Translation of French Foot-Notes of the Dawn-Breakers/Chapter XXVI

CHAPTER XXVI

Page 599, Note 3

“In the morning, the king went out for a horseback ride. Before him, as usual, went equerries carrying long lances, grooms leading horses with embroidered saddle cloths, and a group of nomad riders with their rifles slung over the shoulder and their swords hanging from their saddles. This vanguard preceded the king in order that he might not be annoyed by the dust raised by the cavalry, and the king followed along slowly, a little distance from the retinue of the great lords, chiefs and officers who accompanied him everywhere. He was near the palace and had barely passed the small door of the garden of Muhammad-Hasan, Sanduq-dar or treasurer of the Savings, when he noticed, at the side of the road, three men, three gardeners, standing two on the left, and one on the right side, seemingly waiting for him. He did not suspect danger and rode on. When quite close, he saw them bow very low and he heard them cry out together, ‘We are your sacrifice! We make a request.’ This is the traditional formula, but instead of remaining aloof as is customary, they rushed on him repeating, ‘We make a request!’ Surprised, the king shouted, ‘Rascals, what do you want ?’ At that moment, the man on his right took hold of the bridle of the horse and fired upon the king. In the meantime, the two men on the left fired also. One of the shots cut the collar of pearls adorning the horse's neck, another riddled with buckshot the right arm and back of the king. Immediately, the man on the right pulled on the leg of His Majesty and would have unsaddled him, had it not been that the two assassins on the left were pulling on the other side. The king was striking his assailants on the head with his fists, while the jumping of the frightened horse paralyzed their eflforts and delayed their aggression. The royal retinue, at first dumbfounded, hurried towards their master. Asadu’lláh

[Page 73]TRANSLATION OF FRENCH FOOT-NOTES

Khan, the grand equerry, and one of the nomad riders killed the man on the right with their swords. In the meantime, several lords threw down the other two men and bound them.

“Doctor Cloquet, the court physician, had the king brought quickly into the garden of Muhammad-Hasan, Sanduq-dar; as no one seemed to know what had really happened, and those who sensed an imminent danger, had no idea of what a catastrophe it might be. During more than an hour, a great tumult reigned in the city of Niyavaran, while ministers headed by the $adr—i-A‘zam rushed into the garden. The bugles, the drums, the tambourines and the fifes were calling the troops together; the ghulams came riding at full speed; everyone was giving orders, no one saw, heard or knew anything. In the midst of this confusion a courier arrived from Ṭihrán, sent by Ardi_s_l_1_ir Mirzá, governor of the city, to enquire what had happened and what measures should be taken in the capital, for, on the previous evening, the rumor had grown into a certainty that the king had been assassinated. The bazaars, policed by men in arms, had been deserted by the merchants. All night long, bakeries had been surrounded, everyone trying to store up provisions for several days, as people do when they foresee trouble.

“At dawn, as the agitation grew, Ardiflir Mirzá had ordered the gates of the citadel of the town closed, put the regiment on a war footing, and pointed his guns, although he did not know who the enemy was; and now he was asking for orders.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” pp. 231-233.)

Pages 6o5—6o6, Note I

. . . “Ardishir Mirzzi was forced to act in consequence. He kept the gates of the city closed and guarded, giving orders to examine closely all those who might ask to leave. The people were urged to climb the walls near the §_h_imire’Ln gate in order to see in the open field across the bridge the mutilated body of Sadiq. The prince governor called together the Kalantar or prefect of police, the Vazir of the city, the Dzirfighih or police judge, and the heads of the boroughs and ordered them to seek and arrest all persons suspected of being Babis. As no one could leave the city, they waited until night-fall to start ferreting them out, ruse and cunning being the main requisites employed.

“The police force in Ṭihrán, as in all Asiatic cities, is very well organ-_

ized. It is a legacy of the Sassanides which the Arabian _I§_l;alifs have carefully preserved. As it was to the advantage of all governments (no matter how bad, and even more so to the worst ones) to maintain it, it has

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remained, so to speak, unchanged, in the midst of the ruins of other institutions, equally efficient, which have decayed.

