Translation of French Foot-Notes of the Dawn-Breakers/Chapter XX

CHAPTER XX

Page 378, Note I

“Thus perplexed and not knowing which way to turn, the flahzédih, poor man, gave orders to gather together new soldiers and raise another army. The population was not eager to serve under a chief whose worth and intrepidity had not brilliantly stood the test. Nevertheless, by the help of money_and through promises, the Mullas particularly, who did not lose sight of their interests, and who had the most at stake, displayed such zeal that in the end a fair number of tufang-g:_l;is were assembled. As for the mounted soldiers of the various tribes, from the moment their chiefs mount their horses, they do likewise without even asking why.

“‘Abbé.s-Quli _I_{_han-i—Larijani obeyed without hesitation the order to send new recruits. This time however, either through distrust of a Prince whose ineptitude might endanger the lives of his relatives and subjects, or

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because ambitious to distinguish himself, he no longer gave anyone the

command of his forces. He led them himself by a daring move and, instead of rejoining the royal army, he went straight on to attack the Babis in their refuge. Then he gave notice to the Prince that he had arrived at the fortress of Shayl_<_l; Tabarsi and that he was besieging it. Besides, he notified him that he had no need of assistance nor of support, that his forces were more than adequate and that, if his royal highness would see for himself how he, ‘Abbas-Quli Khan-i-Lérijani was about to treat the rebels, he would be both honored and gratified.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” pp. 170-171.)

Page 378, Note 2

“Mihdi—Quli Mirzá could not pass for a bold warrior, as we have just seen, but he substituted for an excessive intrepidity another quality very useful to a general, he did not take literally the boastings of his lieutenants. Therefore, fearing that ill might befall this impudent nomad, he sent him reinforcements immediately. Thus departed in great haste Muhsin Khan i-Sfiriti with his cavalry, a troop of Afghans, Muhammad-Karim _I_{_l;a’1n-iAshrafi with some of the tufang-g:_l_;1_is of the town, and Khalil _I§_l_1_é.n of Savad-Kfih with the men of Qzidi-Kala.” (Ibid., p. 171.)

Page 380, Note I

“Although seriously wounded, the Babi chief continued, nevertheless, to give orders and tolead and stimulate his men until, seeing that little more could be gained, he gave the signal to retreat, remaining himself with the rear guard.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” p. 174.)

Page 383, Note I

. . . “At last,” writes Gobineau, “he passed away. The new religion, which found in him its first martyr, lost, in the same stroke, a man whose moral strength and ability would have been of great value to it, had he lived longer. The Muhammadans naturally feel a hatred for the memory of this leader, which is as deep as the love and veneration shown for him by the Bábis. They can both justify their opposing sentiments. What is certain is that Mullá I:Iusayn-i-Bahá’í was the first- to give to Babism, in the Persian empire, the status which a religious or political body acquires in the eyes of the people only after it has demonstrated its warlike strength.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” p. 3176.)

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Page 386, Note I

“This time the terror knew no bounds; throughout the province the people, deeply aroused by the repeated defeats of Islam, were beginning to lean toward the new religion. The military leaders felt their authority tottering, the religious chiefs saw their power over souls waning; the situation was extremely critical and the least incident might place the province completely under the influence of the Reformer.” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb,” p. 315.)

Page 389, Note 1

“Mihdi-Quli Mirza was somewhat surprised. He felt deeply disappointed, but what impressed him even more was that the Sardar could be considered as having been defeated as well as he, and this thought, flattering to his self-love, brought him no little pleasure. Not only did he no longer fear that one of his lieutenants might have won an enviable glory in taking the fortress of the Bábis; but it was not he himself alone who had failed; he had a companion in misfortune and a companion whom he would succeed in proving responsible for the two defeats. Overjoyed he called together his chiefs great and small and apprised them of the news, deploring of course the tragic fate of the Sardar and expressing the ardent hope that this valiant soldier might be more fortunate in the future.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Cen trale,” p. 179.)

Page 390, Note 2

“The Prince assigned to each one his post during the siege; he entrusted Hájí _I§_h_a’.n Nfiri and Mirzá ‘Abdu’lláh Navayy with the responsibility of securing adequate supplies. As military leaders, he selected the Sardar ‘Abbas-Quli _I_(_l;a’1n-i-Larijani, towards whom, since his recent failure, he was showing more sympathy; then Nasru’llah Khan-i-Bandibi, another Chieftain, and Mustafa _I$_l_1_an from Ashraf to whom he gave the command of the brave tufang-ghis of that city and also the command of the sfiritis. Other lesser lords led the men of Dfidénkih and Bala-Rastaq as well as several Turkish and Kurdish nomads who were not included in the bands of the great chiefs. These nomads were entrusted with the special duty of watching every move of the enemy. Past experience had convinced them that they should be more vigilant in the future. Turks and Kurds were given therefore the responsibility of following, night and day, the operations of the enemy and to be ever on the alert in order to prevent possible surprises.” (Ibid., p. 181.) '

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“Mihdi-Quli Mirzá, however, wished to combine recent strategy with old military technique and ordered to be brought from Tihran two cannon and two mortars with the necessary ammunition. He also enlisted the

assistance of a man from Hirét who had discovered an explosive substance‘

which could project flames to a distance of seven hundred meters and set fire to anything combustible within that radius. A trial test was made and it proved satisfactory; the burning material was shot out into the fort, a conflagration started immediately and all the dwellings or shelters whether of wood, of reeds or of straw, which the Baibis had erected, either within the enclosure or upon the walls, were reduced to ashes.

