during a crisis.

APPLYING THE NOTION OF COLLECTIVE SECURITY TO OTHER PROBLEMS OF THE GLOBAL COMMONS. Although originally conceived within the context of a threat of military aggression, the principle of collective security, some argue, may now be applied in an expansive manner to all threats which, although apparently local in nature, are actually the result of the complex breakdown of the present-day global order. These threats include but are not limited to international drug trafficking, food security, and the emergence of new global pandemics.

We believe this issue would have to be included on the agenda of the proposed Global Summit. However, it is unlikely that expansive formulations of collective security would preclude the fundamental cause of military aggression.

RETAINING SUCCESSFUL UN INSTITUTIONS WITH INDEPENDENT EXECUTIVE FUNCTION. Some of the more independent organizations within the UN family, such as the UN International Children’s Emergency Fund, the International Civil Aviation Organization, the Universal Postal Union, the International Telegraph and Communications Union, the International Labor Organization, and the World Health Organization, have enjoyed conspicuous success with focused but important areas of international concern.

Generally, these organizations already have [Page 17] their own executive function. Their independence should be retained and reinforced as part of the international executive.

A Strengthened World Court. In any system of governance, a strong judicial function is necessary to moderate the powers of the other branches and to enunciate, promulgate, protect, and deliver justice. The drive to create just societies has been among the fundamental forces in history—and without doubt no lasting world civilization can be founded unless it is firmly grounded in the principle of justice.

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Justice is the one power than can translate the dawning consciousness
of humanity’s oneness into a collective will through which the necessary structures
of global community life can he confidently erected.

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Justice is the one power that can translate the dawning consciousness of humanity’s oneness into a collective will through which the necessary structures of global community life can be confidently erected. An age that sees the people of the world increasingly gaining access to information of every kind and to a diversity of ideas will find justice asserting itself as the ruling principle of successful social organization.

At the individual level justice is that faculty of the human soul that enables each person to distinguish truth from falsehood. In the sight of God, Bahá’u’lláh avers, justice is “the best beloved of all things” since it permits each individual to see with his own eyes rather than the eyes of others, to know through his own knowledge rather than the knowledge of his neighbor or his group.

At the group level a concern for justice is the indispensable compass in collective decision-making because it is the only means by which unity of thought and action can be achieved. Far from encouraging the punitive spirit that has often masqueraded under its name in past ages, justice is the practical expression of awareness that, in the achievement of human progress, the interests of the individual and those of society are inextricably linked. To the extent that justice becomes a guiding concern of human interaction, a consultative climate is encouraged that permits options to be examined dispassionately and appropriate courses of action selected. In such a climate the perennial tendencies toward manipulation and partisanship are far less likely to deflect the decision-making process.

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The World Court should act as an umbrella for existing and new thematic courts,
that arbitrate and adjudicate international cases within specific thematic domains.

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Such a conception of justice will be gradually reinforced by the realization that in an interdependent world the interests of the individual and society are inextricably intertwined. In this context justice is a thread that must be woven into the consideration of every interaction, whether in the family, the neighborhood, or at the global level.

We see in the current United Nations system the foundation for a strengthened World Court. Established in 1945 as the principal judicial organ of the United Nations, the International Court of Justice is characterized by many positive elements. The current system for the selection of judges, for example, seeks to create a judicial panel which is representative of a wide range of peoples, regions, and judicial systems.

The Court’s primary shortcoming is that [Page 18] it lacks the authority to issue legally binding decisions, except in those cases where states have chosen in advance to be bound by its decisions. Without jurisdiction, the Court is powerless to administer justice. In time, the decisions of the World Court may become binding and enforceable upon all states; however, in the short term, the World Court might be strengthened through two other measures.

EXTENDING THE COURT’S JURISDICTION. Currently, the Court’s jurisdiction is limited to a few categories of cases, and only nations have standing to bring an action. We propose that in addition to member states, other organs of the United Nations should be given the right to bring cases before the Court.

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The primary objective of governing institutions at all levels
is the advancement of human civilization. This objective is difficult to satisfy
without the inspired and intelligent participation of the generality of humankind
in the life and affairs of the community.

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COORDINATING THE THEMATIC COURTS. The World Court should act as an umbrella for existing and new thematic courts, that arbitrate and adjudicate international cases within specific thematic domains.

Early components of a unified system can already be found in the specialized courts for arbitration of such matters as commerce and transportation, and in the proposals for such bodies as an International Criminal Court and a Chamber for Environmental Matters. Other issue areas that might need to be addressed under such a system would include courts for international terrorism and drug trafficking.

Releasing the Power of the Individual:
A Critical Challenge of the Emerging
International Order

THE primary objective of governing institutions at all levels is the advancement of human civilization. This objective is difficult to satisfy without the inspired and intelligent participation of the generality of humankind in the life and affairs of the community.

With a focus on building institutions and creating a community of nations, international bodies have historically remained distant from the minds and hearts of the world’s people. Separated by several layers of government from the international arena and confused by the media’s coverage of international news, the vast majority of people have not yet developed an affinity for institutions like the United Nations. Only those individuals who have had some access to the international arena through channels like organizations of civil society seem able to identify with these institutions.

Paradoxically, international institutions cannot develop into an effective and mature level of government and fulfill their primary objective to advance human civilization if they do not recognize and nurture their relationship of mutual dependency with the people of the world. Such recognition would set in motion a virtuous cycle of trust and support that would accelerate the transition to a new world order.

The tasks entailed in the development of a global society call for levels of capacity far beyond anything the human race has so far been able to muster. Reaching these levels will require an enormous expansion in access to knowledge on the part of every individual. International institutions will succeed in eliciting and directing the potentialities latent in the peoples of the world to the extent that their exercise of authority is moderated by their obligation to win the confidence, respect, and genuine support of those whose [Page 19] actions they seek to govern and to consult openly and to the fullest extent possible with all those whose interests are affected.

Individuals who become confident and respectful of these institutions will, in turn, demand that their national governments increase their support, both political and economic, for the international order. In turn, the international institutions, with increased influence and power, will be better positioned to undertake further actions to establish a legitimate and effective world order.

