World Unity/Volume 10/Issue 1/Text

World Unity Volume 10, Issue 1

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[Page 1]WORLD UNITY INTERPRETING THE SPIRIT OF THE AGE JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, Editor HORACE HOLLEY, Managing Editor

CONTENTS

APRIL, 1932 Vol. X ‘Abdu’l-Bahá No. 1 Frontispiece

Editorial Harley Farnsworth MacNair America Assumes Moral Leadership Policies of the Powers in the Far East The Message of the World's Teachers Orient and Occident: The Cultural Problem The Epoch of Aggressive Individualism The World's Y.W.C.A. at Work The Novel of the War Years-VI This Praying World-India The Promulgation of Universal Peace The Thought of God in American History On the Humanity of Scientists The American Peace Movement Round Table

Hugh McCurdy Woodward Hans Kohn Paul Hinner Evelyn W. Moore Evelyn Newman John William Kitching Horace Holley Edwin D. Mead John Herman Randall, Jr. Russell M. Cooper

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE is published by WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORA TON, East 12th Street, New York City: MARY RUMSEY MOVIUS, president: HORACE HOLLEY, FLORENCE MORTON, treasurer: JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, Otary Published monthly, 25 cents a copy. $2.50 a year in the United States and in all other countries (postage included). THE WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION and its editors welcome correspondence on articles related to the aims and purposes of the magazine. Printed in U. S A. Contents copyrighted 1932 by WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION [Page 2]Photograph by Wilfred W. Wolfs

‘ABDU’L-BAHÁ

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EDITORIAL

As we go to press, the outlook in the Far East seems to promise the cessation of hostilities between Japan and the Shanghai district if not from Manchuria. This by no means settles the complex problems involved, but at least it will open the way for negotiations and the League Commission, on which the United States is represented, is now on the ground. That the situation has presented the gravest international crisis since the World War has been apparent to all. It has been critical not only for the future of China and Japan, but still more it has presented the most serious test that the League of Nations and its peace machinery, have yet been called upon to face. If the Peace Treaties are worthless in the Far East, they are worthless in the rest of the world. If Japan can tear up these Treaties with the consent of the Powers today, any other nation can disregard them tomorrow.

In this emergency the European Powers have been acting almost as if no Treaties existed. They have been silent, or when they have spoken, their words have been so weak that Japan has been encouraged to continue her madness. That this policy has slowed down the peace processes of the League of Nations has been self-evident. It is now clear that one of the reasons for the early timidity of the United States in facing this crisis was the knowledge that powerful forces in Great Britain and France were backing Japanese militarism.

But at last America has assumed moral leadership in world affairs. The letter of Secretary of State Stimson to Senator Borah is a declaration of policy in defense of the Peace Treaties violated [Page 4]by Japan that reveals high statesmanship. It throws the weight of the United States not only against the Japanese militarists, but against the militarists and imperialists of all countries. But the Stimson declaration is more than a solemn warning to Japan that the United States will never recognize any settlement imposed by force and in violation of the Treaties. It is more than a similar warning to other nations who may think that treaties can be broken with impunity. It is at the same time a challenge to Great Britain and France to come to the aid of those treaties or else share with Japan the responsibility for the world chaos that may result.

The reports from Geneva today indicate that these other nations have adopted as their own the principles laid down in the Stimson-Borah letter. It can almost be said that this means the suspension of the Covenant of the League, while the nations have reconstituted themselves as an association of nations acting under the Kellogg Pact. For the American principle is in its implications the most pacifist principle imaginable. Instead of a superstate maintaining peace "by force if necessary" the nations are to ignore and ostracize the consequences of law-breaking.

Certainly if the present League program is carried out it will mean something profoundly new in international affairs. Here is the victorious Japanese army, standing in a strong position, won after heavy fighting. It has cost Japan considerable blood and no little money to accomplish this end. By all the historical rules Japan should collect something for her victory. "To the victor belong the spoils." Now, if Japan goes home without any more than she had before, as the result of the mobilization of the world's conscience through the League and the adoption of the American principle, there will be introduced into world relations a new procedure which can only be interpreted as meaning that today nothing is to be gained from military incursions into foreign fields. Instead of "driving a bayonet into the heart of the League," as one Chicago editor put it, it may yet turn out that Japan's invasion of China has only served to enhance the prestige of the League and strengthen the world's machinery for peace.

J. H. R. [Page 5]

THE POLICIES OF THE POWERS IN THE FAR EAST SINCE THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE

HARLEY FARNSWORTH MACNAIR

Broadly speaking the aim of the nations with reference to the Pacific as well as the Far East has during the past decade, been to maintain the status quo in so far as possible. This means the maintenance of the position and the rights of each in the eastern hemisphere. In China, as a concession to the rising spirit of nationalism, there have been countenanced several changes but these have not indicated an actual change in policy. The method of carrying out the Washington plan of action by the signatories of the treaties there negotiated has officially been one of cooperation. With occasional exceptions, this method has been acted upon.

In keeping with this object Great Britain, the United States, Japan, France and Italy, on the invitation of the British government, held a naval conference in London from January 21, to April 22. 1930. This followed the failure of an attempt made at Geneva in 1927 by the three powers first-named to extend the application of certain of the provisions of the five-power naval treaty of Washington. It followed also, ironically enough, the signing of the Kellogg-Briand pact for the renunciation of war. The object of the London Naval Conference was a double one: to reconsider the provisions of 1922 concerning battleships and aircraft carriers, and to apply the agreement of limitation to all types of craft for naval combat. Before the conference convened it had been made clear that Great Britain was willing to agree to naval parity with the United States. Japan made known her desire to have a fleet seventy [Page 6]per cent the strength of the American. This she argued would be adequate for defense but not for aggression. The differees of France and Italy at the conference prevented their representatives from joining fully in the five-power pact.

The conference ended with the signing of a treaty which is to remain in force through the year 1938. By it the five powers agreed not to construct new battleships during the life of the treaty. Great Britain, the United States and Japan agreed to dispose of nine of their battleships within two and half years, but France and Italy were allowed to "build the replacement tonnage ("0.000 tons for each) which they were entitled to lay down in 1927 and 1929 by the Washington treaty. An attempt to abolish submarines failed, but a humanitarian agreement was reached which applies to them, without time limit, the rules of international law concerning the treatment of merchant vessels by surface vessels. Secretary Stimson submitted to the Foreign Relations Committee of the American senate tables of strength of the fleets of the three powers as agreed upon by the treaty; these showed the ratios of the fleets of the United States. Great Britain, and Japan to be 10:10.2 (or 10.1 if the United States exercises an option provided by Article XVIII of the treaty) :6.3. Parity in principle was agreed upon by Great Britain and the United States. Whether the American government will resort to the expense of putting parity into effect is problematical, but its right is recognized and naval rivalry between the three powers until 1936 is apparently precluded.

No one of the leading powers obtained exactly what is desired: especially was this the case with Japan, but the agreements reached indicated a considerable degree of mutual confidence and the probability that the relations of these powers in the Pacific and Far Eastern areas, as well as those elsewhere, will, for the duration of the treaty, at least, be peaceable in nature.

The leading power in the western pacific is Japan whose phenomenal rise to power in the twentieth century is to be ascribed to the ability of her people and their leaders, to the rivalries of the western powers and the aid given by the United States, and to the revolutionary confusion which has prevailed in China particularly [Page 7]

POLICIES OF THE POWERS IN THE FAR EAST

since 1900. To hold what she has and to strengthen further her position summarizes Japan's aim as it does that of most nations. Looked upon in perspective there is little to indicate any funda- mental change in Japanese policy since the days of Lord Hotta and and Viscount Tani in the middle years of the nineteenth century. It may be doubed whether Japanese expansion territorially is com plete in the Pacific or on the continent of Asia. Since the with- drawal from Siberia her expansion has followed economic rather than territorial channels. With the possible exception of the period of Baron Tanaka's premiership (April, 1927 July, 1929) Japanese method with relation to China has changed from one of force and arrogance to conciliation and friendship. That country is the pri mary object of Japan's attention; the raw materials and the markets of that vast area are necessary if Japan is to maintain domestic pros- perity and position as a great power. Japanese sensitiveness to Chinese boycotts and the attention paid to tariff arrangements with China offer evidence of this. Cultural kinship with the Chinese has been stressed and groups of Chinese have been encouraged to visit Japan. Plans have been discussed also for the use of Boxer indemnity funds by Japan for cultural and educational purposes in China. When Japanese nationals and property have been attacked in recent years restitution has been demanded but settlements have generally been made in a suave manner; this was especially notice- able in connection with the Shanghai mill troubles in 1925, and the Nanking outrage of 1927. To the waning influence of Westerners in the East Japan herself has contributed no little in Korea and Manchuria, and has watched attacks on the position of Western- ers in China without apparent disapproval. If the revolutionary changes in that country do not result in its rise to the position of a world power, and if Western influence continues to decline in the East, the position of Japan will be strengthened.

