Bahá’í World/Volume 30/World Watch

The Bahá’í World
Volume 30

Ann Boyle: [00/65 at various aspects of corruption and w/mt t/76’ Babd’z’ community can contribute to bolster current efibrts to address this rampant

social epidemic.

eadlines trumpet the misdeeds of high—profile figures and

organizations in the business world, politics, religion,

entertainment, and the media. Apparent misbehavior even of entire governments has been exposed. Viewed through the lens of these numerous stories, corruption would appear to be one of the most rampant social epidemics of our time. But while rampant, is it inevitable—or is there perhaps hope for a cure?

Certainly, corruption is Widespread. The arenas in which it is practiced are as wide and varied as humanity’s social and economic institutions. They range from government and public office to business to religion to cultural and academic life to social and economic development.

“Next to tyranny, corruption is the great disease of government,” states Judge John T. Noonan, Jr., in his 1984 classic study, Bribesl And While corruption (particularly corruption in public life) may be more generally associated in the public mind with poor and transitional societies, it is certainly not particular to them. “It occurs in democracies and military dictatorships and at all levels

1 John T. Noonan, JL, Bribes: The Intellectual History ofa Mom! Idea (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), p. 700.

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of development and in all types of economic systems, from open capitalist economies such as that of the United States to centrally planned economies such as the former Soviet Union’s,”2 economist Kimberly Ann Elliott points out.

Corruption “is a symptom that something has gone wrong in the management of the state,” says political scientist Susan Rose— Ackerman. “Institutions designed to govern the interrelationships between the Citizen and the state are used instead for personal enrichment and the provision of benefits to the corrupt.”3 The result is that the legitimacy and effectiveness of government are undermined.

At the highest levels of public office around the world, “grand corruption” involves major government initiatives, in which governments award certain private firms With concessions and contracts in repayment for bribes, Which are generally split between private investors and the corrupt officials. Studies reveal that the process of privatization of public services is a particularly vulnerable time for corrupt insider deals, as investors and officials quietly stake out their c‘rent—seeking” territory.4 Hence, countries “in transition” from socialist to capitalist forms of government are perhaps at the greatest risk from corruption, as evidenced by the rise of organized crime in former Soviet bloc countries, for example.

In countries where corruption is Widely practiced in the public sector, certain characteristics are common: public investment is preferred to private investment; capital—intensive public projects are plentiful; projects that do not promote economic development but that bring in large amounts of foreign money are popular; and the infrastructure is of a lower quality, because less is spent on operations and maintenance.5 The effects of such policies on education and health structures can be particularly acute. While construction projects such as bridges, roads, and large buildings are lucrative sources for bribes, teachers’, doctors’, and nurses’ salaries are not, and so less

2 Kimberly Ann Elliott, introduction to Corruption and the Global Economy, ed. Kimberly Ann Elliott (Washington, D.C.: Institute for International Economics, 1997), p. 1.

3 Susan Rose-Ackerman, Corruption and Government: Causes, Consequences, and Reform (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 9.

4 Rose—Ackerman, p. 27.

5 Rose-Ackerman, p. 30.

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money is likely to be assigned to health and education. Corruption in the public sector has many other ripple effects, too. One writer points out that it “bypasses due process and weakens Civil rights, blocking off legitimate channels of political access and accountability while opening up (and concealing) illicit new ones.”6

When foreign governments and international aid agencies enter into agreements with such corrupt regimes to deliver social and economic development projects, their aid—presumably aimed at bettering conditions in the target country—often perpetuates the problem by fuelling corrupt practices. According to a 1998 World Bank study, for example, Tanzania received $2 billion in Western aid over 30 years to maintain its roads, but during that time the condition of its roads actually deteriorated.7 Clearly, the money was somehow misdirected. In fact, it is believed that corruption claims at least 10 percent of global aid, although some would put the figure much higher.8

Over the past decade or so, a spate of books on the topic of corruption in the social and economic development field have detailed how aid organizations have perpetuated corrupt system governments by bribing officials in order to operate within countries; how donor agencies have turned a blind eye to human rights abuses in order to continue their operations; how the common practice of “tied aid” ensures that contracts for aid relief enrich the donor country; how many of the projects are irrelevant to the real needs and concerns of those in recipient countries; and how international organizations such as the United Nations, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund often do more damage than good in their aid efforts.9 In the face of such evidence, “it is no longer possible to maintain the belief that the approach to social and

6 Michael Johnston, “Public Officials, Private Interests, and Sustainable Democracy: When Politics and Corruption Meet,” in Elliot, Corruption and the Global Economy, p. 63.