“One should know that the head of every borough, always in touch with the Kaléntar, has under him a few men called ‘sar-ghiflmihs,’ policemen who, without either uniform or badge, never leave the streets which are assigned to them. They are generally well liked by the people and they live on familiar terms with them. They are helpful at all times and, at night, be it winter or summer, they recline under the awning of any store, indifferent to rain or snow, and watch over private property. In this way they reduce the number of thefts by rendering them difficult. Moreover, they know every dweller and his ways, so that they can assist in case of investigation; they know the minds, the opinions, the acquaintances, the relations of everyone; and if one asks three friends to dinner, the sarghishmih without spying, so Well informed is he about everyone, knows the time of the arrival of the guests, what has been served, what has been said and done, and the time of their departure. The Kad-l_<_l;uda’1s warned these policemen to watch the Babis in their respective sections and everyone awaited the results.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” pp. 234-23 5.)

Page 610, Note I

“They ordered the body of Sádiq, the Babi who had been murdered, to be tied to the tail of a mule and dragged over the stones as far as Ṭihrán, so that the entire population could see that the conspirators had failed. At the same time, messengers were sent to Ardisfiir Mirza to dictate to him what he should do.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” p. 234.)

Pages 612-614, Note 2

. . . “On that day, a spectacle was witnessed in the streets and bazaars of Ṭihrán, which the people can never forget. Even to this very day, it remains the topic of conversation; one still feels a shocking horror which the years have not been able to lessen. The people saw marching, between executioners, children and Women with deep holes cut into their flesh in which lighted wicks were inserted. The victims were dragged with ropes and goaded on with whips. Children and women went forth singing this verse: ‘In truth, We come from God and unto Him do we return.’ Their voices were raised triumphant above the deep silence of the crowd, for the citizens of Tihran were neither mean nor great believers in Islam. When one of the victims fell to the ground and they prodded him up with bayonets, if the loss of blood which dripped from his wounds had left him any

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strength, he would begin to dance and to cry out with even greater enthusiasm: ‘In truth, we come from God and unto Him do we return!’

“Some of the children expired on the way. The executioners would throw their bodies under the feet of their fathers and sisters, who proudly walked over them without giving it a second thought. When the cortége reached the place of execution near the New Gate, the victims were given the choice between life and abjuration of their faith; they were even subjected to every form of intimidation. One of the executioners conceived the idea of saying to a father that, unless he yielded, he would cut the throats of his two sons on his very breast. The sons were quite young, the oldest about fourteen. Covered with blood, their flesh scorched, they were listening stoically to the threats. The father replied, while laying himself down, that he was ready and the older of the boys, claiming a prior right, requested to be the first to die. It may be that the executioner denied him even that last comfort.

“At last, the tragedy was over and night fell upon a heap of formless bodies; the heads were tied in bundles to the posts of justice’ and the dogs on the outskirts of the city were crowding about. That day won for the Bábis a larger number of secret followers than much exhortation could have done.

“As I have said above, the impression caused by the terrifying impassibility of the martyrs was deep and lasting. I have often heard eye witnesses describe the scenes of that fateful day, men close to the government, some even holding important positions. While listening to them, one could easily have believed that they were all Bábis, so great was their admiration for the events in which Islam played so inglorious a part, and so high a conception did they entertain of the resources, the hopes and the means of success of the new religion.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” pp. 248~25o.)

Page 622, Note I

“She remained in Tihran a long time receiving numerous visitors both men and women. She aroused the women by showing them the abject r6le which Islam assigned to them and she Won them over to the new religion by showing them the freedom and respect which it would bestow upon them. Many domestic disputes followed, not always to the advantage and credit of the husband. These discussions might have continued at length, if Mirzá Aqe flan-i-Nfiri had not been appointed Sadr-i-A‘zam. The premier ordered Hájí Mulla Muhammad Andirmani and Haji Mulla ‘Ali Kini to call on her in order to examine into her belief. They held seven conferences with her in which she argued with much feeling and