Along with the measures for strengthening its structure, the United Nations needs to adopt initiatives that release the latent power in all people to participate in this galvanizing process. To this end, certain themes that accelerate the advancement of the individual and society warrant special consideration. Among them, promoting economic development, protecting human rights, advancing the status of women, and emphasizing moral development are four priorities so closely tied to the advancement of civilization that they must be emphasized as part of the United Nations agenda.

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Development should not become confused with the creation
of an unsustainable consumer society.

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Promoting Economic Development. Economic development strategies employed by the United Nations, the World Bank, and a number of governments during the last fifty years, however sincerely conceived and executed, have fallen far short of aspirations. In much of the world, the gap between the “haves” and “have-nots” has widened and is accelerating with the persistent disparity in income levels. Social problems have not subsided. In fact, crime and disease are not just on the rise; they are also becoming endemic and more difficult to combat.

These failures can be traced to a number of factors. They include a misplaced focus on large-scale projects and bureaucratic overcentralization, unjust terms of international trade, a pervasive corruption that has been allowed to flourish throughout the system, the exclusion of women from the decision-making processes at all levels, a general inability to ensure that resources reach the poor, and the diversion of development resources into military hardware.

A dispassionate examination of these factors betrays a common systematic and fundamental flaw in the current paradigm for economic development: material needs are often addressed without taking into account the spiritual factors and their motivating power.

Development should not become confused with the creation of an unsustainable consumer society. True prosperity encompasses spiritual as well as material well-being. Food, drink, shelter, and a degree of material comfort are essential, but human beings cannot and never will find fulfillment in these necessities. Nor is contentment to be found in the somewhat more intangible material attainments such as social recognition or political power. Ultimately, not even intellectual achievement satisfies our deepest needs.

It is in the hunger for something more, something beyond ourselves, that the reality of the human spirit can be properly understood. Although the spiritual side of our nature is obscured by the day-to-day struggle for material attainment, our need for the transcendent cannot long be disregarded. Thus a sustainable development paradigm must address both the spiritual aspirations of human beings and their material needs and desires.

Education is the best investment in economic development. “Man is the supreme Talisman. Lack of a proper education hath, [Page 20] however, deprived him of that which he doth inherently possess,” writes Bahá’u’lláh. “Regard man as a mine rich in gems of inestimable value. Education can, alone, cause it to reveal its treasures, and enable mankind to benefit therefrom.” Education implies more than a process of mastering a narrow body of knowledge or learning a set of life skills. In truth, education, which should be a fundamental imperative of development, must also teach the process for knowledge acquisition, cultivate the powers of intellect and reasoning, and infuse the student with indispensable moral qualities.

It is this comprehensive approach to education that allows people to contribute to the creation of wealth and encourage its just distribution.

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We hold that meaningfid work is a basic need of the human soul,
as important to the proper development of the individual as nutritious food,
clean water, and fresh air are to the physical body.

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Genuine wealth is created when work is undertaken not simply as a means of earning a livelihood but also as a way to contribute to society. We hold that meaningful work is a basic need of the human soul, as important to the proper development of the individual as nutritious food, clean water, and fresh air are to the physical body.

Because of the spiritually damaging nature of dependency, schemes which focus solely on redistributing material wealth are doomed to failure in the long run. Distribution of wealth must be approached in an efficient and equitable manner. In fact, it must be intimately integrated with the process of wealth creation.

We propose the following recommendation to the United Nations system for promoting more effective development.

LAUNCHING A DETERMINED CAMPAIGN TO IMPLEMENT AGENDA 21. The plan of action formulated at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development incorporated a wide range of views from civil society and a set of principles not unlike those articulated in this statement. Unfortunately, however, little has been done by member states to implement the measures described in the plan.

If the objectives of Agenda 21 are to be addressed and satisfied, an expanded effort, different in nature but comparable in scale and commitment to the Marshall Plan for the redevelopment of post-war Europe, might be necessary. In this case, the Bretton Woods institutions would be called upon to mount a pronounced campaign to expedite national implementation efforts. A mandate of this nature can result only from a conference, similar to the first Bretton Woods meetings fifty years ago, dedicated to a wholesale re-examination of these institutions. The purpose of this re-examination would be to make available to the people of the world sufficient resources so that they could implement local initiatives. Moreover, the conference could also expand its agenda to address deeper issues of global economic security through the redefinition of existing institutions or the creation of new structures.

If successful, this new machinery could also be extended to coordinate implementation of the measures identified at the recent Social Summit.

Protecting Fundamental Human Rights. Over the five decades since the United Nations was founded, an understanding has emerged that human rights must be recognized and protected internationally if peace, social progress, and economic prosperity are to be established.

The foundation for international agreement on the nature of human rights is the [Page 21] all-important Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the United Nations in 1948 and elaborated in two international covenants—the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Social, Economic, and Cultural Rights. In addition, some seventy-five other conventions and declarations identify and promote the rights of women and children, the right to freedom of worship, and the right to development, to name but a few.

The current United Nations human rights regime has two major shortcomings: limited means for enforcement and follow-up and too little emphasis on the responsibilities that accompany all rights.

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The violation of human rights in one state must be considered the concern of all,
and enforcement mechanisms must provide for a unified response
on the part of the entire international community.

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Human rights enforcement at the international level needs to be handled in a manner similar to the treatment of military aggression under a collective security regime. The violation of human rights in one state must be considered the concern of all, and enforcement mechanisms must provide for a unified response on the part of the entire international community. The question of when and how to intervene to protect human rights is more difficult to answer. Vigorous enforcement will require a high degree of global consensus on what constitutes a flagrant and willful violation.

Important steps toward global consensus were taken during the process leading up to the 1993 World Conference on Human Rights, which affirmed unequivocally that human rights are universal, indivisible, and interdependent and ended the long-standing debate about the relative importance of civil and political rights as compared to social, economic, and cultural rights. Conference resolutions also confirmed that human rights must be applied irrespective of differences of racial background, ethnic origin, religious belief, or national identity. They encompass the equality of women and men; they include for all individuals worldwide the same rights to freedom of investigation, information, and religious practice; and they embody the right of everyone to basic necessities such as food, shelter, and health care. Beyond the need to build consensus and strengthen enforcement of human rights, it is important to establish a greater understanding that to each right is attached a corresponding responsibility.