The contemporary China-policy of Japan is summarized in the Manifesto of the Japanese cabinet of July 9, 1929: "Our Govern- ment not only rejects a policy of aggression in any part of China but is prepared to render friendly aid to China for the attainment of the national aspirations of China, but it, of course, is the [Page 8]responsibility of the Government to protect and preserve the legitimate rights and interest that are indispensable to Japan’s existence and prosperity. The Government believes that the Chinese people understand this point fully.” As to what constitutes “legitimacy” in these rights and interests there is considerable divergence of opinion between the Chinese and the Japanese. This was made clear at Paris, and at Washington, and has many times since been demonstrated.

At the opening of the imperial dict on January 22, 1931. Baron Shidehara, acting-premier and Minister for Foreign Affairs, reviewed the international situation as it affected Japan, with special reference to China. Russia, and the United States. He reiterated the determination of his government to cooperate with China in a friendly and constructive manner for the solution of the latter’s problems which would ultimately result in the relinquishment by the powers of their special rights and privileges. At the same time he issued a veiled warning to China not to attempt to reduce the South Manchuria railway to ruin.” As regarded Russo-Japanese relations, he referred to the growing volume of trade between the two countries and stated his belief that a suitable adjustment of the fisheries question would be reached. The relations of Japan to the European powers and the United States he described as entirely satisfactory,” but with reference to Amerian immigration policy he added, “there is no longer any doubt that our position is how fully understood and appreciated by the large majority of the American people” and that the Japanese would “watch the fu ther development of the question with unimpassioned but keen interest.”

With the important exception of the introduction of Communist ideology and aim into the Far East it is difficult to see that any change has been made in the policy of Russia since 1860. Her determination to rank as a Pacific and Far Eastern power is to be traced earlier still. In blocking this policy in part. Japan has played a vital role: China, on the other hand, to the close of 1927 was generally blandly complacent. Friendship at a price-has been the method generally used by Russia in China. Considered histori- [Page 9]

POLICIES OF THE POWERS IN THE FAR EAST

cally China has suffered much more at the hands of Russia than at those of any other power, but her losses to the Russians have been less clearly understood by herself and by others than have the less vital but better advertised encroachments upon her dignity by the Western European powers and Japan. The successes of the Soviet leaders have been even more spectacular than were those of the czars as contemporary developments in Mongolia and Manchuria clearly show. In addition to the age-old czarist policy of pushing to warm waters and annexing the intervening territories. Moscow aims to indoctrinate the Orient with Communist theory. China for a time, almost unconsciously, lent herself to Soviet schemes, and to a considerable degree is still doing so. The result in the period 1925-27 was a concentrated attack upon British interests followed by the establishment of a Nationalist government on a Soviet framework. Had there been unity of aim and method in Moscow China might conceivably have become an advance base for the world revolution of the proletariat despite the opposition of the Western powers and Japan. Such may still be the case unless General Chiang Kaishek's government succeeds in crushing the communist-bandits of south-central China. The break between China and the Soviets in 1927 and 1929 constituted a setback the seriousness of which is dependent upon the success with which Communist propaganda continues to spread not alone in China bat in Manchuria, Japan, Korea, and French Indo-China.

Of the Western powers the British Empire has by far the largest interests at stake in the Orient and the Pacific. Those in China, consisting of concessions, investments of hundreds of millions of dollars, and the leadership in trade, are closely connected with the British position in Malaysia. Australasia, and India. A setback in one has immediate repercussions elsewhere.

Owing largely to the fact that Great Britain first felt the effects of the Industrial Revolution, the leadership in the opening of

1- July 1930, the First Lord of the Almoralty. M. AV Alexan ler, made the wate The total expelitare in Sapere Be the latest ville dite i 27 The the machinery installation, making the thal late completion the e197 See will en [Page 10]China to the world was taken by the English. After more than two centuries of relatively peaceful trade and diplomatic relations with China, England fought two wars in the middle years of the nineteenth century to develop and maintain on a firm foundation her relations with China. The policy of Lord Palmerston was a firm but, on the whole, just one. The British government demanded no rights or privileges for its citizens which it was not willing for the nationals of other powers to enjoy. Having to bow to the demands of England, China joined the latter in agreeing that others should have the same rights. Accordingly other nations profitted by the policies and deeds of the English without arousing as much indignation on the part of the Chinese as did the latter. This accounts in large measure for the willingness of sections of the Chinese public to join with the Russians in concentrating upon attack on the British position above mentioned. Nevertheless, it is to be observed that the arrogant attitude taken by many British subjects in China towards the Chinese socially, the ofttimes critical, unsympathetic and reactionary tone of influential sections of the British press in the East, and the generally conservative attitude of the English government towards China down to 1925, played an important part in the growth of anti-British sentiment in China. The British sense of decency, order, and discipline has been shocked in recent years by the indecencies, disorders, and lack of discipline to be observed in considerable areas of China. The downrightness of British character has led to plain and truthful speaking at times which has wounded the ears of intellectuals attuned to the siren songs of Soviet agents.

A reorientation of England’s policy in China was indicated by the British note to the Washington-treaty powers in December, 1926. In the following January in a speech at Birmingham, Sir Austen Chamberlain declared: “Over a year ago, in a speech preceding the departure of our delegation to the Tariff Conference at Peking, I outlined the Policy of the British Government towards China in these words: ‘Our only wish is for a strong, united, independent, orderly, and prosperous China. We, on our side, will contribute all we can; we are ready to meet China halfway. We are [Page 11]

II

ready to relinquish special rights just in proportion as the Chinese Government can assure to our nationals the due enjoyment of the ordinary rights of foreigners in their country. This has been and is the policy of his Majesty's Government... In the Far East, above all, we are a nation of shopkeepers. All we want is to keep our shops open and be on good terms with our countrymen." The sincerity of this conciliatory policy was doubted by many Chinese who felt that it was a matter of expediency and that it had arrived late in the day; it did not bring favorable results until the government at Nanking was established and Soviet influence was officially weakened by Nanking's break with Russia. The Chamberlain enunciation of Britain's policy received added strength from the fact that it was followed by the government of Premier MacDonald. The renditing of British concessions at Hankow, Kiukiang, Chinkiang and Amoy, and the restoration of Weihaiwei during the years 1927-30 constituted ample proof of the sincerity and practicability of Great Britain's contemporary policy towards China.

With respect to German policy in the Far East little need be said. Germany lost her privileges and possessions in the East as a result of the Great War and ceased for the nonce to rank as a great power. Her post-war policy has been circumscribed by the treaty of Versailles. She has perforce met China as an equal and has pursued a friendly policy having for its main object the restoration of her trade position in that country. Chinese friendliness for Germany was shown by Nanking's choice of the latter as protector of Chinese interests in Russia during the break of 1929.

France has pursued a policy of saying and doing little in relation to China where her interests are not comparable to those of Japan. Great Britain, Russia, and the United States. Her actions have been independent about as often as they have been cooperative; this is witnessed by the establishment of the French "concession" in Shanghai in 1849, the seizure of additional territory for her concession in Tientsin in 1916, and the gold-franc dispute which for a considerable time prevented the implementing of the treaties of Washington. Her position with respect to [Page 12]extraterritoriality and the concessions is that of maintaining the status quo as long as practicable. Since the appointment of Monsignor Constantini as Apostolic Delegate to all China in 1922, only the remnants of the former powerful position of France as protector of Roman Catholic missions in China remain. In Indo-China her position remains strong. Her program calls for the consolidation of the relations of that area with her possessions in the Pacific.

It has been said at times that America has a policy in the Far East but no program. This is no more true of the United States than it is of other powers: a policy is a matter of aims; a program is one of method. As conditions change so must the method by which a policy is to be carried into effect. The policy of the United States of encouraging the maintenance of the independence of the nations of eastern Asia, of helping them to strengthen their position, and of demanding from them all opportunities for trade and residence for American nationals enjoyed in them by other foreign nationals has worked with a high degree of success in Japan, Siam, and China. In the case of Korea the fundamental policy of the United States was sacrificed with the independence of that country by the development of conditions over which Americans had no control and for which they were but indirectly responsible.

The American government has been faced in the East by three possibilities, to wit, cooperation with the powers, or withdrawal from the scene altogether, or development of its own policy with readiness ultimately to defend or carry out this policy by resort to diplomacy and force. During recent years it has in general chosen cooperation. It took the lead in organizing the new international consortium in China; also in demanding a settlement of the Lincheng affair, as a result of which it participated in the discussion of a plan for policing Chinese railways. It participated also in the prevention by the powers of Dr. Sun Yet-Sen's proposed seizure of the customs funds at Canton, and in the Taku ultimatum. Finally. it joined with the governments of Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan in the sending of identic notes after the Nanking outrage of March 24, 1927. But by refusing to join with the powers in the use of force in the interior for the backing of these demands it pre- [Page 13]

POLICIES OF THE POWERS IN THE FAR EAST

vented cooperative action. By independently negotiating the tariff treaty with China in 1928, and granting recognition to the Nanking government it set a precedent which other powers followed. It is evident, therefore, that the choice between cooperation and independent action is based on the exigencies of the occasion.