7 Gregg Easterbrook, “The Case for Foreign Aid: Safe Deposit,” T/ve New Republic (29 July 2002), pp. 16—17.

8 Easterbrook, p. 17.

9 See, for example, Graham Hancock, Lam's ofPoverty: T/oe Power, Prestige, and Corruption 0ft/7e International Aid Business (New York: The Atlantic Monthly Press, 1989).

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economic development to Which the materialistic conception of life has given rise is capable of meeting humanity’s needs.”10

Lest developed nations mistakenly think that corruption is a feature of the developing world, however, recent newspaper headlines have served to disturb such complacency. Revelations of less—than- honest practices in the highest echelons of corporate power in the Western world have become almost daily fare, and even institutions and corporations previously perceived as the quintessence 0f respectability or as the darlings 0f the stock markets have been tainted. A small sampling of cases Will suffice to illustrate the point. One recalls the exposure of the Lockheed Corporation in the 19703 for having paid $25 million in bribes to Japanese officials to ensure the sale of its Tristar L—1011 aircraft. For over a decade the Swiss National Bank has been dealing With revelations that it laundered the equivalent of some $4 billion of Nazi gold, about a sixth of it from Jews destined for the death camps and most of the remainder looted from banks in occupied countries. Furthermore, Swiss banks have been exposed as deliberately Withholding, for more than 50 years, the contents of “dormant” accounts of Holocaust victims and their families.11 Germany’s GM subsidiary Adam Opel saw 65 of its executives investigated for bribe—taking in the mid—199OS. Around that same time a Canadian company, Bre—X—which claimed to have discovered the world’s largest gold deposit in Indonesia—perpetrated a fraud that saw stock values escalate rapidly and then plunge scarcely two or three years later When tests from the site revealed that it held little or no gold. Investors’ stocks that had traded at more than $200 per share became worthless almost overnight.

But these examples of fraud and corruption are dwarfed by those contained in the names Enron, WorldCom, Tyco, Adelphia, Vivendi, and ImClone, Which have become household words over the past year or so and Which represent the latest—-—and most spectacular—in a long string of corporate scandals. They seem

1° The Baha’i International Community, The Prosperity 0f Human/eina’ (London: Baha’i Publishing Trust, 1995), p. 3. 1‘ See, for example, Amos Elon, “Switzerland’s Lasting Demon,” 7796 New

York Times Magazine (12 April 1998), pp. 40-44.

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most notable for the massive scale of the corruption practiced. Astonishingly, Enron was able to overstate its earnings by some $600 billion between 1997 and 2001, hiding huge debts through “off balance sheet partnerships,” while WorldCom has the dubious distinction of having suffered the world’s largest corporate bankruptcy after the revelation that it moved costs from operating to capital accounts to keep investors from discovering the corporation’s increasing expenses and falling profits. In most of these scandals top executives themselves directed the corrupt practices.

In an insightful editorial in the International Herald Tribune, William Pfaff characterizes Enron not only as a scandal but also as “the product of a pathological mutation in capitalism,” in which “owners’ capitalism” has been replaced by “managers’ capitalism.” Disregarding the long—term interests of their companies and their stockholders, these managers pursued short—term gains with disastrous results for everyone but themselves, as share values plummeted and employee pension funds—tied to company investments through stock options—became worthless.12

Pfaff concludes, “Owners’ capitalism failed in practice because the markets have so diffused corporate ownership that no responsible owner exists. Managers exploited that void to turn corporations into mechanisms for their personal enrichment. This is morally unacceptable, but it is also a corruption of capitalism itself, and of the society in Which it functions.” Reform, he asserts, “is useless when the system itself has failed.”

Nor do the realms of religion and science escape accusations of serious corruption. If headlines in Western media are not occu- pied with the likes of Enron and WorldCom, they may well be broadcasting the sexual abuse of children by priests in the Roman Catholic Church and seeming efforts by bishops to cover it up

‘2 William Pfaff, “A Pathological Mutation in Capitalism,” International Herald Nibzme (9 September 2002). Hamer’s index provides some hard figures that make Pfaff’s point eloquently. It states that the maximum amount each of Enron’s 4,500 laid-off employees would receive as part of a proposed settlement is $13,500, while the company paid its 140 top executives an

average of $5,300,000 last year (Harper’s Index, November 2002).

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and protect the perpetrators. And in the supposedly objective field of scientific research, some study results have been found to be skewed in favor of the corporations funding the studies. Large pharmaceutical companies, for example, have been implicated, as they race to get new drugs approved and out into the marketplace before their competitors.

In short, if we didn’t realize it already, such a catalogue Clearly reveals that no area of human life is immune from the temptations of corruption. In response, cynics shrug their shoulders and cite the oft-quoted statement by the British historian John Emerich Edward Dahlberg, Lord Acton, that “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely” and that “great men are almost always bad men.” Indeed, the perception that corruption is part of human nature and therefore must remain an inevitable part of life is very commonly held throughout the contemporary world.