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Beyond the need to build consensus and strengthen enforcement of human rights,
it is important to establish a greater understanding that to each right
is attached a corresponding responsibility.

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The right to be recognized as a person before the law, for example, implies the responsibility to obey the law—and to make both the laws and the legal system more just. Likewise, in the socio-economic realm, the right to marry carries with it the responsibility to support the family unit, to educate one’s children, and to treat all family members with respect. The right to work cannot be divorced from the responsibility to perform one’s duties to the best of one’s ability. In the broadest sense. the notion of “universal” human rights implies a responsibility to [Page 22] humanity as a whole.

Ultimately, while it is up to the individual to fulfill the responsibility in each such area, it is up to international institutions to protect the related human right. We propose three measures for immediate action.

STRENGTHENING THE MACHINERY OF THE UN FOR MONITORING, IMPLEMENTATION, AND FOLLOW-UP. The United Nations machinery for the monitoring, implementation, and follow-up of government compliance with international covenants is inadequate. The Centre for Human Rights consists of a very small professional staff struggling to support efforts to monitor the compliance by countries of all treaties they have ratified.

We believe the resources assigned to this Centre must be dramatically increased if it is to discharge its duties properly.

ENCOURAGING UNIVERSAL RATIFICATlON OF INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS ON HUMAN RIGHTS. Since ratifying the international conventions on human rights creates an obligation for member states, albeit not a practically enforceable one, the Secretary-General and all bodies of the UN might consider every opportunity to encourage member states to act on this issue. In fact, a demanding timeline for universal ratification may be an inspiring goal to be set by the General Assembly.

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It is time for the institutions of the world, composed mainly of men,
to use their influence to promote the systematic inclusion of women,
not out of condescension or presumed self-sacrifice but as an act
motivated by the belief that the contributions of women
are required for society to progress.

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ASSURING RESPECT FOR THE MONITORING ORGANS OF UN INVOLVED IN HUMAN RIGHTS. Since the mandate of the human rights monitoring agencies is of a very serious nature, the UN needs to be particularly mindful of perceptions created by the structure and processes of these agencies and equally deliberate in acting to resolve compromising situations.

We believe it would be prudent to explore during the nomination process the qualifications of member states in visible positions and to exclude from election to membership on the Commission on Human Rights and other monitoring agencies, any member states that have not yet ratified the international conventions. While these member states would still be able to fully participate in deliberations, it would protect the United Nations from a potentially embarrassing and compromising situation.

We also believe that a single exception is warranted to the above rule. Member states not under the scrutiny of the UN that have sufficient protection for fundamental human rights within their constitutions but that have not been able to complete the ratification process because of internal political reasons should not be barred from election to visible positions.

Finally. it also seems prudent for member states that have ratified the international conventions but are under scrutiny for gross human rights violations to be disqualified from election to the offices of conferences and other meetings of the Commission on Human Rights. This will prevent a widespread perception of the proceedings as a mockery.

Advancing the Status of Women. The creation of a peaceful and sustainable world civilization will be impossible without the full participation of women in every arena of human activity. While this proposition is increasingly supported, there is a marked difference [Page 23] between intellectual acceptance and its implementation.

It is time for the institutions of the world, composed mainly of men, to use their influence to promote the systematic inclusion of women, not out of condescension or presumed self-sacrifice but as an act motivated by the belief that the contributions of women are required for society to progress. Only as the contributions of women are valued will they be sought out and woven into the fabric of society. The result will be a more peaceful, balanced, just, and prosperous civilization.

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First and foremost, violence against women and girls,
one of the most blatant and widespread abuses of human rights,
must be eradicated.

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The obvious biological differences between the sexes need not be a cause for inequality or disunity. Rather, they are an aspect of complementarity. If the role of women as mothers is properly valued, their work in nurturing and educating children will be respected and properly rewarded. It should also be acknowledged that the child-bearing role does not diminish one’s aptitude for leadership or undermine one’s intellectual, scientific. or creative capacity. Indeed, it may be an enhancement.

We believe progress on a few critical fronts would have the greatest impact on the advancement of women. We share the following perspectives which are foundational to the recommendations which follow.

First and foremost, violence against women and girls, one of the most blatant and widespread abuses of human rights, must be eradicated. Violence has been a fact of life for many women throughout the world, regardless of race, class, or educational background. In many societies, traditional beliefs that women are inferior or a burden make them easy targets of anger and frustration. Even strong legal remedies and enforcement mechanisms will have little effect until they are supported by a transformation in the attitudes of men. Women will not be safe until a new social conscience takes hold, one which will make the mere expression of condescending attitudes toward women, let alone any form of physical violence, a cause for deep shame.

Second, the family remains the basic building block of society and behaviors observed and learned there will be projected onto interactions at all other levels of society. Therefore, the members of the institution of the family must be transformed so that the principle of equality of women and men is internalized. Further, if the bonds of love and unity cement family relationships, the impact will reach beyond its borders and affect society as a whole.

Third, while the overall goal of any society must be to educate all its members, at this stage in human history the greatest need is to educate women and girls. For over twenty years, studies have consistently documented that, of all possible investments, educating women and girls pays the highest overall dividends in terms of social development, the eradication of poverty, and the advancement of community.

Fourth, the global dialogue on the role of men and women must promote recognition of the intrinsic complementarity of the two sexes. For the differences between them are a natural assertion of the necessity of women and men to work together to bring to fruition their potentialities for advancing civilization, no less than for perpetuating the human race. Such differences are inherent in the interactive character of their common humanity. This dialogue needs to consider [Page 24] the historical forces which have led to the oppression of women and examine the new social, political, and spiritual realities which are today transforming our civilization.

As a starting point for this dialogue we offer this analogy from the Bahá’í Writings: “The world of humanity has two wings— one is women and the other men. Not until both wings are equally developed can the bird fly. Should one wing remain weak, flight is impossible.” In addition, we support the following three specific measures.

INCREASING THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN MEMBER STATE DELEGATIONS. We recommend that member states be encouraged to appoint an increased number of women to ambassadorial or similar diplomatic positions.

