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WORLD
ORDER

THE BAHÁ’Í MAGAZINE

April, 1942

• Charter for World Peace . . . . . . . . . Alice Simmons Cox   1

• The Need of Faith . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bahá’u’lláh   19

• The Manifestation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Polly McClennen   20

• Be Ever Ready . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ‘Abdu’l-Bahá   21

• Create in Me a Pure Heart . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bahá’u’lláh   23

• Convention, Editorial . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Garreta Busey   24

• Basis of Peace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ‘Abdu’l-Bahá   25

• Black Hero . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ellsworth Blackwell   26

• Earth’s Garden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ‘Abdu’l-Bahá   28

• The New World Order, Book Review . Robert L. Gulick   29

• Bahá’í Lessons . . . . 32   • With Our Readers . . . .   34

FIFTEEN CENTS

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AND HE [THE LORD] SHALL JUDGE AMONG THE NATIONS, AND SHALL REBUKE MANY PEOPLE: AND THEY SHALL BEAT THEIR SWORDS INTO PLOWSHARES, AND THEIR SPEARS INTO PRUNING HOOKS: NATION SHALL NOT LIFT UP SWORD AGAINST NATION, NEITHER SHALL THEY LEARN WAR ANYMORE. . . . THEY SHALL NOT HURT NOR DESTROY IN ALL MY HOLY MOUNTAIN: FOR THE EARTH SHALL BE FULL OF THE KNOWLEDGE OF THE LORD, AS THE WATERS COVER THE SEA. —ISAIAH

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CHANGE OF ADDRESS SHOULD BE REPORTED
ONE MONTH IN ADVANCE

WORLD ORDER is published monthly in Wilmette, Ill., by the Publishing Committee of the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the United States and Canada. EDITORS: Garreta Busey, Stanwood Cobb, Alice Simmons Cox, Horace Holley, Bertha Hyde Kirkpatrick. CONTRIBUTING EDITORS: Marcia Steward Atwater, Hasan M. Balyusi, Dale S. Cole, Genevieve L. Coy, Mae Dyer, Shirin Fozdar, Marzieh Gail, Inez Greeven, Annamarie Honnold, G. A. Shook.

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SUBSCRIPTIONS: $1.50 per year, for United States, its territories and possessions; for Canada, Cuba, Mexico, Central and South America. Single copies, 15c. Foreign subscriptions, $1.75. Make checks and money orders payable to World Order Magazine, 110 Linden Avenue, Wilmette, Illinois. Entered as second class matter April 1, 1940, at the post office at Wilmette, Ill., under the Act of March 3, 1879. Contents copyrighted 1941 by Bahá’í Publishing Committee. Title registered at U. S. Patent Office.

APRIL, 1942, VOLUME VIII, NUMBER 1

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WORLD ORDER

THE BAHÁ’Í MAGAZINE

VOLUME VIII   APRIL, 1942   NUMBER 1

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Charter for World Peace

Alice Simmons Cox

MANY PROPOSALS FOR COLLECTIVE SECURITY
PREPARE PUBLIC MIND FOR LESSER PEACE

THE GRAVEST and most challenging issue which faces the moral leaders of the world today is that of organizing the nations for peace. At a time when the initial attempts of the League of Nations to establish the benefits of international collective security lie obscured and the League itself is discredited in the eyes of the masses of mankind, statesmen, experts and students in world affairs have before them the double and arduous task of laying the plans for peaceful and enduring World order, and at the same time of convincing their peoples of the necessity and the wisdom of such a course.

It is not within the scope of this article to trace in even the briefest manner the evolution of man’s progress toward the present momentous era, when for the first time in recorded history the continuance of war threatens the civilization of all nations and makes peace an essential factor in the life of the world. But it is necessary to our theme that we refer to the [Page 2] fact that when modern peace movements began in the nineteenth century their purpose was not the laying of plans for an order of peace,—but the educating of citizens in the spiritual ideals of peace and brotherhood. In the first years of the present century, when arbitral courts and the Hague Tribunal met with notable successes, many of these organized movements claimed a share in the credit. During the World War of 1914-1919 some few of them advanced to the new position of supporting President Wilson’s ideals for an association of nations to safeguard the peace of the world and promote its general welfare through international organization. From the time of America’s repudiation of these ideals until 1935 when it was evident that a deepening gloom was settling over the peace societies, leading minds in this country and in other nations exerted much energy to keep the lights of faith burning. The onslaught of a second and more devastating world war, the terrible ravages of which were long ago foretold by Bahá’u’lláh, had the paradoxical effect, not of snuffing out the small flames, but of fanning them into greater brilliance. The situation appeared to be somewhat comparable to that of a man on the edge of an abyss. He dares not lose his balance. In desperation his strength is renewed!

In the clearing sight of many thinkers the world-wide ordeal is truly an abyss of deepest and blackest danger. Not an abyss, however, in which they fear the loss of personal interests, but a deep chasm in which the vision they have cherished for the future of the human race would perish. Such souls as these are veritably touched by the unifying spirit of this age, which moves mankind onward toward a glorious destiny. Whether or not they have had opportunity to gain from the Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh conscious and full assurance of the achievement of this destiny and clear vision of its nature, whether they know of the redemptive power of the Holy [Page 3] Spirit flowing through His Revelation to all men, they are becoming increasingly conscious of the central truth which His Message reveals: that the reality of human oneness has become a “law . . . amidst the nations”—a law that must be obeyed. Inspired by the same divine power as those believers who are building the Bahá’í Administrative Order and promulgating the divine Message far and wide, they labor collaterally for the inauguration of the promised Golden Age, the Kingdom of God on earth. Without the perfect guidance which conscious knowledge of the Source of the new life would give, their task is limited to the establishment of what Bahá’u’lláh referred to as the Lesser Peace. Their light is a reflected light. The Lesser Peace will be an ordained step in the gradual evolution of collective security towards ultimate fulfillment in a world federal community based upon the revealed laws of Bahá’u’lláh and manifest in His Most Great Peace and a world-wide civilization that bears His Name.

THE DIVINE EDUCATIVE PROCESS

Since the time when Bahá’u’lláh first announced His Message of spiritual rebirth and human unity to the world almost a century ago and since a short while later when He called the great monarchs of earth from tyranny to a union of justice and peace, the peoples of the world have been in large part ignorant of that Message and together with the rulers have consistently, whether consciously or unconsciously, turned away from Its light and institutions. Without the support of rulers who, by acceptance of God’s Messenger and adoption of His Order of peace, could have illumined and protected their peoples, the Cause of God suffered unprecedented persecution and has been compelled to move slowly until, through the channels of teaching by sacrificing believers, it shall reach the farthermost points of the globe. “We verily”, Bahá’u’lláh [Page 4] wrote of His mission, “have not fallen short of Our duty to exhort men, and to deliver that whereunto I was bidden by God, the Almighty, the All-praised. Had they hearkened unto Me, they would have beheld the earth another earth.” “My signs have encompassed the earth, and My power enveloped all mankind, and yet the people are wrapped in a strange sleep.”