But is it necessarily true?

The problem, in essence, is not political or economic. Corruption is, as defined by Webster’s dictionary, the “impairment of integrity, Virtue, or moral principle,” and when the term is applied to those holding positions of responsibility and trust, it refers specifically to “inducing a violation of duty by means of pecuniary considerations.” To dismiss corruption merely as “human nature” is to remove it from the realm in which it properly belongs: that of free will and moral choice.

The distinction between these two perceptions is one of great importance, since the consequences of corruption are so injurious to both society and the individual. As John T. Noonan, Jr, writes, “. . .the common good of any society consists not only in its material possessions but in its shared ideals. When these ideals are betrayed, as they are betrayed when bribery is practiced, the common good, intangible though it be, suffers injury,” while at the same time, “[h]uman beings do not engage in such acts without affecting their characters, their View of themselves, their integrity.”13

An individual clearly must possess some degree of power in order to be presented with opportunities to engage in corrupt practices, but the absence of clearly articulated, widely enforced

13’ Noonan, p. 700.

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ethical standards is also an important factor, as it establishes a climate for such behavior. This has proven to be the case in both developing and developed countries, as the influence of traditional values and religion have declined.

In many cases, the moral basis of human relationships has been superseded by an economic one, in Which people are regarded as either suppliers or consumers. Greed is fuelled by this prevailing materialistic View of existence, Which gauges “worth” solely according to material criteria such as wealth, prestige, property, and inﬂuence. Corruption proliferates as perpetrators seek advantage over others With no clear ethical foundations to hold them in check.

The result? Corruption’s costs are felt everywhere:

In poor countries, corruption may lower economic growth, impede economic development, and undermine political legitimacy, consequences that in turn exacerbate poverty and political instability. In developed countries, the economic effects may be less severe; however, even in rich countries diverted resources Will not be available for improving living standards. Corruption also tends to exacerbate income inequalities by increasing the power of those willing and able to pay bribes to the detriment of those Who cannot, and this issue is of increasing concern in many developed and developing countries today. Finally, corruption can undermine political legitimacy in industrialized democracies as well as in developing ones by alienating the citizenry from its political leadership and making effective government more difficult. Corruption may have the most deleterious effects in countries in transition, such as Russia, Where, left unchecked, it could undermine support for democracy and a market economy.14

Given such consequences, assessing and addressing corruption are of the utmost importance. While some have argued that assessing What is a bribe depends on cultural particularities, such factors are losing ground in the face of economic liberalization, democra- tic reforms, and increasing global integration, Which, as Kimberly Ann Elliott notes, “are combining to expose corruption and raise awareness of [corruption’s] costs” and have “sparked an

‘4 Elliott, pp. 1—2.

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anticorruption backlash that is spreading around the world.”15 It seems clear, then, that what constitutes corrupt behavior is more generally understood across societies than ever before.

With regard to addressing that behavior, two general approaches can be taken. The first treats the problem in a more mechanical way, dealing with existing incidents of corruption by exposing them, devising and enacting legislation that discourages corrupt practices, or promoting structures Within organizations that eliminate opportunities for corruption.

Exposure, by organizations of civil society such as Transparency International, has begun to have some effect. T 1, formed in 1993 and modeled after Amnesty International, seeks to deter corrupt governments and agencies by exposing them to the public gaze. While the organization operated in obscurity for the first few years, now major media pay attention to its annual Global Corruption Report, its Corruption Perception Index, and its Bribe Payers Indexes. The Corruption Perception Index ranks the world’s most corrupt countries according to a set of verifiable criteria drawn from polls and surveys conducted by independent institutions. Its object is to publicize how much public sphere corruption is perceived to exist in countries for Which TI can gather adequate data, drawing on surveys conducted by independent institutions among business people, country analysts, and local and expatriate residents. The Bribe Payers Index reports on bribery in multinational corporations, identifies those business sectors Where bribery is most Widely practiced, investigates awareness of and compliance With the OECD Anti—Bribery Convention, and looks at other unfair practices used by businesses in their efforts to secure contracts. Transparency International’s experience seems to indicate that exposure is an effective deterrent. Indeed, the German public reacted With dismay to TI’s 1995 report, which rated that country as more corrupt than the UK or Switzerland—although less so than the US—and the issue quickly became a leading issue of public concern.16

15 Elliott, p. 1.

16 See Patrick Glynn, Stephen J. Kobrin, and Moisés Naim, “The Globalization of Corruption,” in Elliott, Corruption and the Global Economy, p. 23.