“While this destruction went on, the bombs and bullets shot from the mortars seriously damaged a building hastily erected by men who were neither architects nor engineers and had never anticipated an artillery attack. In a very short time, the outer defenses of the fortress were dismantled; nothing was left of them but fallen girders, smoked and burning timbers, scattered stones.” (Ibid., pp. 181-182.)

Page 391, Note 2

“After taking these precautions, they dug holes and trenches for the use of the tufang-9_l;is who were ordered to shoot down any Babis who might appear. They built large towers as high as the various levels of the fortress or even higher and, through a continuous plunging fire, they rendered the circulation of the Ba'.bis within their fort extremely dangerous. It was a decided advantage for the besiegers, but, in a few days, the Babi chiefs, taking advantage of the long nights, raised their fortifications so

that their height exceeded that of the attacking towers of the enemy.” (Ibid., p. 181.)

Page 394, Note I

“This state of affairs had lasted four months. The grab began to grow impatient. The success of the Babis aroused his anger which according to the Persian historian he expressed thus: ‘We thought that our army would go without hesitation through fire and water, that, fearless, it would fight a lion or a whale, but we have sent it to fight a handful of weak and defenseless men and it has achieved nothing! Do the notables of Mazindaran think that we approve of this delay? Is it their policy to allow this conflagration to spread in order to magnify their importance in case they later

. put an end to it? Very well, let them know that I shall act as though

Allah had never created Mézindaran and I shall exterminate its inhabitants 48

[Page 49]TRANSLATION OF FRENCH FOOT-NOTES

to the last man!” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Ali-Muhammad dit lei

Bab,” p. 322.)

Page 394, Note 2 “The siege had been going on for four months and had made no visible

progress. The old fortifications had been destroyed but, with indomitable '

energy, the Bábis had built new ones and, night and day, they restored and enlarged them. It was impossible to foresee the outcome of this situation, the more so because, as I have already said, Mazindaran was not the only region in Persia where the devotees of the new Faith were giving evidence of their zeal and their daring. The King and the prime minister, in their anxiety, burst forth into abuse against their lieutenants. Not only did they charge them with incompetence, in the most bitter terms, but they threatened to extend to them the same treatment planned for the Bábis, if a final settlement were not reached without delay. Thereupon, the command was taken from Mihdi—Quli Mirzá. and given to the Afshé.i—' Sulayman _K_l1é.n, a man of acknowledged firmness and of great influence, not only in his own tribe, one of the noblest in Persia, but throughout the military circles who knew him and held him in high esteem. He was given the most rigorous orders.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” pp. 183-1 84.)

Page 395, Note I

. . . “Those who remained firm had already consumed not only all their food supply, but such grass as they could find in the enclosure and the bark of all the trees. There remained only the leather of their belts and the scabbards of their swords. They had to resort to the expedient recommended by the Spanish ambassador to the soldiers of the league besieged in Paris; they ground the bones of the dead and made flour with the dust thereof. At last, desperate, they were reduced to perpetrate a sort of profanation. The horse of Mullá Ḥusayn had died of the wounds sufifered during that fatal night which witnessed the death of its master. The Babis had buried it out of regard for their holy leader and a little of the deep veneration which all felt for him hovered over the grave of the poor animal. They held council and, deploring the necessity for such a discussion, they debated the question whether extreme distress could justify them to disinter the sacred charger and eat the remains. With deep sorrow, they agreed that the deed was justifiable. They cooked the remains of the horse with the flour made from the bones of the dead, they ate this strange mixture and took up their guns once more!” (Ibid., pp. 186-187.)

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Page 399, Note 2

“This stark and desperate bravery, this unquenchable enthusiasm gave grave concern to the leaders of the imperial army. Despairing to break through the fortifications after repeated defeats, they thought of resorting to shrewdness. The Prince was naturally shrewd and Sulayman _IQa'1n-iAfshar, recently sent by the Sháh, was urging such a method, fearful that longer delays might endanger his prestige and his life.” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb,” p. 325.)

Page 403, Note 2

“All the fortifications constructed by the Babis were razed to the ground and even the ground was leveled to remove any evidences of the heroic defense of those who had died for their Faith. They imagined that this would silence history.” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Ali-Muhammad dit le Bab,” p. 327.)