For being at once too active and not active enough, the American government has been criticized at home and abroad. If American business interests have inclined to coolness as regards sympathy for China’s nationalist aspirations, and have tended to demand and support drastic action to force China to meet her international obligations, considerable numbers of American missionaries have contributed to the development of a national spirit in China and have aided the movement for rights recovery in every legitimate way. Of the great powers whom the Chinese nationalists and their Russian advisers denounced as "imperialistic" in the years 1025-27, America alone has no territories which have been conquered or leased from China, and enjoys no spheres of interest of influence. Extraterritoriality, however, the United States still enjoys in company with several other states-a sufficient answer, when considered in the light of consistent demands for most-favored-nation treatment of her nationals, to the charge sometimes made that American policy is mainly based on altruism and sentiment. The notable differences between the American policy in the East and those of the other powers have been based primarily on the fact that American interests and policies have generally been consonant with those of Eastern nations while those of Europe-and, in later times, Japan-have not.

The role played in China by the American government has not generally been an easy one. The divergencies of aim between the United States and the other powers have made it desirable that the United States should receive the support of the nations of the East to the extent at least that they should set whole-heartedly to work to save themselves and not depend mainly on outside aid. In the cases of Japan and Siam such action was forthcoming to vindicate the American policy. In Korea it was not; and in China from 1812 to 1028 there was comparatively little self-aid on the part of the [Page 14]Chinese to warrant the belief that China would follow the road trod by Japan and Siam rather than that taken by Korea. For many years before and after 1900 all that saved China was the inability of powers other than the United States—to agree upon a division of the spoils that, and the steady hold of the American government, at times cordially supported by Great Britain, to its policy of territorial and administrative integrity for China.

If America were to consult her own interests she could scarcely have followed any other policy than the one she has. American economic interests in China are not vital to her prosperity as is the case with Japan and Great Britain. Nevertheless they are by no means small. It has been estimated that the property interests of American missions in China are around $78,000,000 gold, while American business interests total $68,000,000 $70,000,000. The United States ranks third in China's foreign trade furnishing about one-fifth of China's imports and taking about one-fourth of her exports. Omitting from consideration the broad cultural and political implications of the relations of the two countries, it is at once apparent that it is to the interests of the United States that the Chinese people should organize a state capable of caring for its own interests. Their failure to do so prior to 1928, at least, forced the United States to enact a generally conservative rôle consistent in spirit with, but different in appearance from that played by her in Japan a generation earlier. The United States aided Japan in freeing herself from foreign limitations upon her sovereignty in proportion as Japan gave proof of her ability to play a responsible part in international relations. The negotion of the tariff treaty of July, 1928, coincidental with the refusal to give up extraterritoriality indicate that the earlier American policy with reference to Japan and the contemporary policy with reference to China are one and the same. That this is the case is made clear by the note of Secretary Kellogg to Minister C. T. Wang just prior to the signing of the tariff treaty: "The good will of the United States toward China is proverbial, and the American Government and people welcome every advance made by the Chinese in the direction of unity, peace and progress. We do not believe in interference in [Page 15]their internal affairs. We ask of them only that which we look for from every nation with which we maintain friendly intercourse-specifically, proper and adequate protection of American citizens, their property and their lawful rights, and, in general, treatment accorded to the interests or nationals of any other country."

In carrying out her China policy, in the years since the Russo-Japanese war, coolness-if not sti..ined relations-has on occasion developed between the governments of Washington and Tokyo. This constituted one of the reasons for the convening of the Washington Conference. In recent years a good deal of mutual suspicion has been laid as was shown in connection with the London Naval Conference. On leaving Japan, shortly after the close of that conference. Ambassador Castle publicly stated: "What America must learn and can far more easily learn in this era of post-conference trust and good-will is that just because Japan's interests here are vital, that just because Japan's trade with China is of paramount importance. Japan must be and will be the guardian of peace in the Pacific. That Japanese statesmen did not intend to interpret this observation as an abnegation of America's interest and position in the East appeared to be made clear by former premier Wakatsuki, Japan's chief delegate to London, when on his return he was quoted as saying: "... it is true that the United States appreciates the importance of the rôle Japan plays in the Far East and that peace in the Pacific is maintained by Japan... but I do not think that it is proper to conclude that because of this, the United States recognizes Japan's superior position in the Western Pacific."

As has been the case for more than two thousand years, China constitutes the core of the Far East. Since the sixteenth century in reality, but particularly since the middle of the nineteenth century, the basic factor in the international relations of this area has been the conflict of the cultures of the Orient and the Occident. In Siam, Indo-China, the Philippine Islands, Korea, and Japan solutions of the problems involved were found not without difficulty, but with greater case and volition than in the case of China. The last is a continent in itself, with a congeries of people who evolved the basic culture of the Far East. The greatness of China's past made [Page 16]more difficult the working out of modern problems as did the greater size and population of the country. Before China could reach a state of equilibrium based on a compromise between her old culture and that of the West, she was exposed to the influence of a new cultural growth-that of Communism. Chinese returned students and travelers from centers of Communistic propaganda. and aliens as well, have introduced a new virus into China's veins. Communist organizations have grown apace in recent years and have entrenched themselves. The original Kuomingtang was opposed to Communism, and many of its members withdrew when its membership was thrown open to communists. Without the aid of Russian communists and supplies the Nationalists could not have carried out their aims and in the manner they did. Subsequent attempts to break the Communists, and eradicate their ideology. were not an unmixed success, as conditions in the provinces south of the Yangtze demonstrated after the establishment of the Nationalist government in Nanking. John Hay is credited with the assertion that whoever understands China holds the key to the world's politics for the next five centuries. It does not appear that anyone at present holds this key. [Page 17]

A. TOLERANCE. THE KEY TO THE MESSAGE

A GROUP of American students and professors in 1929 were in conference with the head Buddhist monk of Siam. The old gentleman. with a keen intellect and a countenance serene and calm, was seated on a little elevation above the American guests in one of the royal temples of Bankok. In the course of the interview the author volunteered the following question: "Why is it that the Buddhists are so tolerant toward all other religions and creeds to the extent that they are encouraging them to come to Siam?" The following represents in substance the conversation which followed the question: "The principal idea in Buddhism." said the venerable monk, "is the evolution and development of the soul. Knowledge is one of the principal factors in this growth and development. The best attitude with which to obtain knowledge is tolerance." He then explained that tolerance had always been one of the characteristics of Buddhism; that all souls are in an evolutionary process and hence deserving of sympathetic understanding.

The author volunteered a second question as follows: "Is it possible to become a Buddhist and be a follower of Jesus?" "Certainly," came the prompt reply. "There is very little difference in the teaching of Buddha and the philosophy of Jesus." [Page 18]This answer led to a similar question: "Is it possible to become a Buddhist and be a follower of Confucius?" Again the response was instant: "Certainly, it is not the name espoused or the group affiliation that makes of one a Buddhist. It is the life one lives." From this fine representation of the philosophy of tolerance we obtained the idea that righteousness consists in conforming to principle, regardless of the name you espoused; that the living of a life is the most important consideration. Gautama Buddha once said: "God will not ask from what country or class you are. but of what you have done."

The word "tolerance" is used in this chapter with a deeper significance than is ordinarily given to it in the dictionaries. It means something more than a willingness to allow others their own opinions; more even than forbearance in judging the acts and opinions of others. It includes an interest in why men believe and act as they do. Mere toleration does not represent the full meaning of the term as here used. It means a sympathetic understanding of why men act as they do. It is a positive rather than a negative attitude.

The pages of history are filled largely with the accounts of wars, bloodshed, and strife due to a lack of tolerance. For more than a thousand years Europe was a bloody battle ground for wars of intolerance. Many of these were religious wars. There were wars which lasted for decades between groups who espoused the same philosophy and who claimed to follow the same prophet. How we as Christians in this western world with all our boasted civilization must in our reflective moments, shrink with shame. disgust, and humiliation when we think of those years of war. inquisition, ostracism, and excommunication. It is all the more to our discredit that we have done this barbarous and savage thing in the name of one of the world's greatest advocates of tolerance.

Cathedrals erected to the most high all over the western world have been polluted by the blood of intolerance. The towers and dungeons, pits and castles from the Bridge of Sighs to the Tower of London re-echo the cries of injustice and intolerance. Dogmatism, [Page 19]religious bigotry, arrogance, imperialism, domination, and intolerance have grown like rats in our very sanctuaries. How can we who pretend to be followers of the holy Nazarene square our actions with his statement made while on the cross: "Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do." Thanks to a little deeper understanding of his message, we are beginning to look back on those acts of savagery with shame and humiliation.

The history of intolerance in the countries of the near East, if it is possible, is still darker. The rivers of blood that have flowed between the Muslims and the Christians constitute irrefutable evidence that neither group has understood the message of Jesus.

The intolerance toward the Jew in the western world is one of the strangest things in history. The western nations have espoused the Jewish philosophy; they have quoted their prophets and appropriated exclusively to themselves their greatest spokesman, Jesus of Nazareth. These nations have built their systems of jurisprudence upon the laws of Moses, and yet, in many sections of the world where people claim to live by the Jewish prophets and by the philosophy of Jesus, the Jews are treated as though they had no right to live. As one moves into the far eastern world, the same dark picture continues. It is only in spots that the message of the masters has taken root.

The French have despised the Germans. The Germans have disliked the French. The Western nations have looked toward eastern people and called them heathens and barbarians. China, for many hundreds of years, thought of the people of Europe as savages. Englishmen think of American life as an inferior culture. The American, as a rule, talks of his advanced civilization and thinks of himself as the very acme of God's creations. Each group tends to think that because others are different they are necessarily inferior.