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Legislation, penalties, and other punishments can also serve to deter corruption. The 1977 US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) aims to curtail transnational bribery by American businesses abroad. Unfortunately, however, American corporations have complained bitterly about the disadvantages of being “the lonely boy scout” among foreign competitors who do not operate under such regulations. At the level of domestic corruption, judges and prosecutors in Italy launched a “Clean Hands” campaign in the early 19903, Which has been effective in netting corrupt politicians and those Who sponsor them. Worry exists, however, that the country’s new government is not committed to continuing the campaign. And that is one of the chief difficulties With legislation, penalties, and other similar punishments: they require vigilant monitoring, and many anticorruption laws look good on paper but are not enforced.

International and transnational organizations such as the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) have begun to play an important role in developing and enforcing Wider-reaching standards. In 1997 OECD members signed a convention outlawing bribery by officials of multinational companies living abroad. The Anti—Bribery Convention came into effect in 1999, With 35 signatory countries, and Transparency International has hailed it as “a landmark measure.” One direct positive result is that signatory states can no longer treat bribes as legitimate tax—deductible business expenses. On the other hand, however, the Convention is not yet taken seriously because no convictions have resulted from it, and it is still largely unheard-of in countries Where corruption is most widely practiced. Other international organizations such as the Organization of American States, the Southern African Development Community, the Economic Community ofWest African States, and the European Union have also put corruption on their agendas. And the European Union has insisted that countries seeking to join the EU—largely those from the central and southern parts of the continent—clean up their acts before they can be admitted. (Cynics may argue that some of the current member states, such as Italy, rank among the most corrupt on the planet, but nevertheless, one must applaud the EU for attempting to set some standards.)

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Codes of conduct—Whether in the public or the private sector, in professions, or in organizations of civil society—have proven to be another useful tool in combating corruption. As Transparency International notes, they “play an important part in the development of national integrity systems.” In the public sector, such codes— which may outline specific rules or may simply provide basic ethical guidelines—can cover the public service sector at all levels from ministers and parliamentarians to specific departments and agencies, or even certain professions Within the public service. In the private sector, such codes establish standards both for employees and third parties, so they know what is to be expected from the company. And finally, codes help ensure that organizations of civil society apply the same standards to their own functioning that they demand from those serving in public life.17

Another mechanical deterrent to corruption is the restructuring of organizations and even governmental agencies in order to make them more accountable. Often this involves changing the hierarchical structure of the organization so that inﬂuence is not vested only in people occupying key positions. Privatization of publicly owned companies can also eliminate opportunities for bribery. Political, economic, and bureaucratic reforms all play a part in this process. Writing on the latter, James E. Rauch proposes the development of a bureaucratic “virtuous circle” through promotions of those deputies who show themselves to be more interested in exercising power than in acquiring wealth through low-level corruption. As department heads, those promoted “spend more time supervising their deputies and are thus more likely to weed out corrupt ones, leaving only those Who restrain their corruption available for promotion.”18

17 See <Www.transparency.org/building_coalitions/conduct.html>. For a dis— cussion on the development of codes of conduct in organizations of civil society, see Martha Schweitz and Bill Barnes, “Dimensions of Unity in an Emerging Global Order” in 7796 Ba/M’z’ 1%er 1998—99 (Haifa: World Centre Publications, 2000), pp. 198—21 1.

18James E. Rauch, “Comments,” in Elliot, Corruption and the Global Economy, pp.115-16.

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While all of these actions—restructuring, exposing corruption, enacting and enforcing legislation, and formulating codes of conduct—are necessary and beneficial, they focus on relieving the symptoms rather than addressing the root causes of the disease. For that reason, efforts to address corruption need to be bolstered through more long—term, Vision—based strategies. Addressing the issue of corruption in public life, the Baha’i International Community has described the challenge of overcoming it as “multidimensional in nature.” It writes:

The adoption of administrative procedures and legal safeguards, however important such measures may be, Will not bring about enduring Changes in individual and institutional behavior. For governance, in essence, is a moral and spiritual practice whose compass is found within the human heart. Thus, only as the inner lives of human beings are transformed will the vision of a “genuine civilization of Character” be realized.19

The basis of such a ‘civilization of character’ is what Stephen L. Carter would call integrity, which he defines as requiring three steps: “(1) discerning what is right and what is wrong; (2) acting on What you have discerned, even at personal cost; and (3) saying openly that you are acting on your understanding of right from wrong.”20 Corruption (Which Carter terms “unintegrity”) can always be practiced by those ingenious enough to circumvent regulations, but if society can nurture integrity in its citizens from an early age, then it stands a better Chance of inhibiting corruption because they Will recognize that such behavior is morally repugnant and injurious to the whole of society.

This perspective sees human beings as essentially noble in nature. It asserts the need for the systematic development of the moral capacity of individuals, communities, and social institutions through training in all aspects of life, whether the educational sector, public life, business, or development. A strategy for rewarding good as

19 The Baha’i International Community, “Overcoming Corruption and Safeguarding Integrity in Public Institutions: A Baha’i Perspective.” See pp. 263—71 for the text of this statement.