During this time, which the Guardian of the Faith calls a period of divine respite granted to mankind by God in His mercy, God has, in His great wisdom, continued the education of His people that they may eventually recognize His Cause and build His Kingdom. That education has proceeded, not only through the direct teaching of Bahá’u’lláh’s Word, but as suggested above, through the subconscious channels of those minds which, because of their purity, are approaching the realm of the new spiritual consciousness of this age but have not received the Word of the new Dispensation. It has advanced also through the medium of an extreme suffering which has in this century been the fate of mankind. Through this intense experience, the Guardian explains, men will come to see the light of Divine Justice, without which Bahá’u’lláh declared the Most Great Peace would not be possible. “The flames which His Divine Justice have kindled cleanse an unregenerate humanity, and fuse its discordant, its warring elements as no other agency can cleanse and fuse them. . . . Mysteriously, slowly and resistlessly God accomplishes His design. . . .”

TIME OF THE LESSER PEACE

With their rejection of Bahá’u’lláh’s divinely-revealed World Order——God’s great bounty to mankind in the culminating cycle of its long evolution toward maturity on this planet—the kings of earth took for themselves the bowl of pottage, leaving to later peoples the resultant agonies of world [Page 5] affliction and to later leaders the glory of the struggle for peace. To the leaders of this hour falls the immediate and pressing need of preparing for a plan upon which the universal peace settlement can safely rest. Not only for His Most Great Peace did Bahá’u’lláh lay the plans, but also for the initial world peace charter which erelong must be evolved, He Himself drew the outlines. As we review some of the numerous suggestions now being tentatively and experimentally put forth and studied by individuals and groups, it will be helpful if we know first the few essential and minimum factors that He has indicated the coming peace framed by men should and will include:

“—may God aid them [the kings] through His strengthening grace—to establish the Lesser Peace. This, indeed, is the greatest means for insuring the tranquillity of the nations. It is incumbent upon the Sovereigns of the world—may God assist them—unitedly to hold fast unto this Peace, which is the chief instrument for the protection of all mankind. It is Our hope that they will arise to achieve what will be conducive to the well-being of man. It is their duty to convene an all-inclusive assembly, which either they themselves or their ministers will attend, and to enforce whatever measures are required to establish unity and concord amongst men. They must put away the weapons of war, and turn to the instruments of universal reconstruction. Should one king rise up against another, all the other kings must arise to deter him. Arms and armaments will, then, be no more needed beyond that which is necessary to insure the internal security of their respective countries. If they attain unto this all-surpassing blessing, the people of each nation will pursue, with tranquillity and contentment, their own occupations, and the groanings and lamentations of most men would be silenced. We beseech God to aid them to do His will and pleasure. He, verily, is the Lord [Page 6] of the throne on high and of earth below, and the Lord of this world and of the world to come. It would be preferable and more fitting that the highly-honored kings themselves should attend such an assembly, and proclaim their edicts. Any king who will arise and carry out this task, he verily will, in the sight of God, become the cynosure of all kings. Happy is he, and great is his blessedness!”

‘Abdu’l-Bahá added further detail to this divine pattern: “They [sovereigns] must make the Cause of Peace the object of general consultation, and seek by every means in their power to establish a Union of the nations of the world. They must conclude a binding treaty and establish a covenant, the provisions of which shall be sound, inviolable and definite. They must proclaim it to all the world and obtain for it the sanction of all the human race. This supreme and noble undertaking— the real source of the peace and well-being of all the world— should be regarded as sacred by all that dwell on earth. All the forces of humanity must be mobilized to ensure the stability and permanence of this Most Great Covenant. In this all-embracing Pact the limits and frontiers of each and every nation should be clearly fixed, the principles underlying the relations of government towards one another definitely laid down, and all international agreements and obligations ascertained. In like manner, the size of armaments of every government should be strictly limited, for if the preparations for war and the military forces of any nation should be allowed to increase, they will arouse the suspicion of others. The fundamental principle underlying this solemn Pact should be so fixed that if any government later violate any one of its provisions, all governments on earth should arise to reduce it to utter submission, nay the whole human race as a whole should resolve, with every power at its disposal, to destroy that government. Should this greatest of all remedies be applied to the [Page 7] sick body of the world, it will assuredly recover from its ills and will remain eternally safe and secure.”

AN EMERGING PATTERN

In the complexity of emerging ideas and programs, through variation and divergence, we may discern certain fundamental trends of agreement concerning the answers to pressing problems. Experience with the League of Nations has contributed invaluably to an understanding of what these problems actually are. Recognition of the need for international collective security backed by authority and of international planning for the equitable distribution of material resources is the point toward which all thought begins to converge. Other great questions call for solution: Shall the peace settlement establish a new world authority, or strengthen the League of Nations? Shall the authority be a loose association or at once be framed as a world federation? What must be the minimum powers of a world organization? How far can national sovereignty at first be limited? Shall there be legislative powers vested in a branch of the world government? Shall there be a separate executive? Can the judicial settlement of disputes be made compulsory? Shall the international authority be supported by sanctions only, or shall there be a police force? If a police force, shall it be of international character, or shall it consist of armies to be called from the nations? Is there any possibility for disarmaament without collective security? What provisions must be made for peaceful change of boundaries, or size of armies, of economic regulations, of treaties, and so forth? Must there be a so-called Bill of Rights which will determine in some measure the internal policies of the nations? Are regional organizations essential? Would they lend security and efficiency to the plan? Shall the world authority function over such regional organizations, over the nations as units, or over both? Shall the [Page 8] federal authority touch the citizens within the nations directly? What of the question of secession? Must the union be universal from the beginning? How shall representation be determined?

The simplest way to deal with the proposed peace plans which consider some of these questions is to outline a number of the important ones. Any attempt to analyze them according to merit and in comparison with the pattern of Bahá’u’lláh must be left to the reader. Let us begin with the League itself.

Advocates of the League system, including the large company of experts who were for two decades connected with the functioning of this institution and are still endeavoring to educate people in the fundamentals of international constitutional order, recognize that the Covenant might well be revised to strengthen the central authority and give to it the powers that it was originally intended to possess. At the present time, when the League machinery for conference, consultation and settlement is now completely paralyzed, machinery in the functional non-political fields still operates, although in the United States not from Geneva; and the International Labor Organization, itself a successful parliament for its realm of problems, functions from Montreal. Just last fall the ILO met in lively world conference in New York to consider the ways and means of greater activity in the post-war world. The Educational Committee of the League of Nations Association in America has come to the conclusion expressed as follows: “It seems very probable that the non-political work of the League will be continued in whatever system of international organization the future may produce. On the other hand, it is probably true that any framework for political activity will be somewhat different from that provided by the present Covenant.” Writing for the Carnegie Endowment for International [Page 9] Peace, one analyst remarks: “As a method of co-operation to prevent war, the League failed, largely because of the general reluctance of national states to abridge their sovereignty. This was and continues to be the principal obstacle to effective world organization?” Even as originally intended the League Council possessed only rudimentary legislative powers and these in but three situations. The United States refused to join in fear of the particular abridgments of its national sovereignty.