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affirmed that the Báb was the promised and expected Imam. Her adversaries called her attention to the fact that, in accordance with the prophecies, the promised Ima'.m was to come from Jabulqa and Jabulsé. She retorted feelingly that those prophecies were false and forged by false traditionalists and, as these two cities never existed, they could only be the superstitions of diseased brains. She expounded the new doctrine, bringing out its truth, but always encountered the same argument of Jabulqé. Exasperated, she finally told them: ‘Your reasoning is that of an ignorant and stupid child; how long will you cling to these follies and lies? When will you lift your eyes towards the Sun of Truth?’ Shocked by such blasphemy, Haji Mulla ‘Ali rose up and led his friend away saying, ‘Why prolong our discussion with an infidel .9’ They returned home and wrote out the sentence which established her apostasy and her refusal to retract, and condemned her to death in the name of the Qur’ain!” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb,” pp. 446-447.)

Page 622, Note 2

“While a prisoner in the house of the Kalantar, the marriage of the son of the family took place. Naturally, the wives of all the prominent men were invited; but, although the host had gone to a great deal of expense to provide the customary entertainment, the women loudly demanded that Qurratu’l-‘Ayn be brought before the company. She had hardly appeared and begun to speak when the musicians and dancers were dismissed. The ladies, forgetful of -the sweets of which they were so fond, had eyes only for Qurratu’l-‘Ayn.” (Ibid., p. 448.)

Page 625, Note 2

“Across from the English Legation and the Turkish Embassy stretched a rather vast square which since 1893 has disappeared. Toward the center of this square, but in line with the street, stood five or six trees which marked the spot where the Babi heroine had died, for in those days the garden of Tl_lgh_:ini extended that far. On my return in 1898 the square had entirely disappeared overrun by modern buildings and I do not know whether the present owner has saved those trees which pious hands had planted.” (A. L. M. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Ali-Muhammad dit le Báb,” p. 4 52.)

Pages 629-631, Note I

. . . “The other missionary, the woman to whom I refer, had come to Qazvin. She was without doubt, at the same time, the object of the Babis highest veneration and one of the most strikingly fascinating manifestations

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of that religion.” (Comte de Gobineau’s “Les Religions et les ‘Philosophies dans l’Asie Centrale,” p. 136.)

“Many who have known her and heard her at different times have stated that, for a person so learned and so well read, the outstanding characteristic of her discourse was an amazing simplicity and still, when she spoke, her audience was deeply stirred and filled with admiration, often in tears.” (Ibid., p. 150.)

“Although the Muhammadans and Bábis speak in the highest terms of the beauty of ‘Consolation of the Eyes,’ it is beyond dispute that the intelligence and character of this young woman were even more remarkable than has been related. Having heard, almost daily, learned conversations, it seems that, at an early age, she had taken a deep interest in them; hence it came about that she was perfectly able to follow the subtle arguments of her father, her uncle, her cousin and now her husband, and even to debate with them and frequently to astonish them with the power and keenness of her mind. In Persia, one does not frequently see, women engaged in intellectual pursuits but, nevertheless, it does sometimes occur. What is really extraordinary is to find a woman of the ability of Qurratu’l‘Ayn. Not only did she carry her knowledge of Arabic to an unusual degree of perfection, but she became also outstanding in the knowledge of the traditions of Islam and of the varied interpretations of the disputed passages of the Qur’án and of the great writers. In Qazvin, she was rightly considered a prodigy.” (Ibid., p. I 37.)

Pages 645-647, Note I

“Strange as it may seem, they respected the women whom they gathered and led to Mount Biyabén. There were, among them, two old men too feeble to fight, Mulla Muhammad-Mfisa, a fuller, and Mashhadi Baqir, a dyer. These were murdered. Ma§l_1_hadi Baqir was killed by ‘Ali Big, captain of the Nayrizi soldiers, who severed the head from the body of his victim and gave it to a child; then, covering the head of the niece of his victim with a black veil, he led her to Mirzá. Na‘im, who was then on Mount Biyaban seated upon a stone in a garden. When ‘Ali. Big approached him, he threw the head of Baqir at him and shoved the little girl abruptly forward. She fell on her face, as he cried out, ‘We have done as you wished, the Babis are no more!’