20 Stephen L. Carter, Integrity (New York: HarperCollins, 1996), p. 7.

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well as punishing bad behavior would also assist in strengthening a “Civilization of Character.” Meaningful recognition of those pursuing honest and trustworthy practices could become as powerful a tool of encouragement as penalties are a deterrent. In this way, a culture of encouragement could emerge. Indeed, with members from highly diverse backgrounds and institutions functioning in all parts of the planet, the Baha’i community can be viewed as a kind of “global workshop” in this area of human advancement.

In the area of governance, the Baha’i administrative order derives its structure and mode of functioning directly from the Faith’s Founder, Who Baha’is believe was divinely inspired. It was elaborated and implemented by His appointed successors, ‘Abdu’l—Baha and Shoghi Effendi. For this reason, Baha’l’s have confidence in the integrity of their system of governance. The relationship between individuals serving as administrators and the community is one of trusteeship, which encompasses ideals of trustworthiness, service, and selﬂessness. Baha’i governing councils are called “Houses of Justice,” although at the local and national levels they go by the “temporary appellation” of Spiritual Assemblies.21 Referring to members of these councils, Baha’u’llah’s Book of Laws admonishes: “It behoveth them to be the trusted ones of the Merciful among men and to regard themselves as the guardians appointed of God for all that dwell on earth.” When they consult, they are admonished “to have regard for the interests of the servants of God, for His sake, even as they regard their own interests, and to Choose that which is meet and seemly.”22

Writing in 1926 to the Baha’l's of the East, Shoghi Effendi reminded them of the responsibilities of their Local Spiritual Assemblies, including the following: “to aim to enhance the efficient management of their affairs, and observe purity and refinement in all circumstances; to show their commitment to truthfulness and honesty, and their ability to conduct themselves with frankness, courage and resolution”; and “to adhere in all dealings to a standard

2' Shoghi Effendi, T/ye 1%er Order ofBa/Jd’u’lldh: Selected Letters, 2d rev. ed. (Wilmette: Baha’i Publishing Trust, 1982), p. 6.

22 Baha’u’llah, The Kitab—i—Aqdas (Haifa: Baha’i World Centre, 1993), para. 30, p. 29.

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of scrupulous integrity.” The letter points out how the Baha’i sacred writings emphasize “the virtue of trustworthiness and godliness, of purity of motive, kindliness of heart, and detachment from the fetters of this material world,” and how they call upon Baha’is “so to sanctify themselves that they will rise above the corrupt and evil inﬂuences that exercise so powerful a sway over the Western world,” “to concentrate their attention on serving the general interests of the people,” and “to refrain from entering into the tangled affairs of political parties and to have neither concern for, nor involvement in, the controversies of politicians, the wranglings of theologians or any of the ailing social theories current amongst men.” Such behavior and actions, the letter concludes, are “the basic, the binding, the inescapable responsibilities of the trustees of the Merciful, the representatives of the Baha’i communities, the members of the Spiritual Assemblies.”23

To ensure that their elected institutions rise to such a level of service, Baha’i electors play their part by voting only for those who “can best combine the necessary qualities of unquestioned loyalty, of selﬂess devotion, of a well—trained mind, of recognized ability and mature experience.”24 Cautioning the Baha’is to “exercise the utmost Vigilance” to carry out their elections “freely, universally and by secret ballot,” Shoghi Effendi states emphatically, “Any form of intrigue, deception, collusion and compulsion must be

stopped and is forbidden.”25

23 Letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi on 30 January 1926 to the Spiritual Assemblies throughout the East, translated from the Persian, published in “Trustworthiness: A Cardinal Baha’i Virtue,” in 7776 Compilation ofCompiZdtions, V01. 2 (Ingleside: Baha’i Publications Australia, 1991), no. 2079, pp. 347—49.

24 Letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi t0 the National Convention of the Baha’is 0f the United States and Canada, 3 June 1925, published in Shoghi Effendi, Ba/yd’z'Administmtion: Selected Messages 1922—1932 (Wilmette: Baha’i Publishing Trust, 1998), p. 88.

25 Letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi 0n 8 March 1932 to a Local Spiritual Assembly, translated from the Persian, published in “The Sanctity and Nature of Baha’i Elections,” in 7776 Compilation of Compilations, vol. 3 (Ingleside: Baha’i Publications Australia, 2000), no. 253, p. 147.