ENCOURAGING UNIVERSAL RATIFICATION OF INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS THAT PROTECT WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND IMPROVE THEIR STATUS. As with the international conventions on human rights, the Secretary-General and all bodies of the UN should consider every opportunity to encourage member states to proceed with ratification of conventions and protocols that protect women’s rights and seek their advancement.

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Nevertheless, we firmly believe there exists a common set of values
that have been obscured from recognition by those who exaggerate minor differences
in religious or cultural practice for political purposes.

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PLANNING AHEAD FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF THE BEIJING PLATFORM OF ACTION. The Forward-looking Strategies declaration adopted at the Nairobi conference was highly bold and imaginative, yet its implementation was rather ineffective. We believe that a lesson should be learned from this unfortunate experience and deliberate plans be put into place to ensure that the Platform of Action emerging from the Beijing conference does not meet a similar fate.

We propose that a monitoring system be established to prepare status reports on the implementation of adopted measures and to make presentations to the General Assembly annually, highlighting the top twenty and bottom twenty member states in terms of compliance.

Emphasizing Moral Development. The process of integrating human beings into larger and larger groups, although influenced by culture and geography, has been driven largely by religion, the most powerful agent for changing human attitudes and behavior. By religion, however, we mean the essential Foundation or reality of religion, not the dogmas and blind imitations which have gradually encrusted it and which are the cause of its decline and effacement.

In the words of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, “Material civilization is like the body. No matter how infinitely graceful, elegant and beautiful it may be, it is dead. Divine civilization is like the spirit, and the body gets its life from the spirit. . . . Without the spirit the world of mankind is lifeless. . . .”

The concept of promoting specific morals or values may be controversial, especially in this age of humanistic relativism. Nevertheless, we firmly believe there exists a common set of values that have been obscured from recognition by those who exaggerate minor differences in religious or cultural practice for political purposes. These foundation virtues, taught by all spiritual communities, constitute a basic framework for moral development.

Reflection on the commonalities inherent in the great religious and moral systems of the world reveals that each one espouses unity, cooperation, and harmony among people, establishes guidelines for responsible behavior, and supports the development of virtues [Page 25] which are the foundation for trust-based and principled interactions.

PROMOTING THE DEVELOPMENT OF CURRICULA FOR MORAL EDUCATION IN SCHOOLS. We advocate a universal campaign to promote moral development. Simply put, this campaign should encourage and assist local initiatives all over the world to incorporate a moral dimension into the education of children. It may necessitate the holding of conferences, the publication of relevant materials, and many other supportive activities, all of which represent a solid investment in a future generation.

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We advocate a universal campaign to promote moral development.
Simply put, this campaign should encourage and assist local initiatives
all over the world to incorporate a moral dimension into the education of children.

We alto believe the campaign will be successful only to the extent
that the force of religion is relied upon in the effort.

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This campaign for moral development may begin with a few simple precepts. For example, rectitude of conduct, trustworthiness, and honesty are the foundation for stability and progress; altruism should guide all human endeavor, such that sincerity and respect for the rights of others become an integral part of every individual’s actions; service to humanity is the true source of happiness, honor, and meaning in life.

We also believe the campaign will be successful only to the extent that the force of religion is relied upon in the effort. The doctrine of the separation of church and state should not be used as a shield to block this salutary influence. Specifically, religious communities will have to be drawn in as collaborative partners in this important initiative.

As it proceeds, this campaign will accelerate a process of individual empowerment that will transform the way in which people, regardless of economic class, social standing, or ethnic, racial, or religious background, interact with their society.

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Over a century ago Bahá’u’lláh taught that there is but one God,
that there is only one human race, and that all the world’s religions represent stages
in the revelation of God’s will and purpose for humanity.

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A Turning Point for All Nations:
A Call to World Leaders

WE have reached a turning point in the progress of nations.

“Unification of the whole of mankind is the hall-mark of the stage which human society is now approaching. Unity of family, of tribe, of city-state, and nation have been successively attempted and fully established. World unity is the goal towards which a harassed humanity is striving. Nation-building has come to an end. The anarchy inherent in state sovereignty is moving towards a climax. A world, growing to maturity, must abandon this fetish, recognize the oneness and wholeness of human relationships, and establish once for all the machinery that can best incarnate this fundamental principle of its life.”

Over a century ago, Bahá’u’lláh taught that there is but one God, that there is only one human race, and that all the world’s religions represent stages in the revelation of God’s will and purpose for humanity. Bahá’u’lláh [Page 26] announced the arrival of the time, foretold in all of the world’s scriptures, when humanity would at last witness the uniting of all peoples into a peaceful and integrated society.

He said that human destiny lies not merely in the creation of a materially prosperous society, but also in the construction of a global civilization where individuals are encouraged to act as moral beings who understand their true nature and are able to progress toward a greater fulfillment that no degree of material bounty alone can provide.

Bahá’u’lláh was also among the first to invoke the phrase “new world order” to describe the momentous changes in the political, social, and religious life of the world. “The signs of impending convulsions and chaos can now be discerned, inasmuch as the prevailing order appeareth to be lamentably defective,” He wrote. “Soon will the present-day order be rolled up and a new one spread out in its stead.”

To this end, He laid a charge on the leaders and members of society alike. “It is not for him to pride himself who loveth his own country, but rather for him who loveth the whole world. The earth is but one country, and mankind its citizens.”

Above all else, leaders for the next generation must be motivated by a sincere desire to serve the entire community and must understand that leadership is a responsibility, not a path to privilege. For too long, leadership has been understood, by both leaders and followers, as the assertion of control over others. Indeed, this age demands a new definition of leadership and a new type of leader.

This is especially true in the international arena. In order to establish a sense of trust, win the confidence, and inculcate a fond affinity in the hearts of the world’s people for institutions of the international order, these leaders will have to reflect on their own actions.

Through an unblemished record of personal integrity, they must help restore confidence and trust in government. They must embody the characteristics of honesty, humility, and sincerity of purpose in seeking the truth of a situation. They must be committed to and guided by principles, thereby acting in the best long-term interests of humanity as a whole.

“Let your vision be world-embracing, rather than confined to your own selves,” Bahá’u’lláh wrote. “Do not busy yourselves in your own concerns; let your thoughts be fixed upon that which will rehabilitate the fortunes of mankind and sanctify the hearts and souls of men.”