NATION-WIDE STUDY CAMPAIGNS

The Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, which consists of leading workers for the League of Nations in the past two decades, in its preliminary report suggests the following general program of federation: Nations must renounce the claim to be final judge in their controversies with other nations and must submit to the jurisdiction of international tribunals; they must renounce the use of force for their own purposes in relations with other nations; they must sacrifice the right to maintain aggressive armaments; they must agree to regional and world-wide forces subject to international law to prevent international violence; they must accept human and cultural rights in their constitutions; they must cede certain economic privileges for the welfare of humanity. To secure and regulate the agreements between nations an international organization must be set up to include the following essentials of government: an international court with adequate jurisdiction; international legislative bodies to make international law flexible; adequate police forces; world-wide and regional economic sanctions to support all international agreements; machinery with authority to regulate international communication [Page 10] and transportation and deal with problems of labor standards, finance, etc.; appropriate authority to administer backward areas ceded to the world federation.

The best-known plan for federation, which means that the nations would cede certain powers to the central government, is that urged by Clarence Streit in his book, Union Now. It would give to a world legislature certain powers over the member states, and would base representation upon election by the people rather than by the governments of the nations. It would raise its own troops directly for law enforcement and would tax citizens directly. It would make use of what is called the “political system”, that is only democracies would initiate the union and be permitted to join it. The governmental framework would include a bi-cameral legislature, an executive board, premier and cabinet, and a supreme court from which no interstate question could be excluded.

The National Peace Conference, made up of the representatives of thirty-eight national organizations, has reported proposals through a special Commission on the World Community: reduction of armaments under international supervision, with perhaps graded sanctions, diplomatic and economic; the peaceful settlement of disputes; peaceful means for change and adjustment of territorial boundaries, distribution of resources, etc. Concerning the machinery for such a world community the commission reported that most organizations are agreed on the following: “To realize peaceful settlement, peaceful change and security, machinery is required. Some kind of permanent international organization is needed to hold periodic conferences on ‘the state of society’, to encourage the progressive development of international law, as made necessary by changing conditions; to provide an executive body capable of [Page 11] meeting and acting promptly and to furnish an adequate secretariat.”

More recently the NPC started a study campaign on America’s part in a constitutional world order. Points planned for the participating groups to study were summarized as follows: “An enduring world order is not likely to be established by the usual negotiations of victors with vanquished at the end of war. Rather, a world-wide conference must undertake the task, composed of representatives of all nations which manifest a sincere desire to co-operate in setting up and in maintaining a just and lasting peace.

“No world government can be adequate and enduring unless the United States assumes a responsible share in the task of establishing and maintaining it.

“Effective world order will require an inclusive international system of government, which should possess all the essential powers of government—legislative, executive, judicial —with necessary law-enforcement agencies. This world government should have power to maintain order, and to regulate international trade, communications, and such other matters as vitally affect the safety and welfare of all peoples. A World Bill of Rights should be part of any world constitution.”

The World Institute on Organization which met for the first time in the spring of 1941 to initiate study of world community problems throughout this land arrived at almost general agreement on certain basic ideas. It reported as follows: that the only permanent solution would be a world union in which all law-abiding states would have a fair share; this union would probably be a universal league, not at first a federation, combined with more closely-knit regional organizations, [Page 12] which might include a European federation or federations; that it might well be a modification of the League of Nations rather than a new organization, whatever it should be called; that there should be a strengthened central authority with power of enforcing its laws; that the question of secession should be solved; that ultimate legislative power should rest in the Assembly and the Council become an executive organ; that perhaps there should be some popular representation as well as governmental as there now is in the International Labor Organization; and finally, that the present Permanent Court of International Justice and the ILO should be maintained with compulsory jurisdiction given to the court.

FROM BEYOND THE SEAS

Two very definite proposals for federation based upon a written charter or constitution for the world have come from Great Britain. The Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House, London, speaks through two proponents: the first, Sir John Fischer Williams, and the second, Sir William Beveridge. The Williams plan calls for a written constitution patterned after the American model. The core might be the states of Western and Central Europe and the British commonwealth, but it would be open to all nations with a community of social and political outlook. The first essential would be to guarantee security, and then to delegate as much jurisdiction over federal affairs as would be possible, the practical limit probably being in specifically foreign affairs, armed forces, and a fund for defense. The minimum institutions would be either an assembly or delegates of a council to govern the federation, in either case to represent the constituent states in proportion to population. [Page 13] Each state would select its representatives as it pleased. The size of the armed forces and the amount of money needed would be designated in the original charter, with provision for not too frequent revisions. “A Supreme Federal Court with final authority to settle disputes between states or a state and the federation completes the picture.”

The Beveridge proposal would go even farther to delegate powers from the states to include equal access to all colonies and dependencies, and the constitution would create two houses, one an assembly elected by popular vote and the other with equal representation for every state. There would be an executive, responsible to the legislature, a supreme court and a Bill of Rights in the organic law.

Both of these plans would begin with the democracies only as members, there being stated some exceptions in the case of a few nations.

British Labor, expressing its desires through the Rt. Hon. C. R. Atlee, suggests an international force of great strength, and in addition the power of economic sanctions obligatory for the states. The corollary would be the reduction of national forces to an amount necessary for the preservation of internal order. The plan further includes an international authority covering as wide a membership as possible, with international institutions strong enough to deal with world economic planning.

The plan called the Campaign for World Government sponsored by Lola Maverick and Rosika Schwimmer calls for “an all-inclusive, non-military, democratic federation of nations”, which all nations would be invited to join. It would consist of a world parliament, elected by the people, an executive [Page 14] board which would reside at the seat of the world government, a permanent secretary, and commissions assigned to solve international social, political, and labor problems. There is no plan for troops or military sanctions.

A public recommendation made by the Swiss Committee of the International Peace Campaign suggests: a federation equipped with real authority, the League re-organized and strengthened; international law made and enforced by the federal world government; general disarmament and an international police force set up as an executive organ based on international law; the re-grouping of powers within the federation to prevent the rise of aggressive intentions within centralized states; means of controlling the economic order.

From China comes the word of Wou Saofang, former member of the political section of the League of Nations: “. . . the need of the hour . . . is the organization of world peace and the creation of an instrument to guarantee it. . . . China is ready to co-operate . . . to assist in organizing a new League of Nations based upon the following fundamental principles: (1) collective security, guaranteed by an international organization . . .; (2) establishment of a world authority with police powers to check aggression; (3) disarmament by international agreement; (4) an international court to settle disputes between nations; (5) recognition of the sanctity of treaties; (6) provision of means to remove the causes of international conflict; (7) international cultural and economic co-operation.”

For Latin America Ricardo J. Alfaro says he believes that he expresses the consensus of opinion when he states that to secure universal peace and welfare the nations “must organize properly for that collective effort”. He points out that Latin [Page 15] American nations were loyal members of the League of Nations.

As we turn to proposals from religious groups we find that the Central Conference of Rabbis has gone on record with this statement: “The welfare of future generations demands the creation of some parliament of nations which will adjust the differences between nations and create agencies for co-operative enterprises.”