John Emmett Richardson says in his book, "The Great Message," "The average religionist, regardless of creed or denomination, is so full of the things he assumes to know, that he has no room whatever for anything others may actually and truthfully know." [Page 20]In another statement the same author says: "Between the intellectual dogmatism of science and the emotional bigotry of religion, truth runs a hard gauntlet." Intolerance has been the great enemy to the march of truth. In all ages the messengers of truth have suffered at the hands of intolerance. It has stoned and killed the prophets: scourged and condemned the scientists. Intolerance is not alone between religion and religion, or philosophy and philosophy, but also between science and science. It is common to hear a physical scientist say there is no such thing as a social science. Often the physical scientist and the social scientist both taboo the idea of a moral order in nature, and for one to assume scientific investigation in the psychic realm generally draws forth a chorus of ridicule from those scientists whose field has been generally accepted. Many of the world's greatest scientists have lost caste with their own group by a mere announcement of their intentions to investigate certain phenomena. Thus new truth runs a hard gauntlet even among many so-called lovers of truth. Sheer ignorance, intellectual vanity, narrow vision, and irrational prejudice continue to be the enemies of tolerance."

A tolerant and enlightened age must learn that it is the business of the individual to find the truth and proclaim it. rather than defend individual philosophies. He must put more stress upon the search for the truth and less upon defense. Somehow truth has a way of defending itself. It is the emotional defense of individual philosophies which makes the individual misrepresent in order to defend his own system. With all such individuals we are inclined to ask the same question that Job put to his advisors who so vigorously defended the philosophies of the fathers, "Is it necessary to lie to please God?"

in enlightened world must yet learn that tolerance and cooperation rather than strife and competition is the law of progress. The great teachers under discussion in this work have done their best to impress this upon an ignorant world.

Speaking of early Hinduism. Lewis Browne in "This Believing World" says: "Hinduism has never been united on any creed or rite. Its divisibleness has rarely, if ever, led to bloodshed. Unlike [Page 21]the Christians, who, again and again, have resorted even to wholesale slaughter in order to extirpate all heresy, the Hindus have rarely persecuted divergence of faith. They have been wise enough to see that each man has a right to worship as he himself sees fit, and that here no man is justified in secking to force his doctrine on his neighbor. Therefore, the worshipers of Vishnu and those of Shiva have dwelt side by side for centuries without bitterness, and countless sub-sects have arisen and disappeared in India with very little violence or acrimony. No matter how many evils may be debited against Hinduism, at least this one virtue must be listed to its credit: it is tolerant."

Duckworth in "Religions of the Empire" says: "If Hinduism, for which I stand to speak today, has no other outstanding feature to attract your special notice, it can at least boast of its broad toleration shown by the following facts: 1. It never attempted to convert the followers of other religions or to force its doctrines on them; 2. It seldom persecuted anybody for religious faith (from which social laws must be differentiated), and for ages we see the non-fighting and non-slaying Jainas and Buddhists living side by side and in peace with, or under the protection of, Kshatriya warriors who belonged to the sect of Shaktas, offering animal sacrifices to the Supreme Goddess of nature; 3. Then we see all these sects giving a friendly home to our Parsi brothers, who, to avoid religious persecution, sought shelter in India. This toleration is often regarded by some young enthusiasts as a weak point in Hinduism, but it is none the less true that it is the keystone of the strong foundation on which the most ancient religions in the world have rested, and survived so long. The most remarkable fact about Hinduism, to which this toleration may be traced, is that it is not the outcome of the preachings of one self-assertive prophet, or one gospel giving one rigid conception of Godhead or Divinity."

In the Hindu Bible occurs the following remarkable statement: "Altar flowers are of many species, but all worship is one. Systems of faith differ, but God is One. The object of all religions is alike: all seek the object of their love, and all the world is love’s dwelling [Page 22]place." Another quotation from Hindu literature reads as follows:

"To be a true Brahman is not a matter of birth or caste, but right living, and is possible for everyone. I do not call one a Brahman because of his origin or of his mother. Him I call indeed a Brahman who, though he has committed no offense, endured reproach, stripes and bonds; who is tolerant with the intolerant, mild with the violent, and free from greed among the greedy... and thus the whole wide world. above, below, around, and everywhere, does he continue to pervade with heart of love, far reaching, grown great and beyond measure."

(To be continued). [Page 23]

ORIENT AND OCCIDENT

by HANS KOHN Docto Juris, University of Prague

THE CULTURAL PROBLEM

Language and School

At the beginning of the Twentieth Century two systems of education existed side by side in the Orient: the native. medieval system in which-in Islamic countries, as in China and India--the classical religious authors formed the basis of instruction from the lowest grades on and continued even into the highest grades (modern science receiving practically no attention), and a modern system, mostly under European direction, which compelled the children, from the beginning on, to learn a foreign language in which all instruction was given, and accorded little or no consideration to native languages and culture. This instruction accentuated the antagonism between the two cultural spheres: on the one hand an education was being given which no longer met the political and social demands of the time and was so far fossilized that it had lost all power of attraction, and on the other hand an educated class, alienated from the people, was arising and increasing so rapidly that existent conditions offered no possibilities of economic development. Because of this growing antagonism there has lately been an increasing effort towards the creation of a uniform, synthetic system of educataion. The modernization of written languages of the Orient was a prealable condition for such a system. As Medieval Europe had a written language (Latin) which was the medium of a classical and scholarly civilization with a religious basis and was different from the [Page 24]spoken language of the people, so the oriental civilizations had their literary languages also, sharply differentiated from the vernacular, whose store of words and idioms was enriched by associations with classical religious literature. Only through an assimilation of the spoken popular language could this literary language become a medium of expression for modern, secular, esthetic forms and meanings, and so convey them to the people and serve as the vehicle of a comprehensive national culture: while the popular language in order to be capable of expressing a higher range of thought and the exactitude of scientific definitions, would have to be enriched and made flexible through the creative force of a new generation of poets and thinkers.

Hence, in the cradle of the national movement in the Orient, as formerly in Europe, a new language and literature had to develop. This language and literature could then become the basis of the new educational system.

In every country this course of events was repeated. The literary language of Turkey had previously been a mixed language, full of Arabic and Persian words derived from classical Muhammadan literature. With the awakening of the national movement in Turkey the literary language has been divested more and more of superfluous borrowed words and brought nearer to the language of the people. The religious schools of the Quran, in which little children began by memorizing texts which were often incomprehensible to them, were closed during the past few years and replaced by national schools giving modern instruction in Turkish.

The time-honored Islamic academy of the Mosque of El Azhar in Cairo, formerly suggestive of a medieval European University not only in its branches of study but also in its body of students from every country, has lately come to resemble a modern theological college, as much through the inclusion of modern subjects and systematic instruction as through a reorganization of its methods of teaching. This process of transformation will soon be completed, when the present plan is carried out for the erection of huge university buildings, separate from the mosque, in which the system of instruction will be outwardly little different from that of any European university of today. Oriental peoples in [Page 25]Soviet states enjoy the secular and modern education in their own vernacular. Particular attention is given there to the struggle against culture and social backwardness. The common education of boys and girls is given in the language of the respective oriental peoples, who are often receiving systematic instruction in their own language for the first time. The substance of what is offered in these various languages, many of which are raised to the dignity of a literary language for the first time, is everywhere the same: it has no connection with the past or with the religion of the people, but aims to instil a knowledge of practical modern science and a conscious dependence upon the proletarian revolution. Thus the attempt is being made here--with an important deviation, it is true to do what European and mission schools in the Orient have done, but this time it is being made in the native oriental language through the recognition and awakening of a national consciousness. The culture now being instilled is no longer the bourgeois, Christian culture of the nineteenth century, but the proletarian, technical culture of the Revolution. A purely formal synthesis is being affected here, similar to that in Turkey: instruction is national in its outer form, language and consciousness, but, on the other hand, super-national in content and meaning. The substance of an education, according to the theory of the Revolution, is neither oriental, nor occidental in its origin and application, but above all differences of race and creed, human and universal.

An earnest attempt towards a synthesis was made in India, especially in the schools started by the Arya Samaj, founded by Davananda Sarasvati in 1875. Ancient Indian modes of living, and religious and philosophical tradition, were to form the basis upon which modern sciences and the acquirements of European life were to be taught. The most important of these schools is the Gurukula school, founded by Munshi Ram in 1902. "This unique institute is built altogether upon Vedic educational principles, as exemplified by the early Brahmanic teachers in their relations with their pupils, without neglecting at the same time the demands of modern education. The entire system of instruction is built on a purely national basis. The language in which instruction is given is Hindi. Special [Page 26]importance is ascribed to the study of Sanskrit. Although the chief stress is laid upon the study of the Vedas, yet modern sciences and English are not neglected. The physical training of the young is also given special emphasis. Every schoolboy who has spent sixteen years of his life there becomes an enthusiastic apostle of the Vedic doctrine and a self-sacrificing servant of his native country." (Helmuth von Glasenapp). The Arya Samaj schools, which are established for the education of girls also, and the schools of the Ramakrishna Mission, are seeking, under the influence of Europe, to give a new, active interpretation of the old Vedic philosophy, in the direction of service to one’s native country, and to train a generation rooted in the traditions of the past—a generation, however, which can not only hold its own but can also carry on under the conditions of an Orient which is Europeanizing itself. The schools founded by Rabindranath Tagore in Shantiniketan and by Ghandi in Ahmedabad operate in a similar manner.