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The advantages of such a system are numerous. A letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi details how Baha’i electoral procedures help members to develop a spirit of responsibility. Since individuals are free to vote for whomever they Choose, they must become active and well-informed community members, for how otherwise can they make Wise choices during the election? In this way, “true social consciousness” can develop. In fact, “Baha’i community life thus makes it a duty for every loyal and faithful believer to become an intelligent, well-informed and responsible elector, and also gives him the opportunity of raising himself to such a station.” The importance of preserving the integrity of the system and of the individual’s freedom of choice is also stressed. For this reason, “since the practice of nomination hinders the development of such qualities in the believer, and in addition leads to corruption and partisanship, it has to be entirely discarded in all Baha’i elections.”26

There is a marked difference between the attitude of Baha’i community members towards their institutions and attitudes found in the wider society towards those in positions of authority and power. With regard to the attitude of the institution members themselves, the Universal House of Justice has written:

There needs to be a recognition on their part of the Assembly’s spiritual character and a feeling in their hearts of respect for the institution based upon a perception of it as something beyond 0r apart from themselves, as a sacred entity whose powers they have the privilege to engage and canalize by coming together in harmony and acting in accordance with divinely revealed principles. With such a perspective the members will be able better to acquire an appropriate posture in relation to the Assembly itself, to appreciate their role as Trustees of the Merciful and to counteract any impression that they have assumed ownership and control of the institution in the manner of major stockholders of a business enterprise.27

26 Letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to an individual believer, 4 February 1935, published in Shoghi Effendi, 7776 Light ofDivz'ne Guidance (Hofheim—Langenhein: Baha’i Verlag, 1982), p. 68.

27 The Universal House of]ustice, letter to the National Spiritual Assembly

of the Baha’is 0f the United States, 19 May 1994.

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For their part, community members must carefully examine their attitudes towards the exercise of authority. The House of Justice writes, “People generally tend to be suspicious of those in authority. The reason is not difficult to understand, since human history is replete With examples of the disastrous misuse of authority and power. A reversal of this tendency is not easily achievable, but the Bethe“ friends must be freed of suspicion toward their institutions if the Wheels of progress are to turn With uninterrupted speed.”28

Since the principles of unity and justice lie at the heart of administrative activity, it is imperative for community members to free themselves from suspicion and a sense of alienation from their institutions. Shoghi Effendi cautioned both electors and those elected:

To repudiate the validity of the assemblies of the elected ministers of the Faith of Bahé’u’lléh would be to reject those countless Tablets 0f Bahé’u’lléh and ‘Abdu’l—Bahé wherein They have extolled the station of the “trustees of the Merciful,” enumerated their privileges and duties, emphasized the glory of their mission, revealed the immensity of their task, and warned them of the attacks they must needs expect from the unwisdom of their friends as well as from the malice of their enemies. It is surely for those to Whose hands so priceless a heritage has been committed to prayerfully watch lest the tool should supersede the Faith itself, lest undue concern for the minute details arising from the administration of the Cause obscure the Vision of its promoters, lest partiality, ambition, and worldliness tend in the course of time to becloud the radiance, stain the purity, and impair the effectiveness of the Faith of Bethzi’u’llzih.29

What safeguards exist, then, against corruption in Bahé’r’ administration? Are there mechanisms by which corrupt individuals can be removed and the interests of the community protected?

At the international level, the seminal document is the constitution of the Universal House OfJustice, Which outlines the

28 Universal House of Justice, letter to the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahzi’r’s 0f the United States, 19 May 1994. 29 Shoghi Effendi, World Order ofBa/vd’u’lldb, p. 10.

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responsibilities of that body. Among these are “to safeguard and enforce that rectitude of conduct which the Law of God enjoins,” “to be responsible for ensuring that no body or institution Within the Cause abuse its privileges or decline in the exercise of its rights and prerogatives,” and “to provide for the receipt, disposition, administration and safeguarding of the funds, endowments and other properties that are entrusted to its care.”30 The Universal House ofjustice, then, is required by its constitution to safeguard the integrity of Baha’i institutions at all levels as well as the community’s material assets, and to enforce laws relating to behavior. Furthermore, the constitution includes a provision allowing the removal of any of its own members from the Universal House of Justice for the commission of “a sin injurious to the common weal.”31

This stress upon the “common weal” is present at all levels of Baha’i administration. As Shoghi Effendi writes: “The members of these Assemblies, on their part, must disregard utterly their own likes and dislikes, their personal interests and inclinations, and concentrate their minds upon those measures that Will conduce to the welfare and happiness of the Baha’i Community and promote the common weal.”32 Local and National Spiritual Assemblies possess similar kinds of legislative power and authority at the local and national levels, but there are some important differences between these institutions and the Universal House of Justice. First, as a matter of faith, Baha’is believe that the decisions of the Universal House of Justice are indisputable, since Baha’u’llah and ‘Abdu’l— Baha affirmed that that institution is divinely protected from errorf’3

30 The Universal House of Justice, Constitution of the Universal House of Justice (Haifa: World Centre Publications, 1972), p. 5.