The World Federal Council of Churches presents no exact plan of its own, but it has organized a Commission to Study the Bases of a Just and Durable Peace which has made much progress in the matter of providing study material of the various plans that have been proposed, especially in the English-speaking world. Its chairman, John Foster Dulles, summarizes the world need as he sees it, as follows: “International peace requires . . . that there should be an international organization charged with the responsibility of guiding the nations along the ways of peace. . . . As a beginning of world government, there should be organized an international federation for peace. . . . The charter of the federation would recognize and bind all members to accept the principle that national interdependence now replaces independence and that action by any nation, notably in the economic field, which materially and adversely affects other people, is not purely a matter of domestic policy but is coupled with an international responsibility. . . . The federation would function through an executive organ. . . .” Further details fall short of the powers of the original League of Nations, though the federation should, Mr. Dulles believes, “utilize the existing machinery of the League” as far as possible. He recognizes the omission of a legislature [Page 16] and of disarmament and sanctions, other than moral, as important and believes that when nations are ready to accept these provisions they should come about.

From the American Friends Service Committee we find this expression of thought: Some form of international organization is necessary, capable of providing both order and change in the relations among nations; a step in this direction should be the immediate establishment of an international emergency commission to deal with problems that will be urgent as soon as war stops. This committee looks forward to universal disarmament; advocates third party settlement of disputes; believes each nation should be free to develop its own internal government; accepts the principle of international consultation under international authority for dealing with social and economic matters of world scope; advocates equitable access to all essential markets and raw materials; and believes all colonies must be administered by an international authority looking toward self-government for them.

From the Catholic Association for International Peace come the following suggestions: “a world Commonwealth of Nations” of just and effective authority to prevent violence, settle disputes between nations peacefully, and legislate for advance social justice. This would require universal and immediate limitation of arms after the signing of the peace; the use of economic sanctions; an international court with obligatory jurisdiction and operating within the framework of the commonwealth; a supreme legislative body with granted constitutional powers able to direct an integrated administrative system; some type of mandate system perhaps modeled along the general lines of the League Secretariat with administration vested in the commonwealth government and perhaps in a [Page 17] number of regional governments operating under the world authority. This commonwealth government should be empowered to exercise authority that is limited to those functions which national and regional governments are incapable or unwilling to exercise.

CHANGE IN AMERICA

The chief purpose of the plans that we have cited is not that any one of them may become the basis of the longed-for durable peace to follow the present conflict, but that they may be the means, as their co-framers hope, of enlightening the public mind in the fundamental needs of such a peace. It must probably be left to governments for the final steps in the construction of a peaceful order, most thinkers realize, although they hope also to have, through individual and group activity, some influence upon their governments in that final settlement, as well as upon the public approval that must ultimately be given if any peace is to be established and be effective.

It is with deep interest, therefore, that such leaders as these view the recent Atlantic Charter, the first joint official political statement to appear in regard to the peace to come. They look upon it as an initial step designed itself to lead the peoples onward toward a vision that will flower into a well-framed peace plan. We quote here the Eighth principle of this Charter as particularly relevant to our theme: “They [parties to the Charter] believe that all of the nations of the world, for realistic as well as spiritual reasons, must come to the abandonment of the use of force. Since no future peace can be maintained if land, sea or air armaments continue to be employed by nations which threaten, or may threaten, aggression outside of their frontiers, they believe, pending the establishment of a [Page 18] wider and permanent system of general security, that the disarmament of such nations is essential. They will likewise aid and encourage all other practicable measures which will lighten for peace-loving peoples the crushing burden of armaments.” Realizing that peace can rest only upon justice, the same contracting parties made known this principle of their governments: “They will endeavor, with due respect for their existing obligations, to further the enjoyment by all States, great or small, victor or vanquished, of access, on equal terms, to the trade and to the raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic prosperity.”

In America in particular the interest with which the peace suggestions are being received indicates a most dynamic and revolutionary change of thought. Since the time when the United States repudiated the ideal of collective security in nullifying President Wilson’s “high endeavors” in 1919-1920, it has moved a long way toward understanding the need of a world community government to bring peace and justice to the nations. Thinkers are fearful that this way will not have been traveled far enough when the time to frame the peace arrives, so they are exerting every effort to insure speedy education. Numbers of them believe, as did Woodrow Wilson before them, that it is America’s mission, because of her capacities, her resources and her experience in federation and freedom, to lead the nations “out into the paths of quietness and peace such as the world never dreamed of before.” Most of them, as did he, have faith, a faith now born anew with the challenge of the times.

Is it gloriously true that America is hearkening at last to the call of Bahá’u’lláh to the collective security, welfare and unity of mankind? Does this America, “the begetter” of the League, hear the recent summons of the Cause of God in the Guardian’s cable?—“Purged, tested, galvanized, coalescing [Page 19] with its sorely-tried sister nations (the) world over, (the) great Republic (of the) New World, (the) enviable parent of system heralding (the) World Order (of) Bahá’u’lláh, must assume through adversity its preponderating share (of) responsibility (to) lay down, once for all, broad, worldwide, unassailable foundations (of) that discredited yet immortal System.”

Out of the world conflict America “will probably emerge, . . .” the Guardian stated as early as December, 1938, “consciously determined to seize its opportunity, to bring the full weight of its influence to bear upon the gigantic problems that such an ordeal must leave in its wake, and to exorcise forever, in conjunction with its sister nations of both the East and West, the greatest curse which, from time immemorial, has afflicted and degraded the human race.”

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THE NEED OF FAITH

Behold, all the people are imprisoned within the tomb of self, and lie buried beneath the nethermost depths of worldly desire! Wert thou to attain to but a dewdrop of the crystal waters of divine knowledge, thou wouldst readily realize that true life is not the life of the flesh but the life of the spirit. For the life of the flesh is common to both men and animals, whereas the life of the spirit is possessed only by the pure in heart who have quaffed from the ocean of faith and partaken of the fruit of certitude.—BAHÁ’U’LLÁH

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THE MANIFESTATION

Polly McClennen

FOR THE BAHÁ’Í there is no knowledge of God save in His Manifestation, the Prophet; and it is the Prophet alone who knows which are the chosen Manifestations of God. These true Prophets are the teachers of mankind. They instruct us, for example, in prayer. They give us the words to pray with and stand before us as we pray. We pray to God only as the Prophets have taught us to pray, and were They to forsake us we would be an ignorant people living in a joyless land.

The Prophets of God are the great psychologists of the world. They bring order into confusion. They bring every man to a knowledge of himself, and at the same time they unite a multitude of varying types of people.

Whenever a man desires to know more of God he must turn to the Prophet of God who has come in his day. In Him he will find all that his heart and mind desire as well as a great mystery beyond desire which will draw him forever out of himself.

The Prophets of God are the sources of energy that supply life to the world. They do not supply life alone to the people who believe in them; they supply life to every man who lives, but the man who loves the Prophet is the happiest among men.