Efforts in the same direction dominate the modern cultural movements in China. Its aim is the regeneration of the old culture through acceptance of those elements of western culture essential to the building up of a new synthesis. It received its initial impetus from the national university in Peking. During the years of the World War the chancellor there, Ts’ai Yuan P’ai, began with a reform of instruction. Up to that time the Chinese child had started in school by learning the old Chinese classics by heart, under a method similar to that followed in the traditional schools of Judaism, Islamism and Hinduism. The entire education was based on the religious humanistic tradition. The school was now secularized, modern critical methods were employed in instruction, and the study of the ancient classics was reserved for higher schools exclusively. At the same time an article by Hu Shih in the magazine "Modern Youth," called for a campaign against the classical Chinese language (prevailing hitherto solely as a written language), which had not been spoken for over two thousand years and was quite unintelligible to the common people. Its use made Chinese culture the property of a learned caste. The modern language movement raised the native speech in the north—the so- [Page 27]

ORIENT AND OCCIDENT

called Mandarin dialect-to the status of a written language, and carried out the reform against every opposition when, in 1919, it appeared at the head of the national opposition to the Japanese and their demands in connection with the Peace of Versailles.

The new language made a real education possible for the people. The new schools also laid stress upon physical culture and manual training. In the midst of the political disintegration of China a new cultural structure was beginning to rise. In the course of a decade a new national culture and a vast network of schools appeared. The creative forces of the nation were concentrated upon the solution of this problem, which had to be solved in order to furnish a basis for the later solution of political and social problems.

"Despite the universal distress, a colossal work, which the rest of the world has hardly any notion of, has been accomplished in China in the course of a few years; viz., the formation of a uniform language and uniform schools. The Chinese schools now constitute a means for welding together the entire Chinese people, by a single method, into a single cultural community such as has never yet existed in all the thousands of years of Chinese history." (Richard Wilhelm.).

The simplification of language and its adaptation to the exigencies of technical, scientific thought led also to efforts towards simplification of complicated methods of writing, like the Chinese (the acquisition of which required a long study), and towards the substitution of the Latin alphabet in place of the oriental script. In this the Soviet states which were inhabited by Turkish tribes took the lead. The Soviet republic of Azerbaijan was first; then came the Turkish republic, which carried out this revolution with its customary thoroughness and dispatch.

The cultural life of the Orient is now passing through a great crisis, occasioned by contact with the West- a crisis which manifests itself in many and often diverse phenomena. All forms of activity are in the process of transformation. The old is severely bruised by the new. This clash presents a painful and fruitful problem. The search for a solution of this problem-for a synthesis-is being made everywhere. But the cultural crisis is not limited to [Page 28]the Orient. The Occident feels itself hard pressed by the new cultures arising in the Soviet Union and in America. Both affect the Orient also. The great cultural currents flowing through the world today are no longer restricted to one part of the world only, but affect the entire surface of the earth, thus preparing for the coming unity of mankind. The Orient is still, by far, the part most affected; but the cultural process which is working itself out in the Orient today will make itself felt outside of the Orient. For as the prophetic wisdom of the old Goethe has said: Orient and Occident are no longer to be separated. But the transformation process of the Orient is not limited to the cultural field; it strikes just as deeply into economic and social structures.

(To be continued) [Page 29]

THE PATH OF HISTORY

by PAUL HINNER

THE EPOCH OF AGGRESSIVE INDIVIDUALISM

WITH the dissolution of the Roman Epoch a new civilization developed in Europe and Asia minor. The spiritual impulse which expressed the fundamental ideas of this new epoch, reached from Moses through the row of prophets to Christ and Muhammed. The Jews of ancient times called themselves “God’s chosen people” with a certain measure of justification, because their religion was the seed which contained the individualistic ideals. They worshipped only one God, Jehovah, and that God did not only give each individual the right, but made it a duty to strive for salvation. This belief could have no other result than the development of a form of society in which the individual gained the largest possible measure of liberty for the promotion of his own welfare.

This seed of individualism in the form of the Jewish religion lay hidden under a hard shell of intolerance and cruel severity which prevented a premature germination. It is a well known fact that Judaism has maintained itself only through transmission from father to son, as non-Jews embraced it very rarely. However, when the time arrived for the development of human affairs according to the individualistic principle, there appeared in this world a man who was singularly free of passion and prejudice, Jesus of Nazareth. He was the tool with which nature removed the hard shell from the individualistic embryo. Jesus took the Jewish religion as a foundation, softened its cruel severity through an infusion of love and mercy and supplemented it through the doctrine, that not only the Jews, but all [Page 30]human beings are the children of God. The abolition of slavery and the establishing of political equality were the natural result of the Christian doctrine of the equality of all individuals before God and man. Christ regulated the conduct of his followers through moral principles which were an improvement over those that prevailed in the Roman civilization and which naturally led to an improvement in the mutual relations of mankind. The description of creation as contained in Genesis and connected with the new doctrine, corresponded with the conception of the world and of the process of life prevailing at that time. This natural development of the individualistic ideal became consolidated in the Christian religion and through the propagation of the latter, individualism was established as the governing principle for all who came under its influence. Jesus had given an aggressive quality to the new religion through commanding his disciples to carry the faith to all parts of the world; Peter and Paul in the obedience to this charge carried his teachings into the capital of the Roman Empire. There the new doctrine quickly penetrated the oppressed lower strata of society and soon developed a strong organization. Although the early Christians did not oppose the Roman Government in any way, they were nevertheless repeatedly persecuted, because the ruling classes of Rome felt instinctively that the new faith represented an ideal which would ultimately deprive them of their power. When the new religion developed the ability to draw adherents from all strata of society. it did not indeed displace the Roman authority. As Rome sank into dissolution the individualistic ideal was carried to distant parts of the world through the dispersion of the Jews and the propagation of Christianity. It was neither chance nor accident that these different events supplemented each other and led to a definite result, but it was part of a natural process of development, a linking up of cause and effect in spiritual and material as well as in geographic and timely sequence, through which decaying civilization was displaced by a new one.

The record of European History for the fifth and sixth centuries is very incomplete. The organs of the Roman epoch had been [Page 31]

THE PATH OF HISTORY

destroyed in the turmoil of the migration of races before the Epoch of Individualism could replace them. As a consequence a state of anarchy spread over Europe in which might prevailed over right. The Christian Church, however, the carrier and guardian of the new ideal, had the will and strength to live and to guide humanity out of the existing chaos to a new order of society. Despite the unsettled conditions and the many wars between the moving tribes, it extended its influence continuously. Under its guidance the Germanic people established a number of states which became the foundation for the body of the new civilization. The form of government of these new states was modeled after the organization of the Roman Church. An absolute monarch granted parts of his domain as fiefs to his most efficient followers and in this way made them administrators of these sub-divisions. The Roman Catholic Church still adheres to this system, which reflects the belief that an omnipotent individual deity dominates the process of life. The practice of temporal rulers to call themselves kings or emperors "by the grace of God" and the assertion by the head of the Roman Catholic Church that he is the representative of God on earth, likewise are reflections of this belief in a personal god. At the time of Charlemagne the body of the new civilization was already clearly defined and its organs had reached a certain measure of competency. The fact that the propagation of Christianity was the main policy of Charlemagne throughout his long reign shows that spiritual interests overshadowed everything else in the life of the people at that time. The division of the Empire after the death of its ruler was a step in the growth of the body of the new epoch. Contrary to the growth of Rome, which had taken place in the form of additions to the dominating center, the aggressive individualistic epoch grew through division into smaller parts and a new growth of these parts through colonial expansion.

It is a remarkable feature in the development of the Christian Religion that it did not thrive in Asia and North Africa, but was exclusively confined to Europe and the countries settled from there The Christian Church of Abyssinia is no exception because [Page 32]it has remained barren of cultural results. Christianity, with the leaning towards asceticism, did not appeal to the hotblooded inhabitants of the sun-scorched deserts of the South. There arose in the seventh century a man in those regions who expressed the individualistic ideal in a form which made it acceptable also for those people. Muhammed. The growth of the new ideal from Judaism to Christianity and Islam, is an adaptation to the different human material which under various conditions of life shows a great diversity of desires. The wars which were fought for the propagation of Christianity and Islam and the conflicts between these two religions were growing pains of the new civilization. The presence of the Christian vandals in North Africa at the time of the westward march of Islam, the conquest of Spain by the Moors, the Crusades of the Middle Ages and the invasion of Europe by the Turks brought about a better understanding and mutual tolerance between these two branches of the new civilization and led to a geographic limitation of influence. The border between them finally became fixed along the Mediterranean, the Dardanelles, the Black Sea, the Caucasus and the Caspian Sea. The remnant of the Turks in European Turkey and the Christian Armenians in Asia Minor were isolated and misplaced parts which repeatedly were the cause of painful disturbances. Well into the Middle Ages Christianity and Islam were the most important factors in the affairs of the people under their influence. However, in the course of time the material interests gained in importance and the influence of the political organs increased proportionately. The violent disputes between the Popes and the German Emperors of the House of Hohenstaufen were the chain of events which prepared the establishment of the pre-eminence of temporal over spiritual affairs in the Christian branch of individualism. This over-balancing of the spiritual by the material interests is further vividly illustrated through the change of attitude towards the charging of interest on loans of money. Formerly it was considered a crime and punished severely, but gradually it was tolerated and considered legal.