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[Page 33]

Two Snowflakes

“Furthermore, the forms and organisms of phenomenal being
and existence in each of the kingdoms of the universe are
myriad and numberless. . . . each distinct and different within
itself, no two exactly alike in composition and detail—for there
are no repetitions in nature. . . .”
—‘Abdu’l-Bahá

“Oh, look!” she cried,

“Two snowflakes exactly alike!

“Let us tell the world.”

He looked at the slide

And had to agree.

The newspaper read

That two identical snowflake crystals

Had been discovered.

When questioned the scientist stated:

“If they are not identical

“They are very much alike.”

Perfection, as beauty,

Is in the eye of the beholder.

—Barbara Lynn Boardman

Copyright © 1996 by Barbara Lynn Boardman

[Page 34]

[Page 35]

Implications of European
Economic Integration

BY AUGUSTO LOPEZ-CLAROS

Copyright © 1995 by the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the United States. The views expressed are the author’s and not necessarily those of the International Monetary Fund.

Introduction

IT IS UNIVERSALLY accepted that World War II, with all the terrible destruction and economic upheavals it unleashed, provided the initial impetus to the European nations’ desire for greater economic cooperation. Jean Monnet, the father of the European Community, once said that

Over the centuries, one after another each of the principal nations of Europe tried to dominate the others. Each believed in its own superiority, each acted for a time in the illusion that superiority could be affirmed and maintained by force. Each in turn was defeated and ended the conflict weaker than before. Attempts to escape this vicious circle by sole reliance on a balance of power failed repeatedly—because they were based on force and unrestricted national sovereignty. For national sovereignty to be effective, in an expanding world, it needs to be transferred to larger spheres, where it can be merged with the sovereignty of others who are subject to the same pressures. In this process, no one loses; on the contrary, all gain new strength.

As one studies early attempts at various forms of economic cooperation in Europe, it becomes clear that the ultimate and most important goals were always political stability and unity. For example, the 1951 treaty, signed by six governments, that created the European Coal and Steel Community set out “to substitute for age-old rivalries the merging of their essential interests; to create, by establishing an economic community, the basis for a broader and deeper community among peoples long divided by bloody conflicts, and lay [Page 36] the foundations for institutions which will give directions to a destiny henceforward shared. . . .”

The impetus for attempts at reinvigorating the process of economic integration during the second half of the 1980s, especially in the context of the now well-known Europe 1992 program, did not come from fears of renewed armed conflict. Rather, following the successful opening up of the late 1950s and early 1960s, which had greatly expanded European trade, the prevailing feeling was that the enthusiasm had tapered off for fulfilling the objectives of the Treaty of Rome—which called for the creation of a common market, free of trade barriers, in which goods, services, labor, and capital would move without hindrance across national boundaries. Instead, Europe found itself in the early 1980s in the midst of economic stagnation, witnessing the recovery of the American and Japanese economies, worried about competition from newly industrialized countries of the Far East, and increasingly aware that the Common Market was perhaps not that “common.” No longer existing tariff barriers had sometimes been replaced by hidden barriers: Germans would not allow imports of beer from other countries for “health reasons”; Italians would not allow imports of pasta because these were not done with the “right” kind of flour.

[Page 37] The impetus for economic integration came from businesses and from entrepreneurs who realized that Europe could not be competitive with the United States and Japan and the newly industrialized countries if it did not put an end to economic divisions. The fear of being left behind is what galvanized the European Community into action. The strategy eventually adopted by European leaders consisted of three main components. First, they would identify a comprehensive list of barriers that needed to be eliminated to create a wholly unified, efficiently integrated European market; in the end the list came to include some three hundred items. Second, they would lay out a clear timetable to be followed to get those measures (or directives as they are called in European Community jargon) adopted by the end of 1992. Third, they would amend the Treaty of Rome to make it possible for the three hundred directives to be adopted by “qualified majority voting” among ministers rather than by unanimity; this was the heart of the so-called Single European Act.

Given the desire to act to stem further decline, why was this particular set of proposals appealing to European Community members? One can point to at least three factors. First, Europe 1992 (as the program was eventually called) was perceived as a practical goal with clearly defined objectives and a magic date attached at the end as a powerful symbol. Second, an absence of priorities (which would favor one country’s interests over another’s) and an emphasis on practical ends was thought to be an advantage. Rather than focus, for example, on the political consequences of a common immigration policy, it was decided that it would be desirable to have a community with “no security controls at frontiers”; the two are equivalent but the latter was more politically palatable. Third, Europe 1992 was also perceived as a massive process of deregulation; the mood in Europe was ripe for this, given the increasing emphasis on market-oriented economic policies and the removal of rigidities and economic distortions. Many feel that if Monnet had been alive he would have approved of the entire project as being in harmony with his own thinking about economic and social progress. He once noted that

There will be no peace in Europe if states are reconstructed on the basis of national sovereignty, with all that that implies in terms of prestige politics and economic protectionism. The nations of Europe are too circumscribed [Page 38] to give their people the prosperity made possible and hence necessary by modern conditions. Prosperity and vital social progress will remain elusive until the nations of Europe form a federation or a “European entity” which will forge them into a single economic unit.

Mutual Recognition

A CENTRAL feature of the Single European Act, eventually ratified by European parliaments in 1987, is the incorporation of a novel and singularly important concept: mutual recognition. Throughout much of the 1970s the road to a common market was thought to lie in “harmonization.” The European Community would pass norms on such things as taxes, banking licenses, insurance, public health standards, professional qualifications, and so on. These would need to be approved unanimously by the member states; then the barrier in question would be removed. Understandably, the process was extremely slow and frustrating, with community interests often sacrificed to national interests, and the principle of unanimity often abused. But in 1978 the European Court of Justice, one of the founding institutions of the Community, examined a case and established an important precedent.

The case involved a West German company that wanted to import a French liqueur but found it could not do so because the liqueur’s alcohol content was lower than that required by German law. This resulted in a lawsuit, and the European Court of Justice eventually decided that West Germany was discriminating against foreign competitors and that it could not block the import of a product sold in France unless it could prove that the import should be banned on health, consumer protection, or similar grounds. This, of course, West Germany was unable to do.