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Be Ever Ready

‘Abdu’l-Bahá

HUMAN beings in this world are various. Some occupy stations wherein hindrances are few. Others occupy stations wherein hindrances and obstacles are numerous. For example, in the Day of His Holiness Christ conditions were such that for Peter it was easy to believe in Jesus Christ, for Faith then depended upon casting away or letting go his net—just his net. The net was a hindrance, and this was symbolically expressed by Jesus when He said: “Leave thy net and follow Me.” For Peter, therefore, it was very easy to let go, for a net is of no importance, it is a minor thing, so he quickly left it and followed Christ. But for the Jewish doctors of the time it was exceedingly difficult, because they foresaw that if they followed Jesus of Nazareth they would have to forego their leadership, they would have to be deprived of their influence, they would have to be deprived of their affluence; possibly their life would be in jeopardy. Thus for them there were many obstacles. Although Paul possessed honor and leadership among men, nevertheless, he let go of these and followed Jesus Christ. That is why he achieved such a remarkable name and faith, greatness and nearness to God.

If a layman listen to the Word of Truth, accept it and confess it, it is not of great import, because apparently there is no great interest in his way. But if a person like his honor the minister, for example, who occupies a pulpit in the church, if he acknowledge any true statement and accept it, that is fair judgment indeed, that is great indeed. Why? Because if there were the least of self it would be impossible for a person of that caliber to acknowledge it even though that word or statement [Page 22] or logic be as clear as mid-day. Even as we have tried in the case of many Islamic doctors who came with many questions and who received most sufficient and efficient answers, answers which were decisive in nature, nevertheless their priesthood was a hindrance to them and they did not acknowledge. Clearly and apparently they were on the defensive.

This morning a certain person came. He was a layman, not a priest, nor a minister, nor a doctor, nor a professor. He passed two hours with me in a discussion. He saw clearly that the statements were valid, yet for the sake of display he continued the argument pro and con for two hours, simply ashamed to acknowledge his defeat. I said: “The answers are full, clear and evident, why don’t you acknowledge the truth of them?” And finally he had to be silent. But his honor the minister just this moment visited me upstairs with two questions of an astute nature. Even before the answer was fully uttered by my tongue he was quick at perception and arrived at a conclusion. He knew my intention perfectly well and said: “The answer is perfectly clear.” Consider how worthy good judgment is. A man must have fair judgment. Therefore, I exhort you to be ever ready to acknowledge any statement of Truth from whatsoever tongue or source, from whatsoever man, from whatsoever sect or denomination, immediately accept it, hesitate not at all, discuss it not at all, have no altercation about it. The Word of Truth or Reality you must accept immediately it is uttered by any tongue, whosoever it may be [who speaks]. Beware lest you altercate! Beware lest you have discussion in an inimical spirit. You must accept the Truth even though it is an unlearned man who utters it, even though he be a common day laborer who utters it, immediately acknowledge it and be not at all obstinate. If you seek Reality in life, this is the pathway of the search. If you do this you will always be preserved, you will always be protected, and your [Page 23] judgment and your conclusions will always be correct, and your equity and fairmindedness will show your purpose is the Will of God, your intention is reality, and that you have no desire but the good pleasure of God. This is the standard, hence act in accordance with this standard.

An address, hitherto unpublished, given at the home of Dr. and Mrs. Florian Krug, 830 Park Avenue, New York City, November 26, 1912.

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PRAYER

CREATE in me a pure heart, O my God, and renew a tranquil conscience within me, O my Hope! Through the spirit of power confirm Thou me in Thy Cause, O my Best-Beloved, and by the light of Thy glory reveal unto me Thy path, O Thou the Goal of my desire! Through the power of Thy transcendent might lift me up unto the heaven of Thy holiness, O Source of my being, and by the breezes of Thine eternity gladden me, O Thou Who art my God! Let Thine everlasting melodies breathe tranquillity on me, O my Companion, and let the riches of Thine ancient countenance deliver me from all except Thee, O my Master, and let the tidings of the revelation of Thine incorruptible Essence bring me joy, O Thou Who art the most manifest of the manifest and the most hidden of the hidden!

—BAHÁ’U’LLÁH

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CONVENTION

AS WE ENTER a new spring of terror and destruction, Bahá’ís will remember that spring is also a season of renewal, bringing a new flow of life to the institutions of that Cause which is to reconstruct the world. The process has begun with the Fast, that period of purification for individual Bahá’ís. The Fast is followed closely by the election of delegates to the annual Convention and the reorganization of local Bahá’í institutions.

The Convention, the high point in national community life, is a meeting with National Spiritual Assembly of delegates from the various communities, advised and stimulated (while world conditions still permit) by direct communications from the Guardian. Its primary functions are two: it elects the National Spiritual Assembly for the following year; and it makes recommendations on the conduct of the affairs of the Cause. Its delegates, then, should be acquainted with those affairs and well versed in the teachings of Bahá’u’lláh. They should have meditated on the necessary qualities, set down by the Guardian, for members of the National Spiritual Assembly: “the qualities of unquestioned loyalty, of selfless devotion, of a well-trained mind, of recognized ability and mature experience.”

The election—of graver import this year than ever before —is a solemn and momentous occasion, in which the communities at home ought to participate spiritually, through prayer. The administration of the Cause of Bahá’u’lláh throughout most of the continent is to be entrusted to a chosen few for another year, perhaps the most fateful in the history of the world.

In its second function, the Convention is to the national body of believers as the Nineteen-Day Feast is to the local communities. The National Spiritual Assembly consults with [Page 25] the representatives of Bahá’ís throughout most of North America as the local assemblies consult with their communities at the feasts. The discussions which take place may seem at times futile, to a newcomer looking for quick and definite action. But free and full discussion is a necessary part of Bahá’í community life. It irons out misunderstandings; it clarifies opinion; it trains men and women to act as a group, not as individuals, each seeking to make his own ideas prevail. It creates, in the end, unity.

In yet another way, the Convention bears a resemblance to the Nineteen-Day Feast: Bahá’ís from all over the continent associate together in a unique fellowship, which culminates at the Feast of the Riḍván. Individual believers learn to know one another. They become actually that which they are accustomed to style themselves: friends.

Returning home, delegates and visitors carry with them to their communities a new unity of purpose, a closer sense of fellowship, a resolution steeled by messages from the Guardian, a new dedication to the service of Bahá’u’lláh. The sap has risen. The tree is ready to bear new fruit.

—G. B.

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BASIS OF PEACE

Question asked of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá (New York City, 1912): Is peace greater than love?

Answer by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: No! love is greater than peace, for peace is founded upon love. Love is the objective of peace and peace is an outcome of love. Until love is attained, peace cannot be; but there is a so-called peace without love. The love which is from God is the fundamental. This love is the object of all human attainment, the radiance of heaven, the light of man.

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Black Hero

Ellsworth Blackwell

UPON arriving on this “Magic Island” one could not fail to be impressed by its natural beauty: the grandeur of its mountains, the cobalt blue of its seas and skies, the richness of its soil and the abundance of its vegetation.

We call it a Black Republic, as most of its citizens are of dark complexion. However, one finds all of the various shades of the human family in color, opinion, temperaments and religions. There can be found men from northern Europe, the Scandinavians, Germans, and those from the British Isles, there are also the Latins from France, Spain, Portugal and other southern European countries. In the south of the island there is a community composed largely of blondes. They migrated from Poland more than one hundred years ago and settled here. From the Middle-Orient came Arabs and Armenians. Jews have come from all parts of the world—some early-comers and some late refugees. There are also from the Far-Orient Chinese and Filipinos. At the present time every ship and airplane brings people from the United States—business men, and scientists interested in agriculture, coffee, rubber, and so forth, and other persons interested in Inter-American cultural relations, such as education, health and religion. The writer falls into this latter group. Consequently, we are especially interested in the history of the spiritual and religious background of—Haiti.