The growth of the body of aggressive individualism through [Page 33]a repeated splitting up and re-expansion of the parts led to a demarcation between those parts and the development of the different nations of Europe and America was the result. This demarcation, however, did not prevent the development of a uniform culture, but on the contrary enabled the different nations to contribute to the progress of the epoch according to their particular qualities. It was a repetition of the development of a uniform culture by a number of similar states as had taken place in Greece, but in place of the small city republics were larger national units. These units were firmly connected with each other through identical religious beliefs, organs for communication and trade, the monetary system, the diplomatic service and divers other mediums. All organs of the many states were alike in principle if not in form because the same spirit dominated all of them. When one nation became exhausted under the burden of leadership another one immediately took the place and the result was the individualistic civilization of the present time.

The value of the cultural contribution of Judaism, Christianity and Islam in the development of individualism, corresponds roughly with the number of their adherents. As a consequence of their dispersion through all countries the Jews were best fitted for the development of trade and of an international currency, and confined their activity almost exclusively to this purpose. The Christian people explored and colonized distant parts of the world and made great strides in the promotion of science and technique. The followers of Islam contributed the arithmetical system and were up to the Middle Ages the main carriers of science and handicraft. During the life of individualism a slow process of increasing tolerance caused the cells in its body to become ever smaller until the natural limit was reached in the admission to citizenship of all grown-up persons, irrespective of sex or color of skin. In the few instances in which this process has not been fully consumated, this deficiency is often the cause of unrest and disturbances. The policy of the United States of America towards its colored and Mongolian citizens is an example.

Individualism developed in its growth an unusual amount of [Page 34]power and energy. With relentless aggression it penetrated to all parts of the world and absorbed the remnants of old civilizations wherever it encountered them. In Central and South America it met the epoch of the Mayas and Incas and destroyed it without even investigating its merits or demerits. However, indications are not lacking that the natives of the American continent, the Indians, will in the coming epoch of civilization play a more important role than they do today. Their social instincts are essentially communistic. They have refused to participate in the individualistic civilization, and are again slowly increasing in numbers, while the birthrate of the white population is declining. Their stoic passive behavior gives them an unusual endurance against which the nervous energy of the white man is ineffective. The Indian has many admirable qualities and it may well be possible that through merging with the white population of America, he will renew its moral and physical stamina, just as through the influx of the Germanic race the nations of Europe were rejuvenated at the time of the dissolution of ancient Rome.

During the first half of the life of the individualistic civilization the grouping of its human components in a social respect took place according to the service in the development of the epoch. Aggressive qualities and skill in military leadership were at that time essential and received the highest social reward. In the course of time the brave and bold upper strata accumulated considerable advantages and made them hereditary. In this way nobility was created. These advantages were offset at the time by certain obligations towards the political and religious organs. Through the growth of the cities and colonies this social division was later on modified to the extent that members of the lower strata of society who acquired power through wealth, were admitted to the highest class. Under the changing conditions the nobility in the European countries was released from the obligations towards the political and religious organs without any reduction in privilege. Through this a social injustice was created which later on became the cause for serious disturbances in the body of the epoch. [Page 35]

THE WORLD'S Y. W. C. A. AT WORK

by EVELYN W. MOORE

THE removal of the offices of the World's Young Women's Christian Association to Geneva, Switzerland, closes one years the work of our World's organization was carried on in London under the guidance of a committee of great experience and long standing. Since the month of May, 1930, we have been established in Geneva with a new committee, including, indeed, some of our old friends, but consisting for the most part of Association workers who have not heretofore had an opportunity for working internationally.

It seems, therefore, a good time to review the work the World's YW.C.A. has been doing and to try to forecast the work that will tall to the Association in its new surroundings. Year after year at conferences of the World's Association subjects of international import have been taken up and discussed, and year after year new phases of work have been undertaken.

Looking back over past years we can recall the request that came from the Orient in 1804 that the World's Association send secretaries to organize work for women in the East; and now we see at our conferences delegates from those countries representing fully organized national Associations and bringing to our whole Association new points of view. We can think of a later urgent problem which arose and was discussed: the provision of international hostels for women travelling around the world; and again as a result of international cooperation, the need has been met in such places as Cairo, Bombay, Shanghai and Paris. In 1920 the [Page 36]The question of migration was foremost in our minds, and since that period the World's Association has organized a special migration department which has become an independent society. The industrial situation is another of the great subjects which the World's Association has been discussing for a period of years, a subject which grows more important as time goes on and as the hard facts of universal economic depression become daily more evident. The latest great question has been that of the relationships between the Christian churches. The conference Budapest in 1928 and the conference of St. Cergue in 1930 are both memorable for the discussion and interest taken in interconfessionalism within our national Association.

The work of the World's office, however, is not bound up only with the impetus and drive of conferences. When the delegates of the national Associations meet to make their decisions and to vote upon matters of international interest, there are always a number of visitors present from Associations not yet in full affiliation with the World's Council, who are looking for help sometimes in beginning work but more often in their gradual growth toward national organization. When it is a question of new work, a survey on behalf of the World's Council is made before action is taken. This is done either by a member of the World's staff, or by a secretary from one of the national Associations, at the request of the World's Executive Committee.

At the moment of writing there are before us three interesting developments in connection with new work. The first is the need of a hostel for students as a beginning for Association work in Belgrade, Jugoslavia. The second is a very urgent request from Egyptian women in Cairo for help from America in the starting of Association work for Egyptians. While there are in Egypt three branches of the Association dealing almost exclusively with foreign girls, there is at present no national organization for Egyptian women. They want an organization of their own which will ultimately become the national Association in Egypt. The third request for help comes from the west coast of Africa where Miss Cecil Heath has been visiting six port towns: Dakar (French Sen- [Page 37]

THE WORLD'S Y. W. C. A. AT WORK

egal). Freetown (Sierra Leone), Accra (Gold Coast), Lagos and Onitsha (Nigeria) and Duala (French Kameruns). Miss Heath reports great opportunities for development, especially in Freetown and Lagos. She is prepared to return to the West Coast with colleague to organize the Association if sufficient interest can be aroused to provide necessary funds.

In accordance with our regular scheme of work these requests for help from other countries have been passed on to the national Associations which have a special interest in the countries men- noned. In the present cases we hope that the United States, Great Britain and France will see their way later on to help in these new projects.

Under the Extension and Education Department of the World's Council are included Associations not yet fully affiliated, whether organized as isolated units or under a coordinating com- mittee for two or three centers. Our task in the World's office is to keep in touch with these Associations so that their constitutional growth may be such that no difficulties arise when they, as national bodies, wish affiliation with the World's Council.

The greatest problem in many of our new Associations is the question of leadership. In some instances the Y.W.C.A. is doing pancer work as the first society to give an opportunity to women and girls to learn to serve the community outside their own homes. such a service means the development of initiative, a sense of re- ponsibility, a capacity for impartial judgments, all qualities which ced suitable opportunity for their development, and which are otten difficult to produce where there has been no tradition of ser- ice in the past. Through the special study courses and camps that are organized from time to time by the Extension Department of the World's Council, we are trying to create the atmosphere in which such qualities can thrive. We feel that the World's Council s a particular responsibility in this matter, in that it can bring ogether women from different countries on a basis of complete equality, into an atmosphere of fellowship and understanding, where friendships can be formed and beginnings made in the study of our varying national characteristics. [Page 38]The task of building up fellowship and understanding is a slow one, and is done in many different ways. Sometimes a World's secretary visits a member country and carries on correspondence over a difficult point. Sometimes arrangements are made for students from one country to go to another to study. Visits to the World's headquarters are the means of bringing many nationalities together in an atmosphere where they are all at home. Material found valuable by a secretary in one country brings to a secretary on the other side of the world a sense of a common purpose. Every friendship formed and every viewpoint widened brings us one step nearer our goal of international understanding.

As we look forward into the future, we realize that the Young Women's Christian Association, along with other Christian organizations, has to face the force of the wave of secularism now sweeping through the world, and the complications in family and married life which the breaking down of old traditions and conventions are bringing into the lives of many young people. In view of this, the fact that the World's Council is to be held in 1933 in China is an event of great significance, for it will give us for the first time in the history of the World's Association an opportunity to obtain the full contribution of the East toward these problems which have heretofore been discussed too often merely from the western point of view. Out of our meeting together will come a greater inspiration and a truer and wider understanding of tasks lying before us as a world organization.

The thien teen The Wild [Page 39]

THE NOVEL OF THE WAR YEARS

by EVELYN NEWMAN Efer of English, Roll Winter Park, Floria

VI

THE British writers, Wilfrid Ewart, Ford Madox Ford, C. E. Montague and Edward Thompson, all four served in the War almost from its commencement.