31 The Universal House of Justice, Constitution, p. 12.

32 Shoghi Effendi, letter to the Baha’i’s of America, Australasia, the British Isles, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and Switzerland, dated 12 March 1923, published in Shoghi Effendi, Balad’z’Aa’mz’nistmtion, p. 41.

33 Referring to the Universal House ofjustice, Baha’u’llah writes in the eighth Is_h_raq of the Tablet 0f Iﬂraqat, “They that, for the sake of God, arise to serve His Cause, are the recipients of divine inspiration from the unseen Kingdom. It is incumbent upon all to be obedient unto them.” Baha’u’llah, The Kitab-i-Aqdas, p. 91. ‘Abdu’l-Baha states, “Whatsoever they decide is of God.” ‘Abdu’l—Baha, The Will and Testament of ‘Abdu’l—Baha, p. 11.

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Local and National Assemblies are not. Second, the Universal House of Justice has the authority both to enact and to repeal laws on “matters that are not expressly recorded in the Book.” ‘Abdu’l- Baha states, “Whatsoever they decide has the same effect as the Text itself.”34 Local and National Assemblies, on the other hand, have no such power. Nevertheless, it is crucial to note that the Universal House ofjustice does not possess the authority to abrogate or change any law revealed by Baha’u’llah. To do so would be to corrupt the sacred texts of the Faith.

Since it is entrusted With the authority to uphold Baha’u’llah’s laws, the Universal House OfJustice can be regarded as a court of final appeal for Baha’i's who disagree with decisions made by their local or national institutions. Once the Universal House OfJustice rules on a matter, however, its decision must be obeyed.

T0 uphold those laws that promote the common weal and to deal with behavior that is “injurious” to it, Baha’i institutions are empowered to apply sanctions. In response to Violations of Baha’i law and standards of conduct, Baha’i institutions—including National Spiritual Assemblies—are empowered to apply admin- istrative sanctions such as the suspension of an individual’s membership rights. In such cases the individual remains a Baha’i in belief but may not have the privilege, for example, of donating to the Baha’i funds or participating in the election of—or being elected to—Baha’i’ institutions until the cause of the removal of his or her rights is rectified. At that point, the individual becomes a fully participating member of the community once again.35

Baha’is believe that the administrative order of their Faith is perfect in its form, but not perfect in all its acts, in recognition that individuals are not ﬂawless. Sanctions exist to provide corrective measures to those imperfections while safeguarding the integrity

34 ‘Abdu’l—Baha, The Will and Testament of ‘Abdu’l-Baha, p. 20.

35 The application of sanctions by Baha’i administrative institutions is handled on a case by case basis, usually following repeated attempts to counsel the individual. Behavior for which sanctions may be applied includes, for example, the knowing Violation of Baha’i marriage or divorce laws, blatant immoral behavior, and conduct that damages the reputation or causes disunity in the Baha’i community.

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of the system. But while the principles practiced in the Bahé’i’ community may be workable within its confines to safeguard it from corruption, what applicability does the Bethe“ experience have in the wider community, which does not necessarily share its values?

Building moral capacity in individuals, beginning with the education of children, is one important way in which Bahé’i’s can contribute to the wider society in which they live. Such initiatives “draw upon both scientific and religious resources in cultivating the concepts, values, attitudes, and skills necessary for creating an ethos of rectitude and integrity,” the Bahz’t’i’ International Com- munity has written, noting that “[t]he formulation of pedagogical approaches and methods that systematically promote moral development has been a particular focus of Bahé’i’ efforts.”36

Collaboration between Bahei’i’ and governmental or public agencies in a number of countries has been fruitful. In Bolivia, Nut University’s Just Governance Program offers moral leader— ship training to government and other public officials as well as members of grassroots organizations to strengthen the capacities of public sector workers; in Brazil, the Justice in Education project of the Human Plenitude Program is working with the country’s Ministry of Education and the National Association of Judges and Prosecutors to implement training for legal professionals, focusing on ethical issues surrounding the protection of children and youth involved in the justice system; in southeastern Europe, under the umbrella of the European Union’s Stability Pact, Stop and Act (formerly The Happy Hippo 5/9020) has used interactive drama to train educators, media representatives, journalists, and organizations of civil society in finding positive ways of overcoming prejudice and dealing with ethnic conﬂict; the European Bahé’i’ Business Forum has conducted seminars on business ethics in eastern Europe and has collaborated with the International Labour Orga— nization in an effort to train workers in “Socially Responsible

36 Bahé’i’ International Community, “Overcoming Corruption and Safe—

guarding Integrity in Public Institutions: A Bahé’i’ Perspective,” see pp. 263—71.