When one studies this aspect of the history of the country, he finds one man who stands out mighty and supreme. We do not believe that the historians and writers have dwelt deeply enough upon this phase of the character of this great man. And [Page 27] there is no doubt that volumes could be written of this side of his life. Nor can this short article do him justice. We can only hope that it will bring certain points to the attention of scholars and historians so that they may write down the spiritual qualities of—Toussaint L’Ouverture.

Here is a man who was born a slave. By means of his own ingenuity and the assistance of one other person he learned to read and write. One day he read an article by a Catholic monk against the institution of slavery and then and there the whole direction of his life was changed. He decided to liberate his people from this social malady. And history has proven his great success.

After this victory the significance of his inner character manifested itself in that he held no bitterness in his heart against the former slave-holders. He sent for his former master who had fled the Island during the insurrection of the slaves and guaranteed to him full protection. This gentleman did return and thereafter became one of his strongest supporters and followers.

Another sidelight on his innate sense of justice was that when the Constitution was formed he saw to it that religious freedom was incorporated as one of the laws of the land, although he, himself, was an ardent Roman Catholic. Moreover, during the formation of the Constitution there were on the committee only whites and mulattoes. He realized that men who had had the advantages of education were needed on such a committee. He recognized the worth of education from whatever source it might come, placing it above class or color. He risked the displeasure of many blacks by also giving equal justice to whites. This was an indication of his moral courage. In the matter of governmental appointments he chose those men who were most capable and honest without regard to [Page 28] color or class. One of the statements that he often made was that if Haiti adhered to this great principle, the oneness of its citizens, she would forever prosper.

The message of the Bahá’í Faith to Haiti is that same message—that of the Oneness of Humanity. This great principle for which Toussaint L’Ouverture fought and died is the same principle that Bahá’u’lláh gave to the whole world— that of the Oneness of Humanity. This is the axis around which the other Bahá’í principles revolve—such as: the independent investigation of truth; the fundamental oneness of religion; the elimination of all types of prejudices, either racial, class, color or national; universal education; equality of men and women; elimination of extremes of poverty and wealth; unity between science and religion; international auxiliary language; and a world court of arbitration. These are a few of the great principles of Bahá’u’lláh.

This brief story of the hero of Haiti came from the pen of the Bahá’í pioneer at Port au Prince.

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EARTH’S GARDEN

Bahá’u’lláh hath said that the various races of human kind lend a composite harmony and beauty of color to the whole. Let all associate, therefore, in this great human garden even as flowers grow and blend together side by side without discord or disagreement between them.—‘ABDU’L-BAHÁ

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The New World Order

BOOK REVIEW

Robert L. Gulick, Jr.

IN HIS book, The New World Order, H. G. Wells expresses in concise form and simple verbiage his conclusions on war and peace arrived at since the Armistice of 1918. As he surveys the scene, he feels that nothing short of drastic revolutionary change can conduce to the peace and prosperity of this planet. He believes that private capitalism and state sovereignty have outlived their usefulness. He states, “It is the system of nationalist individualism and unco-ordinated enterprise that is the world’s disease, and it is the whole system that has to go.”

The first step toward a new world order is the free and independent investigation of reality. “We need to work out a clear conception of the world order we would prefer to this present chaos, we need to dissolve or compromise upon our differences so that we may set our faces with assurance towards an attainable world peace. . . . Before anything else, therefore, in this survey of the way to world peace I put free speech and vigorous publication.”

Wells has no word of apology for Marxist theories but labels the reform recipe of Karl Marx as “stupid social analysis” even for 1848. “The proletarians need learn nothing, plan nothing; they were right and good by nature; they would just ‘take over’.” In like vein he continues his description of Marxism:

“It is the outpouring of a man with a B in his bonnet, the hated Bourgeoisie, a man with a certain vision, uncritical of his own subconscious prejudices, but shrewd enough to realize how great a driving force are hate and the inferiority complex. Shrewd enough to use hate and bitter enough to hate.”

Wells does not advocate the setting up of a nation or group of nations as models of righteousness and freedom. “I do not see any way to a solution of the problem of World Peace unless we begin with a confession of universal wrong-thinking and wrong-doing.” He finds the Streit conception of democracy an “extremely rhetorical aspiration” [Page 30] remote from existing reality. He also regards the administrative aspects of Union Now with suspicion, alleging that the “possible contribution of . . . five or six hundred million of dusky peoples to the new order” is treated “with a levity inconsistent with democratic ideals.” (And so a man who advocates world federation on the basis of democracy is accused of doing violence to democratic ideals!) Wells also is of the opinion that the implications of Union Now are not understood by its author and still less by its advocates “who wish with the minimum of adaptation to remain influential in a changing world.” To be specific, he declares that a union money and a union customs-free economy would mean a “practically uniform socialism within the Federal limits, leading, as state after state is incorporated, to world socialism.” On this point, I feel that Wells is mistaken; a uniform currency and the abolition of trade barriers have not produced socialism in the United States; free trade is more closely allied to laissez-faire than to socialism.

Another criticism which he levels at Union Now seems very obvious but it is far too serious for casual consideration. It is that no slogan can take the place of creative effort and concrete, clear thinking. “And having failed to get peace by saying ‘Peace’ over and over again, they are now with an immense sense of discovery saying ‘Federation’.” He finds the pamphlets and declarations “in the name of the new panacea . . . as vain and unproductive as the bleating of lost sheep.”

It seems to me that although Union Now may in some measure lack profundity, realism, and universality, we owe a great debt to Mr. Streit and to his followers for promoting an international outlook and for stressing the idea that world federation should be based on the principles underlying the organization of the American Union, an idea promulgated by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá before the League of Nations was born. The new world order will not be the product of the activity of the Bahá’ís alone or of any other group. As the Guardian has frequently observed, coming events will force the rolling up of the old order and the unification of mankind. Generally speaking, the non-Bahá’ís “see through a glass, darkly” while the Bahá’ís are aware of the nature of the cataclysmic events of the age. Wells sees that the social “collapse may be conclusive”.

Does Christianity show the way to a better world? The answer of Wells is vehemently negative: “It is absurd to parrot that Christianity [Page 31] has never been tried. Christianity in its most highly developed form has been tried and tried again. It was tried for centuries fully and completely, in Spain, France, Italy. It was responsible for the filth and chronic pestilence and famine of medieval England.” He also points out, perhaps falling into the fallacy of the single cause, that the French “Reign of Terror” with its “hideous mob of murderous ragamuffins” was the outcome of the reign of the King of France who was the “Most Christian King, the eldest son of the Church”. Wells defines Christianity in terms of institutions and crystallized creeds rather than as a reflection of the spirit of Jesus.

Furthermore, as Wells is careful to add, the Christians have no monopoly on goodness. The ideals of all the great religions of the world are fundamentally the same except in their material laws. Christianity cannot unite Muḥammadans, Buddhists, and others for the simple reason that it will never relinquish an iota of its sovereignty or its belief that there is only one way to God, a way that is the exclusive property of Christians. Wells also sees that the profit motive is at the root of much of the evil that takes the Name of Christ in vain.