Wilfrid Ewart, the author of The Way of Revelation (1921) was twenty-two the year war was declared. With multitudes of other young men he shared the enthusiasms of its beginning, and with them he met the inevitable disillusionment. He served throughout the war. He was promoted to the rank of captain some time before the Armistice. Like M. Georges Duhamel, he goes to the Revelation of St. John the Divine for the symbolism of his title: "And the kings of the earth and the great men hid themselves. ... For the great day of His wrath is come, and who shall be able to stand?" The book covers five years in time. It opens with the beginning of war. The chief characters are Adrian Charles Knoyle and Eric Quentin Sinclair, young men of family and fortune leading idle, care-free lives. Against the background of London society life, the first hours of the declaration of war are given, the wild enthusiasm of the London crowds, the carnival at Trafalgar Square. The two at once enlist, as second lieutenants, and are sent to Norther. rance. Rosemary Cranford, Adrian's fiancée, is a frivolous, weak society girl. Faith Arden, with whom Eric is in love, is strong and fine.

The second division of the book, entitled Disillusion, describes active service. Both men are wounded, Adrian seriously enough to be sent back to London. During his convalescence there, he [Page 40]is amazed at the life of many of the social set. He sees two distinct divisions in society: one a sort of charity-bazaar type, where the ultra-society and pseudo-artistic set carry on for their own amusement. Gina Maryon is representative of this group, and draws Adrian's fiancée into it. There are descriptions of the dissolute drug-taking life of the night-clubs, frequented by many of the young girls and numerous officers who happen to be in London. Of the other division of society, Faith Arden is representative. All the efforts of this group are given to nursing, land service, ambulance corps work and other activities of value in relation to the war.

Travail, the third division, tells of desperate winter spent in Northern France, of the billets in a small town near the coal and industrial area of Béthune, of the constant rain, of the sordidness and monotony of the surroundings. The companions of Adrian and Eric in this misery are Walker, a coarse physical type, finding his solace in the houses of prostitution in the town, and Cornwallis, an Oxford man, but one of the many unfortunate misfits in the army. He takes refuge in reading Tennyson's Idylls of the King.

It is in this section that we hear of the Christmas fraternizing of 1915 between the Germans and the British. Eric is now commanding officer and Adrian the next in command. On patrol duty on Christmas Eve, Adrian looks out over No Man's Land, "with its inscrutable shadows and baffling mystery." The moon is shining and he wonders about the Germans, scarcely more than a hundred yards away, what they are thinking. The author, in a stream-of-consciousness method, presents Adrian's thoughts: "So Christmas came with its formal message of peace on earth and good-will towards men' to the drab and motley crew in the trenches.

"And soon after midnight, as though to herald the birth of the Saviour in the speaking voice of that sinister time, the guns burst forth in a thudding, baying, booming chorus. . . . A Corps bombardment had been ordained."

The next morning there is a breaking of all barriers on the part of both sides, and German and British common soldiers [Page 41]

THE NOVEL OF THE WAR YEARS

meet together: "Adrian and Eric watched the scene between the trenches in silence. I ev had drawn their revolvers, but the effort to hold back even their well-disciplined men was without avail. An insurgent common impulse of the combatants prevailed. and grey and khaki swarmed out to meet each other. . . . at the willow-lined stream. They crossed it and mingled together in a haphazard throng. They talked and gesticulated, they shook hands. They patted each other on the shoulder. laughed like schoolboys, and out of sheer light heartedness leaped across the trickle of water. An Englishman fell in, a German helped him out amid laughter that echoed back on the crisp air to the trenches. They exchanged cigars and sausage and sauerkraut and concentrated coffee, for cigarettes and bully beef, and rationed biscuits and tobacco. They exchanged experiences and compliments and comparisons, addresses and goodwishes--and even hopes and tears

"There appeared after a quarter of an hour two German officers who wished to take photographs, a request which the men refused. 'Our artillery will open on you in exactly five minutes," they retorted, 'get back to your trenches or take the consequences." And the trench world was lifeless, unpeopled once more.

"The guns thudded.... Only the rifles remained silent."

Adrian and Cornwallis discuss this strange camaraderie with the enemy and decide that the morning’s friendship was more real than the supposed hatred ordinarily expressed by the guns.

A long winter is dragged out at the Ypres Salient. The constant danger and the appalling sights of death cause the deterioration of both officers and men of certain temperament, especially of Eric. Not that he ever loses his iron control of himself and his men. But he grows steadily more cruel and pitiless. This fact is illustrated by an account of the treatment of two prisoners captured in No Man’s Land: "Eric and Adrian met them being prodded along a lonely section of trench by the bayonets of a sergeant and three soldiers, accompanied by kicks and curses. Eric laughed; Adrian felt an unashamed compassion for the two Germans, fine looking men who behaved with some dignity under [Page 42]the circumstances and were, he reflected, as much the victims of the holocaust of war as himself or their captors. When the platoon sergeant inquired what he should do with his prisoners. Eric said:

"They're a couple of the swine who fire the minenwerfer, I suppose. Do what you like with them."

"Oh, send 'em down to Brigade Headquarters, Eric" protested Adrian.

"Come along!" said his company-commander, cutting him short. "They're no use to us."

The platoon-sergeant laughed.

Passing back that way half an hour later, they found the Germans lying dead in the trench.

Even Walker, the Rabelaisian, tells Adrian of his paroxysm of fear on finding four of his men killed, one blown to pieces. Major Brough, second in command, had attacks of "trench fever" which kept him "rather frequently out of line." The tyrannical Colonel Steele would ask Eric, his company commander, to go with him along the battalion frontage. The men laughed at the Colonel's fear, remembering his extra "fatigues" and "punishments" on battalion parades.

Eric was finally killed. Faith, now his widow, gave Adrian courage to go on. They met in Paris, the description of which reminds one of that given by Volpatte in Le Fen and by Sulphart in Les Croix de Bois. There was seeming gaiety everywhere, and the demi-mondaine world was very busy. He returned to the country between Bapaume and Cambrai. The Allies were now in victorious advance. Cornwallis was Adrian's constant companion. Adrian was wounded. Cornwallis carried him back to their line: "He lay, a helpless bundle, across his friend's back.

"Twenty-five yards to cover.... Already they were half way—"

Then the machine gun opened Cornwallis redoubled his efforts, panting and groaning in a frenzy of exertion.. A few yards more...

"Saved!"

In that instant, Cornwallis uttered a short, sharp cry.. He [Page 43]

THE NOVEL OF THE WAR YEARS

gave a little whimper, rolled forward and lay still."

When Adrian recovered consciousness, he saw Cornwallis’s dead face lying beside his own.

The fifth part, Peace, tells of Adrian’s convalescence, of Rosemary’s death from an overdose of morphia and of the abandonment of London to the orgy of emotion on Armistice Day.

“Revelation of Light had come to a multitude which had passed through the Valley of the Shadow of Death. . . . Never had the powerful are lamps shed their glare upon a wilder gaiety . . . couples danced like coster-mongers on a Bank Holiday . . . The traffic stopped. Such scenes, people recalled, had not been known since the night ’of August the Fourth, nineteen hundred and fourteen.”

A chapter is given to the Victory Ball, to the description of the fancy-dress costumes, of the brilliant uniforms of British and foreign officers, of Army and Navy, of the distinguished representatives of politics, diplomacy, art, drama, literature. Rosemary’s death from an overdose of morphia occurs at this ball. The incident would seem to be symbolic, almost a criticism of the ghastly emptiness of such an expression of gratitude for the end of war.

Adrian and Faith marry and comfort each other in a serenity of remembered sorrow. At the end Adrian tells her: “. . . for war, you know, kills the soul as surely as it kills the body and i thought that had died in me once. . . . A wife, one’s mother, a friend—what more could any man ask of the world that can be so cruel?”

(To be contin [Page 44]

THIS PRAYING WORLD

by JOHN WILLIAM KITCHING

"WHATEVER sins we have committed against son-in-law, against friend, companion, or brother, against bondsman or stranger, from these absolve us. O Varuna! If we have been deceitful. like players at their play, whether wittingly or in ignorance, absolve us, O God. Let us be thy friends, O Varuna!"

The prayer given above is from the Rig Veda, V. and is a prayer for forgiveness to Varuna. Hopkins, in his "Religions of India." savs "There is one deity in Indian religion, in whose presence the priests lose their confidence viz.. the great Varuna, with his near kinsman Mitra." The spies of King Varuna are everywhere. from them nothing is hidden. When two men hold secret converse in the dark. Varuna is present as a third. In the presence of this omniscient deity, the singer becomes conscious of his own littleness. Of Varuna he has no mythical stories to tell; in presence of that dread deity he offers fervent prayers for the forgiveness of his sins. Varuna is the most exalted of those gods whose origin is physical. His realm is all above us: the sun and stars are his eyes: he sits above upon his golden throne and sees all that passes below. even the thoughts of men. He is, all, the moral controller of the universe."

The name Varuna comes from the Sanskrit "Var" meaning surround, encompass, probably connected with Greek, ouros, i.c.. heaven. In Vedic mythology. Varuna is the representative of the all encompassing heaven. Only a dozen hymns in the Rig Veda [Page 45]are addressed exclusively to his praise, but these hymns show him to be the noblest of the Vedic divinities. He is generally invoked in company with Mitra. The sun is their common eye; the heaven is their golden abode.