“A1_<húnd Mullá. ‘Abdu’l-Husayn ordered that the mouth of Mirzá Na‘im be stuffed with dirt, then a ghulam shot him in the head but the wound was not fatal.

“Approximately six hundred and three Women were arrested and taken to the mill called ‘Tak_llt’ which is near Nayriz. One author tells the

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following anecdote: ‘I was very young then and I was following my mother who had another son younger than I. A man, called Asadu’llah, was carrying my brother on his shoulders. The child wore a hat decorated with a few ornaments. A rider saw the hat and snatched it with such brutality that he took hold at the same time of the hair of the baby. The child was thrown about ten feet away and my poor mother found him unconscious.’ .

“I shall not expatiate upon the horrors which followed this victory. It is enough to know that Mirza Na‘im rode on, preceded and followed by men carrying the heads of the martyrs on pikes. The prisoners were prodded along with whip and sword. The women were jostled into ditches full of water. The night was spent at the caravansary in Shíráz. In the morning, the women were taken out, all entirely naked; they were kicked, stoned,'whipped and spat upon. When their tormentors grew tired, they were confined for twenty days, during which time they were constantly insulted and outraged. Eighty Babis bound together in tens, were entrusted to _one hundred soldiers, with flriraz as their destination. Siyyid Mir Muhammad ‘Abd died from exposure to cold at _I_{_hanih-gird, others expired a little further on. The guards, from time to time, would cut off the head of one of them. At last they entered Shíráz, through the gate of Sa‘di. They paraded the prisoners through the streets, then they cast them into prison. The women were taken out of the school building after twenty days and separated into two groups. One group was set free, the others were sent to Shíráz with other prisoners who had lately been arrested.

“On reaching fihiraz, the caravan was again divided into two ‘groups; the women were sent to the caravansary §l_;ah Mir ‘Ali-Hamzih and the men to prison with the other Babis. The next day was a feast day. The governor, surrounded by all the prominent citizens of §__lliraz, ordered the prisoners to be brought before him. A Nayrizi called Jalál, whom Na‘im had nicknamed ‘Bulbul,’ revealed the names of his fellow-citizens. The first one to appear was Mulla ‘Abdu’l-Husayn, who was commanded to curse the Báb. He refused and his head rolled on the ground. I:Iaji son of Asghar, ‘Ali Garm-Siri, Husayn son of Hadi Jflayri, Sadiq son of Salih, and Muhammad-ibn-i-Muhsin all were executed. The women were set free and the men who survived were taken back to prison. The Sháh having demanded that the prisoners be sent away, seventy-three were sent to Tihran. Twenty-two died during the journey, among whom were Mfilla ‘Abdu’l-Husayn who died at Saydan: ‘Alison of Karbila’i Zaman at Abadih; Akbar son of Karbila’i Muhammad at Qinarih; Hasan son of ‘Abdu’l-Vahhab, Mulla ‘Ali-Akbar, at Iṣfahán. Karbila’i Baqir son of Muhammad-Zamam, Hasan and his brother _l_3_l_1_u’l-Faqar, Karbila’i Naqi

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and ‘Ali his son, Vali Khan, Mfillé Karim, Akbar Ra’is, Ghulam-‘Ali son of Pir Muhammad, Naqi and Muhammad-‘Ali, sons of Muhammad, expired likewise during the course of the journey.

“The others reached Tihran and, on the very day of their arrival, fifteen of them were put to death, among them Aqa Siyyid ‘Ali who had been abandoned as dead, Karbila’i Rajab the barber, Sayfu’d-Din, Sulayman son of K. Salman, Ja‘far, Murad Khayri, Husayn son of K. Baqir, Mirza Abu’l-Hasan son of Mirza Taqi, Mfillé. Muhammad-‘Ali son of Aqa Mihdi. Twenty-three died in prison, thirteen were freed after three years, the only one who remained in Tihrzin, to die there a little later, was Karbila’¢’i

Zaynu’l-‘Abidinf’ (A. L. K. Nicolas’ “Siyyid ‘Ali-Muhammad dit le Bab," pp. 421-424..)