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Enterprise Restructuring.”37 Other efforts are ongoing around the world. Local Baha’i communities’ efforts to develop and implement programs for the spiritual education of children, Whether in public school systems or in Baha’i classes, are offered in the hope of creating future citizens in Whom corruption Will not be able to take deep root.38

In their approach to social and economic development work, Baha’is strive to use skills such as consultation and to apply the same spiritual principles that uphold their Faith’s administrative structure. Instead of promoting large—scale projects Whose genesis comes from outside the local community, Baha’is believe that the impetus for development work should come from “natural stirrings at the grassroots 0f the community.”39 Grassroots activities may evolve organically into more complex sustained projects and possibly even full-ﬂedged development organizations, but no matter What the level, ‘‘it is the right of every people to trace its own path of development and direct its own affairs”—a right protected by the Faith’s global administrative structure.40

In the context of developing skills that contribute to healthy patterns of community functioning, Baha’i consultation is of interest. This discipline, Which can be learned and applied in a variety of settings, aims to build consensus in a manner that unites various constituencies instead of dividing them, and encourages diversity of opinion While acting to control the struggle for power that is so common in traditional decision—making systems.

3’7 The statement “Overcoming Corruption and Safeguarding Integrity in Public Institutions: A Baha’i Perspective” provides further information on efforts to develop moral capacity around the world. See also pp. 149— 54 for an article on the European Baha’i Business Forum. An article about Nut University’s moral leadership training program appeared on pp. 249—54 of The Ba/Jd’z’ “70er 1998—99.

38 An essay 0n pp. 189—220 looks at the Wide variety of Baha’i efforts to foster the spiritual and moral education of children.

39 The Baha’i International Community, ...for t/ve Betterment ofdle \World: 7776 VVor/dwide Babcz’ ’2’ Community} Approach to Social and Economic Devel— opment (New York: Baha’i International Community, 2002), p. 6.

40 The Baha’i International Community, ...for t/ae Betterment of $176 \World, p. 6. “

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Certain principles are central to the art of consultation. First, the group should seek information on the topic from a wide range of courses and points of View, including those of specialists where helpful. Second, those participating in the consultation are enjoined to be candid in presenting their own Views but also courteous and attentive to the Views of others. Personal attacks, ultimatums, and prejudicial statements are not permitted. Third, once advanced, an idea no longer belongs to the individual who voiced it but becomes the property of the entire group. Thus, no subgroups 0r constituencies exist within the consultative group. Fourth, while the group strives to achieve unanimity in its decision-making, a majority can carry the decision. Nevertheless, all group members are required to support that decision, whether they voted for or against it. By upholding this principle, community members will know with certainty that if problems arise, they must lie in the decision itself and not in a lack of support or active opposition from any group member.41 Such assurance gives participants confidence in the integrity of their deeision-making process.

Training children, youth, and adults to become social actors whose behavior springs from an ethical basis is a contribution that the Baha’i community can make to decreasing corruption in today’s and tomorrow’s world. In the conviction that all behavior is moral in its basis, Baha’is are emphasizing that aspect of leadership in the programs they offer to those who work in the public and corporate sectors and in the moral education programs they provide to children. In this way, the Baha’i community is systematically promoting the evolution of a culture in which corrupt practices substantially diminish. In describing the differences between prevailing current conditions and the future “divine” civilization,

‘Abdu’l-Baha writes:

...material civilization, through the power of punitive and retaliatory laws, restraineth the people from criminal acts; and

41 For more on the topic of consultation, see William S. Hatchet and J. Douglas Martin, The Bakd’z’ Fait/a: 7776 Emerging Global Religion, rev. ed. (Wilmette: Baha’i Publishing Trust, 1998), pp. 165—67, and <www.bahai.org>, the official Web site of the Baha’i International Community.

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notwithstanding this, while laws to retaliate against and punish a man are continually proliferating, as ye can see, no laws exist to reward him....

Divine civilization, however, so traineth every member of society that no one, with the exception of a negligible few, Will undertake to commit a crime. There is thus a great difference between the prevention of crime through measures that are violent and retaliatory, and so training the people, and enlightening them, and spiritualizing them, that Without any fear of punishment or vengeance to come, they Will shun all criminal acts. They will, indeed, look upon the very commission of a crime as a great disgrace and in itself the harshest 0f punishments. They will become enamored of human perfections, and Will consecrate their lives to Whatever Will bring light to the world and will further those qualities Which are acceptable at the Holy

Threshold of God.42

Baha’is, wherever they live, are bending their energies earnestly and energetically towards the realization of such a world.

42 ‘Abdu’l—Baha, Selectionsfrom the Wiring: OfE‘l/m'u’l—Ba/M’ (Wilmette: Baha’i Publishing Trust, 1997), see. 105, pp. 132—33.