In fewest words, Wells favors a world order of socialism, law, and knowledge. He asserts that we are going into socialism backward and that in so doing we are injuring widows, orphans, students, et. al., who depend on savings. That there will be increasing social control and less exaggerated individualism goes without saying, but that social ownership of the means of production is inevitable must not be taken for granted. There is no stereotyped form of political or economic organization decreed by fate. We are going to have the kind of world we build; the Kingdom of God will not be an accident or a “fortuitous concourse of atoms”. A negative policy dictated by hatred or an indifferent policy of drift can but prolong human misery. It is for this reason that an education extending to everyone on earth and transcending limitations of race and nation and the prejudices of conflicting creeds and economic theories is the one thing most desperately needed. World planning is a tremendous, an unprecedented job but it can be done well if the idealism of religious faith and the realism of scientific method function together harmoniously.

[Page 32]

BAHÁ’Í LESSONS

The Covenant of God

I. God’s Ancient, Everlasting Covenant.

A. Definition:

“General Covenant”, WOB 137.

“Bond” between God and man, Gl 128; P-M 36; Ezekiel 20:36-37; Psalms 25:10; 103:17-22, 111; 105:8-9, 42-45.

B. Establishment by successive Prophets.

Qur’án 33:7-8 p. 435; 3:75 p. 394.

Adam, Gen 2:15-17. Noah, Gen 6:18, 9:8-17.

Abraham, Gen 15:18; 17:1-4, 7-9, 19-21; 22:17-18; I Chron 16:15-25; Acts 3:25; Ps 105:9-10. (Isaac renews, Gen 17:18-22; Jacob renews, Gen 28:11-22.)

Moses, Ex 19:1-6; 34:28; 31:16; Deut 9:15. (Joshua renews, Josh 1:1-9, 23-24. David, Ps 89:3-5, 19-37; II Sam 23:1-5; Jeremiah, Jer 11:1-8.)

Jesus, Hebrews 12:24; 8:5-13.

Muḥammad, Qur’án 4:57-83 pp. 417-21.

The Báb, P-M 128-9, 85-86.

Bahá’u’lláh Gl 128, 331-2; BS #527 (WOB 137); P-M 284.

C. Dire effects of breaking the Covenant, Deut. 9:15-29, 28:15-68, 29:14-29, 30:15-20; Qur’án 3:75-105 pp. 394-6, 3:184-6 pp. 403-4, 4:115-125 pp. 423-4.

II. Specific Covenants of Succession.

A. Concerning the next Prophet of God.

Moses, concerning coming Prophets, Deut. 18:15-19 (Muḥammad); Deut. 33:2 (Seir, Jesus; Paran, Muḥammad).

Christ, concerning:—Muḥammad, John 16:7 (Qur’án p. 406); —Bahá’u’lláh, Matt. 24, 25 (24 refers also to Muḥammad, see Íqán pp. 24-26); —The Báb, II Peter 3:1-12.

Muḥammad, concerning Bahá’u’lláh, Qur’án 54:53-56 p. 79; concerning the Báb, 50:40 p. 93.

The Báb of Bahá’u’lláh, P-M 85-86, 285-6; WOB 100-1.

Bahá’u’lláh, and future Prophets, Gl 346, 73-74; P-M 84; WOB 111, 116-117, 132, 167; B News 80:5.

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B. Concerning authority conferred on successor.

Abraham and Isaac, Gen 17:18-22.

Moses and Joshua, Deut 34-:8-12. (SAQ XI p. 57)

Jesus and Peter, Matt 16:16-18 (SAQ XXXIV); WOB 14-5.

Muḥammad and Imáms, SAQ 57-59; WOB 102, 145.

Bahá’u’lláh, and the Center of the Covenant, B-NEra 69, 85.

III. Covenant for the Day of God.

A. With every people concerning Bahá’u’lláh, Gl 5, 9; P-M 275, 106; WOB 126.

Jewish people, Jer 31:31-33; 23:3-8; Ez 43:1-7; Isaiah 9:2-7, 11:1-10 (SAQ XII); Mal 3:1, 4:5.

Christians, John 15:26, 16:13; Matt 25.

Muḥammadans, Qur’án 54:53-56 p. 79, 39:66-75 pp. 260-1; 36:48-65 pp. 132-3.

People of the Bayan, Gl 10; P-M 306; WOB 126.

B. With Bahá’ís by Bahá’u’lláh.

1) two-types of specific Covenant, B News 80:5.

2) Center of the Covenant, WOB 134, 135, 136, 138; B-NE 158-9, PUP 451-2, 376, 317-318.

C. Covenant with Bahá’ís to accept Administration, B News 80:5; Will, #2, 11, 22, 29; B-NE 160-1.

1) Completion of Bahá’u’lláh’s Divine Economy, WOB 3-4.

2) Fulfilled Covenant in Divine Order, WOB 143-4; PD 128. (Will #2, 11, 19, 22, 7, 16-18.)

3) uniqueness of this Covenant, WOB 145-7, 18-20.

D. Warnings against Covenant-breaking and Covenant breakers, Will #5, 11, 22, 24, 25, 29. (See also Gl 328, 330-2).

IV. Review Questions.

1) What is the ancient Covenant of God? 2) What two special types of Covenant have the Prophets made with their people? 3) What did God promise to the Jewish people? 4) What is the significance of the fact that all Prophets covenanted with their people concerning Bahá’u’lláh? 5) Did Bahá’u’lláh renew the ancient Covenant? 6) What are the two types of Bahá’u’lláh’s specific Covenant? 7) What is the effect of Covenant breaking? 8) Explain how the New World Order will be the fulfillment of God’s ancient Covenant with man?

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WITH OUR READERS

AGAIN Bahá’ís have begun a New Year and again with this issue World Order begins a new volume, Volume VIII. We hope that every one of our readers and a great many who are not our readers have read in the February Bahá’í News, page 7, the paragraph from our business manager urging an increase in our subscriptions until we make the magazine self-supporting. If the magazine were self-supporting think of the money released from the N. S. A. budget that might go into the teaching fund. Think also how the teaching work would be aided if every Bahá’í had access to World Order and every copy were passed on to some one who knows little or nothing of the Faith. The small sum of $1.50 if applied to a subscription to the magazine would thus be doing double duty to the teaching program. What can you who read this appeal do to help increase the subscription list of the magazine? Why not send a trial subscription to some new isolated believer?

Just as we were writing the above came this letter from an assembly in one of our eastern states: “In the January issue of the World Order, Mr. Arnold van Ogtrop, one of our Holland believers, states he is not renewing his subscription as a license is needed to send money to the United States. If none of the friends has already offered to renew his subscription the __________ Local Assembly would be delighted to pay for it.” Other believers have offered to help in this same instance.

Isn’t it little deeds like this that really create our world wide unity?

* * *

These few lines from Kelso, Washington, remind us that many librarians are very glad to add World Order to their magazine racks: “The magazine sent to Kelso Public Library is well displayed beside Reader’s Digest. Librarian friendly and grateful for magazine.”