Page 403, Note 3

“They formed them in a line and made sport of cutting open their stomachs. This amused them the more because, from the perforated intestines, issued grass still undigested, striking evidence of ‘ the sufiferings they had endured and also of the faith that had sustained them. Some, very few, succeeded in escaping into the forest.” (Ibid.) ‘

i Page 404, Note 2

“It was then, says Mirza Jani, that Islam gave a shameful exhibition to the world. The victors, if they can be so called, wished to enjoy the intoxication of their triumph. They bound in chains Quddfis, Mirza Muhammad-Hasan Khan, brother of the Babu’l-Bab, Al_<_l_1_1’1nd Mulla Muhammad-Sadiq-i-Jghuraséni, Mirzá Muhammad Sádiq-i-flurésani, Hájí Mirzai Hasan-i-Khurásáni, Shaykl_1_ Ni‘matu’lláh-i-Amuli, Hájí Nasir—i-Qazvini, Mullá Y1’1suf—i-Ardibili, Aqa Siyyid ‘Abdu’l-‘Azim-i-_I§_hu’i and several others. These they placed at the center of the parade which started out at the sound of the trumpets, and, every time they went through an inhabitated section, they struck them.” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Ali—Muhammad dit le Báb,” pp. 327-328.)

“The cruelty went further still. If a few escaped death, having been sold into slavery, others were tortured until they died. Those who found kindly masters were Ak_h1’md Mullá Muhammad-Sádiq-i-_I_§_l;urésani, Mulla Muhammad—i—Mahvalatiy-i-Dfigl;-Abadi, Aqa Siyyid ‘Azim-i_I_{Lu’i, Hájí Nésir-i-Qazvini, Haji ‘Abdu’l-Majid-i-Ni_s_l_1_ab1’1ri and Mirzá Husayn-i-Matavalliy-i-Qumi. Four Babis suffered martyrdom at Barfu 50

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r}'1sl_1_, two were sent to _A_mul; one of these was Mullá. Ni‘matu’llah-iAmuli, the other Mirzá Muhammad-Béqir-i-_I§_h,ur5.séniy-i-Qé’ini, cousin of our Bibi author. .

“Qé’ini lived previously at Ma_s_l_1_h'ad, on the avenue called _I_{_l_;iy5.bé.nBali, and his house, which had been named ‘Bábiyyih,’ was the rendezvous of the secretaries as well as the home for the co-religionists journeying through. It is there that Quddfis and the Bábu’l-Bab sojourned on their way to _I§_l;ura'Ls2'1n. Besides his religious knowledge, Qa'1’ini was very skillful with his hands and it was he who designed the fortifications of _$_hayflTabarsi." (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb,”

9-329)

Page 404, Note 3

“As to the other prisoners they were made to lie down on the ground and the executioners cut open their stomachs. It was noticed that several of these unfortunates had raw grass in. their intestines. This massacre completed, they found that there was still more to be done and they assassinated the fugitives who had already been pardoned. There were women and children and even they were not spared and their throats were cut. It was indeed a full day with much killing and no risk!” (Comte de Gob£i;ne)au’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans 1’Asie Centrale,” p. I 9.

“On his arrival at Amul, Mullá Ni‘matu’lla’.h was tortured with ruthless ferocity. Apparently, this scene threw Qéfini into a fit of rage. In any case, when the executioner approached, Qa’1’ini, breaking his bonds, jumped upon him, snatched his sword and struck him with such violence that his head rolled about fifteen feet away. The crowd rushed upon him but, terrible in his strength, he mowed down all those who came within his reach and they had finally to shoot him with a rifle in order to subdue him. After his death, they found in his pocket a piece of roasted horse flesh,

proof of the misery that he had endured for his faith!” (Ibid., pp. 329-3 30.)

Page 410, Note I

“The Bábis call attention to the fact that shortly afterwards a strange disease afflicted Sa‘idu’l-‘Ulama. In spite of the furs which he wore, in spite of the fire which burned constantly in his room, he shivered with cold yet, at the same time, his fever was so high, that nothing could quench his intolerable thirst. He died, and his house, which "was very beautiful, was abandoned and finally crumbled into ruins. Little by little, the practice grew of dumping refuse on the site where it had once so proudly stood. This so impressed the Mézindarénis that when they quarrel among them SI

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selves, the final insult frequently is, ‘May thy house meet'_'the same fate as the house of Sa‘idu’l-‘Ulamé!’” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb,” p. 330.)

Page 413, Note 2

“He who knew Quddfis and who made the pilgrimage with him is the one upon whom ‘eight unities’ have passed and God honored him among His angels in the heavens, because of the way in which he had withdrawn himself from all and because he was without blame in the sight of God." (“Le Bayén Persan,” vol. 2, p. 164.) ’