The case turned out to have vast implications; it became the most effective weapon in demolishing previously hidden barriers. As a result of the application of the principle of mutual recognition, which this case established, commercial banks in one country can establish themselves in all countries; insurance policies can be sold across borders; and a Spanish physician may go to Germany and claim recognition for his professional credentials, to name but a few examples.

Border Controls

THE ENTIRE Europe 1992 program was initially predicated on the notion of a Europe without frontiers, given public perceptions of these as powerful symbols of division separating sovereign states. The issue has several aspects. First, there is the question of customs posts themselves and their impact on trade flows. In the mid-1980s the direct annual cost to firms of customs [Page 39] formalities for intra-European Community trade was thought to exceed well over US$12 billion. There was, however, more to the elimination of customs controls than finding jobs for more than fifty thousand customs officials who would no longer be needed in a frontier-free Europe. Customs posts have much to do with taxes: They protect a country’s indirect taxes from relative tax advantages available in other countries; they allow governments to collect the value-added-tax (VAT) that is due them. A sudden elimination of customs controls would result in large diversions of tax revenue as businesses and consumers made purchases across state borders to benefit from sometimes sharply different VAT rates. It has been established, for example, that in the United States sales tax differentials of up to 5 percentage points are possible between contiguous states before incentives are created for large cross-border purchases. In this area the European Community Commission decided to work for greater tax harmonization. The idea was to narrow substantially differences in tax rates.

But a Europe without frontiers also meant the elimination of passport controls, which in turn had implications for gun control, immigration laws, visas for non-European Community residents, and so on. The difficulties were numerous. Some countries have strict gun controls; others do not. Denmark has passport-free arrangements with Scandinavian countries; hence an airplane arriving in Madrid from Copenhagen, from the perspective of a Spanish immigration official, could have as many Norwegian as Danish citizens, thus requiring some degree of monitoring and control, since Norway is not a member.

Notwithstanding the technical difficulties, considerable progress was made once the program was launched. Border controls were significantly streamlined in 1988 with the introduction of a “Single Administration Document” (SAD) that replaced more than thirty documents required by trucks crossing European Community frontiers. On 1 January 1993 the SAD itself was eliminated and replaced by a system that shifted tax control away from the borders to the producing firm. This was facilitated by a Council of Ministers decision in 1991 significantly narrowing the range of variation for VAT rates. From the outset there was universal consensus that it would be extremely important for the European Community to succeed in this area, given the psychological impact. It would be difficult, indeed, to claim victory for the goal of a Europe without frontiers in the presence of continued border controls.

[Page 40] The single-market program involved many other elements and projects, dealing with such issues as the freedom of individuals and enterprises to move money across borders, including the right to open up bank accounts in any other European Community member states; the right of individuals and enterprises to sell financial services across borders; the opening of public procurement to previously exempt sectors, and, more important, to other countries; measurements and quality control standards (so that light bulbs made in any European country can be used all over Europe, computers be made compatible, and so on); air and road transport, eliminating a number of existing restrictions.

A Historical Perspective

THE European Union’s first thirty-five years may best be characterized as a series of achievements tempered by setbacks and innovations in the wake of stagnation. The member states’ commitment to integration and increased cooperation has coexisted with a reluctance, stemming from a desire to safeguard national interests, to transfer sovereignty to European Community institutions. The extent and the speed of progress has thus been largely determined by the relative strength of these two forces. Overly ambitious initiatives—like some that preceded the creation of the European Community —have been discouraged, and ways have been found to keep the pace of change attuned to domestic political realities. The unanimity rule adopted in 1966, which effectively gave members veto power over Community decisions on the grounds that they might wish to defend vital interests, is a good example of the latter force gaining the upper hand. In time it led to segmentation in the decision-making process, weakening the chances for consistency between different policies.

In spite of the setbacks, the 1980s saw significant progress in a number of key areas. The European Monetary System succeeded in creating stability in exchange rates through a greater coordination of financial policies and led to the increasing recognition that such coordination would probably have to be brought under the control of a European central banking system. The European Council’s 1985 call on the Commission to “draw up a detailed program with a specific timetable to achieve a single large market by 1992” is further evidence of a renewed commitment to accomplishing the Treaties’ original objectives.

One of the most significant recent developments—and one that has already had a profound influence upon the evolution of the Community—is the unanimous ratification in 1987 by the member states of the Single European Act, an amendment of the Treaties of Rome. In addition to providing for the completion of the single market by restricting the rights of members to veto decisions in many key areas, particularly those pertaining to the elimination of barriers to the free flow of goods, services, labor, and capital, the Single European Act provided for a significant streamlining of the decision-making [Page 41] process. It became the legal instrument that permitted the speedy implementation of the legislative agenda set out for the completion of the single market. The Act also brought under the jurisdiction of the Treaties new fields of concern—for example, the environment—and set up a permanent Secretariat for political cooperation on foreign-policy matters. Furthermore, it recognized the competence of the Community in the area of monetary policy and enhanced the consultative rights of the European Parliament.

Underlying the important policy and institutional developments is an increasing degree of popular support for the ideals that gave rise to the creation of the European Community. EUROPE 2000, a comprehensive opinion poll carried out by the Commission on the thirtieth anniversary of the Treaties of Rome to assess European citizens’ attitudes about a united Europe, showed, among other things, that two out of three European Community citizens were in favor of the Community’s developing into a United States of Europe within the next twenty years and that nearly 60 percent would entrust a European supranational authority with responsibility over economic policy, foreign affairs, and defense within the same period. This is an extraordinary statistic that indicates a marked shift not only in economic attitudes but in psychological reflexes between generations that appear to be moving from an unquestioning faith in national sovereignty to a searching belief in more comprehensive loyalties. Against the background of several centuries of hostile nationalism and conflict, the results of the EUROPE 2000 survey underscore the enormous changes that have taken place during the last five decades in the attitudes of the average European, changes that augur well for the future of the European Community.