One friend has sent a four-year subscription to World Order to the Reading, Pennsylvania, Public Library, another in renewing subscriptions for two libraries and an individual writes:

[Page 35] “The above are very much pleased with the magazine, as I inquired before renewing subscriptions. I was sure without inquiry about the way the public library librarian felt, but as this was the first subscription for the others I wanted to be sure it was welcome and appreciated before continuing it.”

* * *

There is much skepticism today about prayer and lack of understanding of its meaning. The question, “Why should a man pray in this modern age when he has so many blessings?” seems typical of such a skeptical attitude and we believe the answer sent to us by one of the Chicago believers will be helpful to many: “Does a lover only speak to his beloved when he requests some boon? Never! Neither does the lover of God only feel the need to talk with his beloved when he wishes something for himself. Prayer should be spontaneous outpouring of pent up love, adoration and praise to an All-Good and All-Adorable Friend. God led mankind in ages of darkness and ignorance. Now in this modern world, when light and knowledge march hand-in-hand we have much more time to become really acquainted with our Beloved and to respond to His Divine Love. Let us not, like children, approach our Heavenly Parent only when we seek gifts, but let us come to Him bearing offerings of love and thanksgiving in our hearts and on our lips.”

* * *

We all like a word of appreciation now and then. Such a word has come from Mr. Charles Frink. He says in part: “I read it not once but several times. Why? Because I found an excellent example of what is expected of the protagonists of the Bahá’í Faith. I am referring to Mrs. Marzieh Gail’s article in the May, 1941 issue of this magazine. The article, entitled ‘The Bahá’í Cause Today’ proves to be a timely rebuttal of the Rev. W. Miller’s rather superficial, if not desultory criticism of the Bahá’í Faith. Attacks of this kind, and many more to come, are to be expected. The Bahá’ís, we are told, are to be ‘bitterly assailed by ministers and priests.’ And strange as it may seem, confirmed Bahá’ís will welcome these attacks, because it is said, ‘Opposition strengthens the Cause’.”

* * *

The contribution sent by Polly McClennen states simply and with feeling the Bahá’í belief [Page 36] concerning the Manifestation of God. We think these brief sentences will appeal to young and old alike. Mrs. McClennen is one of our younger believers whose home is in Ann Arbor, Michigan.

* * *

All Bahá’ís know what is Bahá’u’lláh’s plan for world peace. Some of us do not realize how many groups and individuals are working out and presenting to the public their plans for an organized world; and many outside the Bahá’í Faith do not know about the plan of Bahá’u’lláh. So we think our readers will find the article entitled “Charter for World Peace” most timely both for themselves and as a means of informing others. Mrs. Cox, we all know, is one of the members of the editorial committee for World Order.

Another member of the editorial committee, Miss Garreta Busey, contributes a timely editorial article under the title, “Convention”. We hope our readers will like our return to this plan, dropped for two years, of having such a contribution from one of the committee each month.

For several months we have been intermittently printing hitherto unpublished talks given by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá when He was in America. All believers will cherish these talks since they are unavailable in print elsewhere. This month’s title, “Be Ever Ready”, is in itself arresting.

* * *

The sketch, “Black Hero”, by Ellsworth Blackwell puts us in touch with one of our pioneers. Mr. Blackwell and his wife went from Chicago and are pioneering in the negro republic of Haiti. We should like more news and articles from them about their work in that interesting country.

* * *

Mr. Robert L. Gulick’s book review entitled “The New World Order” emphasizes Mrs. Cox’s thoughts. Mr. Gulick’s recent article on music will be recalled by our readers. His home is in El Cerrito, California.

The study outline on the “Covenant of God” is a valuable supplement to last month’s article by Miss Juliet Thompson for those who wish more fully to understand.—THE EDITORS

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BAHÁ’Í LITERATURE

Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh, selected and translated by Shoghi Effendi. The Bahá’í teachings on the nature of religion, the soul, the basis of civilization and the oneness of mankind. Bound in fabrikoid. 360 pages. $2.00.

Epistle to the Son of the Wolf, translated by Shoghi Effendi. Revealed by Bahá’u’lláh toward the end of His earthly mission, this text is a majestic and deeply-moving exposition of His fundamental principles and laws and of the sufferings endured by the Manifestation for the sake of mankind. Bound in cloth. 186 pages. $1.50.

The Kitáb-i-Íqán, translated by Shoghi Effendi. This work (The Book of Certitude) unifies and coordinates the revealed Religions of the past, demonstrating their oneness in fulfillment of the purposes of Revelation. Bound in cloth. 198 pages. $2.50.

Prayers and Meditations by Bahá’u’lláh, selected and translated by Shoghi Effendi. The supreme expression of devotion to God; a spiritual flame which enkindles the heart and illumines the mind. 348 pages. Bound in fabrikoid. $2.00.

Some Answered Questions. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s explanation of questions concerning the relation of man to God, the nature of the Manifestation, human capacities, fulfillment of prophecy, etc. Bound in cloth. 350 pages. $1.50.

The Promulgation of Universal Peace. In this collection of His American talks, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá laid the basis for a firm understanding of the attitudes, principles and spiritual laws which enter into the establishment of true Peace. 492 pages. Bound in cloth. $2.50.

Bahá’í Prayers, a selection of Prayers revealed by Bahá’u’lláh, the Báb and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, each Prayer translated by Shoghi Effendi. 72 pages. Bound in fabrikoid, $0.75. Paper cover, $0.35.

The World Order of Bahá’u’lláh, by Shoghi Effendi. On the nature of the new social pattern revealed by Bahá’u’lláh for the attainment of divine justice in civilization. Bound in fabrikoid. 234 pages. $1.50.

BAHÁ’Í PUBLISHING COMMITTEE
110 LINDEN AVENUE, WILMETTE, ILLINOIS

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The Bahá’í Faith

RECOGNIZES THE UNITY OF GOD AND HIS PROPHETS,

UPHOLDS THE PRINCIPLE OF AN UNFETTERED SEARCH AFTER TRUTH,

CONDEMNS ALL FORMS OF SUPERSTITION AND PREJUDICE,

TEACHES THAT THE FUNDAMENTAL PURPOSE OF RELIGION IS TO PROMOTE CONCORD AND HARMONY, THAT IT MUST GO HAND IN HAND WITH SCIENCE, AND THAT IT CONSTITUTES THE SOLE AND ULTIMATE BASIS OF A PEACEFUL, AN ORDERED AND PROGRESSIVE SOCIETY. . . .

INCULCATES THE PRINCIPLE OF EQUAL OPPORTUNITY, RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES FOR BOTH SEXES,

ADVOCATES COMPULSORY EDUCATION,

ABOLISHES EXTREMES OF POVERTY AND WEALTH,

EXALTS WORK PERFORMED IN THE SPIRIT OF SERVICE TO THE RANK OF WORSHIP,

RECOMMENDS THE ADOPTION OF AN AUXILIARY INTERNATIONAL LANGUAGE, . . .

PROVIDES THE NECESSARY AGENCIES FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT AND SAFEGUARDING OF A PERMANENT AND UNIVERSAL PEACE.

—SHOGHI EFFENDI.