Economic Versus Political Union

IF ONE begins with the idea that the ultimate aim of greater economic integration was always political stability and unity, it is well worth asking what are likely to be the political implications of an economically unified Europe. Will the mighty forces pushing nations in the direction of greater economic cooperation and unity lead inevitably to political integration and unity? The key question, in fact, is: Will there ever be a United States of Europe? This issue is the subject of much debate today and is likely to remain so to the end of the century. The importance of the answer to this question transcends [Page 42] Europe itself; it lies at the heart of the question of whether “uniting the nations” is an achievable goal within our lifetimes. Monnet believed passionately that the process of economic integration he had helped launch in the 1950s would lead to a United States of Europe. He did not know what form the government would take, but he thought that a united Europe would create a new political model for the world.

There are several lines of thinking on this subject. Some see greater economic integration (the Europe 1992 program is the best example) as an ongoing process, as a stepping stone toward a European Federation, one in which countries would become member states, having ceded sovereignty to European federal institutions in important areas. Others view a united, more integrated regional economy as an end in itself, not necessarily involving the loss of national sovereignty in other areas, particularly on the political Front.

Those in the first group argue that increasing economic unity will give way eventually to a single foreign policy, as Europeans begin to speak with a single European voice on issues affecting the welfare of the world. Political unity is thus seen as a gradual and evolutionary, but largely inevitable, historical process. A noted European businessman captured the feeling when he observed that “The question of national sovereignty and its abdication to a greater body is something in the hands of the young. It will come through increasing trust and increasing travel, as the memories of the bitterness of the past, particularly the last thirty to forty years, gradually fade away.”

Such bitterness is to be replaced gradually by a growing European consciousness: the idea that there is no contradiction between being a good German or Italian and a good European. The evidence seems to suggest that this broadening of loyalties, what Bertrand Russell used to call “the expansion of one’s mental universe,” is rapidly taking root in Europe as survey after survey has consistently revealed strong popular support for the ideals that gave rise to the birth of the European Community.

Others, however, show considerably less enthusiasm for a United States of Europe; a long history of nationalism seems sometimes to weigh heavily on their minds. Consider the following words from Mrs. Margaret Thatcher, former Prime Minister of Britain:

Nations should trade more freely but not share national sovereignty with some European conglomerate or superstate administered from Brussels. Just [Page 43] look at the difficult language problem. Just look at the different stages of development. It is not possible to have a United States of Europe. What is possible is that the twelve countries steadily work more closely together on things we do better together, so we can trade more closely together, and have fewer formalities across borders. But not to dissolve our own infinite variety, our own nationality, our own identity.

It is important to establish a distinction between “unity” and “uniformity.” One must guard against the latter and would wish to preserve the diversity of the human family—in the case of Europe as it manifests itself in different languages, customs, food, music, and other expressions of a given culture. But preserving the diversity of language does not mean, for example, that one cannot learn a second auxiliary language to communicate across countries and cultures. Learning such a language would not be a betrayal of one’s cultural or national identity. On the contrary, to the extent that it allows one to learn about other peoples, their hopes, desires, fears, it might enhance understanding of one’s own background. “Unity in diversity” is the goal. Surely this is not incompatible with the emergence of global institutions. Regarding the other obstacles—namely, the “language problem” and the “different stages of development”—it is not clear why these should be seen as insurmountable barriers. German and Portuguese businessmen have meaningful interchanges all the time; they speak in English. Regarding the “different stages of development,” these exist within countries and can be a challenge to deal with but hardly ever become the primary reason for political fragmentation and disunion.

For a time, at the turn of the decade, there was a feeling that European integration might be slowed as a result of rapid changes in the international political environment, including the process of German reunification and ongoing processes of economic and political transformation in eastern Europe and among the former members of the Soviet Union. On a number of occasions in the last several years European leaders have restated their deepened commitment not only to complete the agenda of the original 1992 program [Page 44] but their intention to establish a monetary union sometime in the 1990s. For example, a December 1989 summit of European Community leaders established a deepened commitment to complete the 1992 program on time, together with the setting of a date (December 1990) for starting negotiations for a new European Community Treaty leading to economic and monetary union. The 1989 summit also led to the signing, on 19 December 1989, by the foreign and trade ministers of the European Community and the six members of the European Free Trade Area (Austria, Sweden, Iceland, Finland, Switzerland, and Norway) of an agreement that would effectively create an enlarged Europe, free of barriers, thereby paving the way for future integration at the political level.

On 20 April 1990 a Franco-German initiative was launched to achieve European political and monetary union by 1993, thereby bringing integration of the Community into line with the faster pace of German unification. The message from President Francois Mitterrand and Chancellor Helmut Kohl to the Irish Prime Minister and then President of the European Community Council said that, “In view of the profound transformations in Europe, of the establishment of the internal market and of the achievement of Economic and Monetary Union, we think it necessary to accelerate the political construction of the 12-member Europe.” Specifically, they called for an intergovernmental conference with the aim of defining and putting into effect a common foreign and defense policy. Their objective was that “economic and monetary union, as well as political union, should come into effect on January 1, 1993 after ratification by national parliaments.”

Although some of these deadlines were missed and the debate on the character and timing of political union persists, most would agree with the sense of the statement made by the political scientist Stanley Hoffmann, who a few years back, in The Atlantic, wrote that,

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Whether or not they succeed in establishing a unified market by 1992 is a detail; it is not the timetable that matters but the process itself. It may take a little longer, because the issues of pooling sovereignty over money, taxation, and fiscal policy, for instance, are very complicated, . . . what counts is that things are again in motion.

Indeed, on 7 February 1992 the twelve member states signed the Maastricht Treaty on European Union, which calls for the introduction of a common European currency by 1999 and significantly expands the power and spheres of influence of European institutions. It also gives legal meaning to the concept of union citizenship and associated civil rights. The treaty entered into force on 1 November 1993, following ratification by the member states. These initiatives were considerably strengthened in 1994 with the ratification by the parliaments of Finland, Austria, and Sweden of those countries’ entry into the European Union, thereby bringing membership in the Union to a total of fifteen countries (combined population of 370 million) and thus creating the largest trading bloc in the world.

Implications for the Future

THE PRESENT processes of European integration have a significance that transcends their immediate stated objectives. Beyond the eminently technical and occasionally dry nature of the issues underlying these processes, the European countries may find in the end not just increased material prosperity but something far more enduring—the promise of a better world. Three things may be said in this respect.

First, in that most enlightened of books, The Fate of the Earth, Jonathan Schell brought out wonderfully the dilemma that humanity faces:

We have organizations for the preservation of almost everything in life that we want but no organization for the preservation of mankind. People seem to have decided that our collective will is too weak or flawed to rise to this occasion. They see the violence that has saturated human history, [Page 46] and conclude that to practice violence is innate to our species. They find the perennial hope that peace can be brought to the earth once and for all a delusion of the well-meaning who have refused to face the “harsh realities” of international life—the realities of self-interest, fear, hatred, and aggression. They have concluded that these realities are eternal ones, and this conclusion defeats at the outset any hope of taking actions necessary for survival.

But perhaps the tragic experiences of the twentieth century have begun to pull us out of our paralysis. We may have fought and destroyed each other for ages, frequently under the flimsiest of excuses, but we appear to be able to draw lessons from our painful experiences. Despite centuries of evidence to the contrary, human beings are apparently not selfish and aggressive by nature. It is a triumph not just for the citizens of France and Germany but for all humankind to be able to state with certainty, despite a long history of conflict and bloodshed, that the two countries will never again be at war with each other—as a consequence of nearly forty years of economic integration. It says that, in the long run, reason can and will prevail. It vindicates the teachings of many of the world’s religions that have tended to see human beings as receptive to education and spiritual transformation. As noted by Bahá’u’lláh, the Founder of the Bahá’í Faith: Women and men are mines “rich in gems of inestimable value. Education can, alone, cause” them to reveal their “treasures and enable mankind to benefit therefrom.” Prejudice, war, exploitation may not be manifestations of our inherent nature but rather signs of collective immaturity. Eventually humanity will attain the age of maturity.

Second, in the coming together of previously warring nations, one can see a reafiirmarion Of the universality of certain human values. Two frequent arguments put forward by those opposed to the creation of supranational institutions as a way of addressing the complexities of an increasingly interdependent world are that the world is, in fact, too large and too diverse to be united. The first observation has been made largely irrelevant by the swift progress in the fields of transport and communications, which in the last decades have brought human beings much closer to each other, if not always in spirit, at last physically—a process that has also forced humankind to reexamine many of its long-held prejudices. But, more important, in this century more than in any previous era, human beings have begun to find that there is much more that unites them to their fellow human beings than separates them. Skins may have different shades, different languages may be [Page 47] spoken, and worship may take different forms, but the majority of humankind desires a world of peace and nonviolence, economic well-being and security, social justice, and a stable environment. The recognition of this sharing of values by increasingly greater numbers of people holds great promise for our future and may well explain much of the swift change that the entire world is experiencing.

Third, in some sense, if the present European experiment succeeds, one of the more important implications for the rest of the world may not necessarily be the increased benefits resulting from the recognition of common economic interests but rather the setting up of a secure political basis for a lasting peace. What started in 1957 as a seemingly unambitious project to reduce barriers to trade among six trading nations may, in retrospect, come to be regarded as the first glimmerings of international peace. The slow, sometimes frustrating, but steady process of consultation, of finding common ground, of giving and taking, may have enhanced the sensitivity of European leaders to broader concerns. The European Council, the heads of state of Europe, has been meeting two to three times a year for over twenty years now. Is it a surprise that, ever so slowly and tentatively, they would have come up with some truly constructive initiatives, such as that embodied in the successful Europe 1992 program?

In a book written in 1875, in which He outlined the prerequisites of a sustainable civilization, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, the son of Bahá’u’lláh and His father’s appointed successor and interpreter of His writings, wrote that

True civilization will unfurl its banner in the midmost heart of the world, whenever a certain number of its distinguished and high-minded sovereigns . . . shall, for the good and happiness of all mankind, arise, with firm resolve and clear vision, to establish the Cause of Universal Peace. They must make the Cause of Peace the object of general consultation, and seek by every means in their power to establish a Union of the nations of the world.

[Page 48] One hundred and twenty years later, on the fiftieth anniversary of the creation of the United Nations and on the eve of a new century, facing an ever greater number of challenges stemming from our growing interdependence and the shortcomings of our international institutional framework, such a passionate call for the creation of a union of the nations of the world does not seem such a romantic or impractical idea. On the contrary, it seems to be an idea whose time has come. As Monnet believed, it may well be that an economically and politically united Europe could be the forerunner of a new political model for the rest of the world.

After Snow

FENG BIN

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Authors & Artists

THE BAHÁ’Í INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY is an organization that represents all National Spiritual Assemblies of the Bahá’ís throughout the world. The BIC has offices in a number of countries, including its UN Office in New York City. Born almost simultaneously with the establishment of the United Nations, the Bahá’í International Community has cooperated with the UN on matters such as the advocacy of peace, human rights, the advancement of women, the protection of the environment, and the elimination of racism.

BARBARA LYNN BOARDMAN, who has been writing prose since she was ten and poetry since she was twelve, is the executive assistant for the Community Technical Skills Center in Denver, Colorado. She is active in peace, unity, and justice organizations in Denver.

AUGUSTO LOPEZ-CLAROS is an economist with the International Monetary Fund. For the last three years he was the IMF’s resident representative in the Russian Federation; he is presently taking a period of study leave to do some research and writing on economic reform in transition economies. Dr. Lopez-Claros was educated in England and the United States, receiving a diploma in mathematical statistics from Cambridge University in 1977 and a Ph.D. in economics from Duke University in 1981. Before joining the staff of the International Monetary Fund in 1984, Dr. Lopez-Claros was professor of economics at the University of Chile in Santiago. He has published many papers on economics in international journals and has written and lectured in South America, the United States, and Europe on subjects such as economic integration, unemployment, macroeconomic stabilization, public health, cooperation and interdependence, peace and the meaning of spiritual development, new concepts of power and justice, and issues concerning the family and education.

JUDITH A. TUGWELL makes a second appearance in World Order, another collection of her poems having appeared in our Fall 1989/Winter 1989-90 issue. Her interests include calligraphy, the art and history of medieval Europe and Japan, black-and-white photographs, karate, and yoga.

ART CREDITS: Cover design by John Solarz; cover photograph, Steve Garrigues; pp. 3, 6, 34, photographs, Steve Garrigues; p. 48, illustration, Feng Bin.

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