As creator and regent of the world, Varuna rules the universe with unswerving laws. A thousand spies, the stars on rays of light, seek out offenders against his rule; there is no escape from his omniscience even by flight unto the farthest heaven; his bonds and fetters are ever ready for the guilty; and inevitable punishment awaits those who have aroused his wrath. At the same time it is his all-wise providence that protects the good.

In his divine keeping are a thousand remedies that relieve the miseries incurred by sin and hold death afar.

The reward of immortality is Varuna’s abode hereafter. As sovereign of the vaulted sky Varuna is the lord of the waters. The sea is his domain, the rivers flow at his bidding, and the rains descend in accordance with his ordinances. Through his sovereignty over the waters he inflicts dropsy upon those who sin against his law. As an Aditya he is sometimes coupled with other gods than Mitra, while his great rival for supremacy in the hearts of the people of India is Indra.

In past Vedic mythology Varuna sank into insignificance beside Prajapati as a supreme being, and in the later Indian religion his dominion is confined simply to the sea and to the supremacy over the West. [Page 46]

THE PROMULGATION OF UNIVERSAL PEACE

A by HORACE HOLLEY

CONDITION of uncontrolled disturbance, which arose gradually and progressively, in a series of apparently istic of the social community at the present time. To look back only a few generations, it is obvious that such outwardly unrelated episodes as the disturbing influence of Darwinian thought upon religious culture, the consequences of telegraph and telephone upon social culture, or the political influence of Marx's economic doctrines, could, by contemporaries, scarcely be coordinated through any existing historical perspective. Each episode was a stone cast in a separate pool of experience, sending out waves through different classes of society. Even less possible could it have been for contemporaries to discern organic unity between these three results of scientific progress and the first assertions of the peace ideal in the West, the re-discovery of Vedic and other religious scriptures in the East. the spread of democracy at home and the penetrations of imperialism abroad, and the rise of a definitely formulated sociology and psychology.

The destruction of the past has taken place so episodically, one citadel at a time, that three generations of people have continued the vain attempt to resist a process of universal transformation unrecognized in their conviction that it was revolution rather than a manifestation of new and higher power.

In the larger meaning of the word, provincialism prevented recognition of the real nature of the world movement—a provincialism not merely of place but of experience.

But as the disturbance grows unmistakably general—as the waves of successive attack join in the same unrelenting siege—it [Page 47]becomes at last possible to interpret the different episodes as one inclusive historic trend. What the nineteenth century now appears to mean was not so much the final breaking down of geographical isolation, but the more profound destruction of the isolation between aspects and levels of human experience. It was not merely America and Europe, or Europe and Orient, that stood as continents isolated one from the other; over and above this material separation it was religion and philosophy, government and psychology, industry and ethics. The historic gulfs between church and state in any nation, or between law, finance and education, now seem wider and deeper than the gulfs between the various states. The point to be remarked at present is that what was destroyed as the no longer useful "past" was only superficially a matter of medieval castles and dynasties, or of water power mills and local hand craft shops in essence it was a social environment which produced human beings incapable of realizing the oneness of life and the inter-relations of social action through the thick veils imposed by a religion, a science, a philosophy, a politics and an ethics all mutually antagonistic and actually irreconcileable.

Every mode of human capacity had been developed to its farthest reach by a long line of specialists whose basis of reality and whose validity of truth was confined to the limited area of their predominant interest. The religious specialist extended religion to its utmost limit away from the common center of human reality, and the theologian had his exact counterweight in the competitive manufacturer, the diplomat, the banker and the natural scientist. For centuries, the specialist in one field merely denied the conclusions of the specialist in another field. Nor was it merely a sterile, uninfluential battle of schools. The common man, who could not go along with any specialist to his ultimate emphasis, found himself living in a society whose organic institutions were under the specialists’ control. He was compelled to meet day by day the conditions which these institutions, each administered by specialists and their faithful apprentices, chose to impose. His local community was divided by boundaries which were more [Page 48]implacable than the boundaries between nations. His existence was a perpetual struggle among conflicting interests which all too faithfully reproduced the limited and exclusive loyalties imposed by the geographical areas of states—loyalties making strife and conflict so inevitable that strife and conflict seemed the very glory of man. The supreme struggle called "war" was actually incidental to the perpetual struggle maintained within the state. The farmer and the industrialist, the buyer and seller, the producer and the banker, the politician and the priest—here, in every city, town and hamlet, existed social and psychological separations that could not culminate otherwise than in wars of nations and a war of the world.

Ultimately, the condition of isolated institutions is a condition of divided truth—man at war with his fellowman only because both are at war with themselves. All outer wars, dynastic, class, national, racial, creedal, are explosions ignited by that inner flame. All along, consequently, the elements of climax existed in this drama of man. From the days of the Crusades and the sale of indulgences by the church, civilization has been set irretrievably toward the collapse that now is. The frequency and bitterness of external conflict served long to conceal from men the vaster importance of the inner struggle, but the occasional Dante and Milton tasted that epic agony to its dregs. Now, in public debacle, in the final extension of spiritual ignorance to its limit in world disturbance on the one hand, and to its fulfilment in institutional impotence on the other, we reach the point where no escape exists save by the regeneration of man himself. Every problem has returned to its original source—the mind and heart of man.

When it can be said that man's psychological past has been destroyed beyond possibility of return—when the most active human motives no longer produce helpful but harmful results—it can further be said that man's psychological future—our goal, and hence our direction of conscious effort—becomes the all-important issue. Even the most undiscerning person today can realize, even if only dimly, that economic competition on a world scale leads to poverty and not to wealth, and that military operations on a world [Page 49]scale involve not victory but universal defeat. What is man? is the primary question that must precede the secondary questions: What political organization can establish universal peace? and What social policy can solve the economic problem?

3.5358.

The "climax" that has come upon this generation is nothing else than the providential necessity of recreating our inner being for life in a world society in which moral and political, as well as economic values, at last coincide. The motive inadequately called competition--in reality it is the illusion of separateness--must be replaced by the motive of cooperation. And cooperation, to be full and effective, implies understanding of the degree to which humanity is a united kingdom of life and not a jungle of warring nations, races, classes and creeds. As the men of an early age confronted an unknown physical universe, so we confront the unknown universe behind human emotion and thought.

The "world outlook," in fact, is not so much a command of the entire geographical area as it is the capacity to trace the sequence of cause and effect from the depths of emotion and thought to the social environment in which emotion and thought are expressed and fulfilled. No longer can we conceal our fundamental human values behind the alibi that nature molds humanity-the environment conditioning us today is not mountain, sea and desert but human will, human passion and human thought.

But such a coincidence of inner and outer values can only mean that the spiritual fact and the practicable public policy have merged. The need of cooperation to prevent a prostrating war and an equally prostrating economic struggle is nothing else than supreme vindication of the ancient prophetic teaching of love. A social environment in which human motive turns the scale between life and death for countless men and women is an environment so transformed that the reality of religion has become more important than any fragmentary science of statesmanship or economics. "Without vision the nations perish," is the statement of inclusive truth exercising paramount authority over the whole range of human action in this new age.

More significant than any new scientific invention, or any new [Page 50]combination of industry or finance, or any new international pact, then, is a manifestation of religion as source of education and discipline for human understanding, will, emotion and thought. What the world needs is a divine art of living, an instruction leading to the attainment of integrity in personality--a going back to the springs of being that make a man a oneness, a unity of experience and hence capable of unity with his fellows. What the world needs is the power to transfer human will from the outer circumstances of personality, where all is division, to the center, where universal harmony exists. What the world needs is a common path to the one God.

In this period of climax, when emphasis shifts abruptly from the material factors of civilization to the spiritual elements of humanity, fresh light is thrown upon the significance of a life like that of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Connecting the years 1811 and 1921, it formed a bridge between the forces resolved in the past and the new forces to be resolved in the future. In the light of present need, it seems a life providentially shaped to interpret men to man and man to himself. One end of the bridge rests upon the firm assurance of the ancient word of love; the other end rests upon the equally firm assurance that the word is not ancient but modern that the mind and heart of man will be fulfilled in a civilization uniting and coordinating the races, nations and classes of humanity.

"The re-formation and renewal of the fundamental reality of religion," he said many years ago. "constitute the true and outworking spirit of modernism, the unmistakable light of the world, the manifest effulgence of the Word of God, the divine remedy for all human ailment. Before the shattering effect of the European War was visible. he also said. "At present universal peace is a matter of great importance, but unity of conscience is essential, so that the foundation of this matter may become secure, its establishment firm and its edifice strong;" and "The fundamentals of the whole economic condition are divine in nature and are associated with the world of the heart and spirit." Above all, "The gift of God to this enlightened age is knowledge of the oneness of mankind." And, while the West attempted to transmute technical proficiency [Page 51]into political and economic imperialism, "There are periods and stages in the life of the world of humanity, which at one time passed through its degree of childhood, at another its time of youth, but now has entered its long presaged period of maturity, the evidences of which are everywhere apparent. Therefore the requirements and conditions of former periods have changed and merged into exigencies which distinctly characterize the present age... Man must now become imbued with new virtues and powers, new moralitics, new capacities." "It is our duty in this radiant century to investigate the essentials of divine religion, seek the realities underlying the oneness of the world of humanity and discover the source of fellow ship and agreement which will unite mankind in the heavenly bond of love."

Before this quality of understanding became communicable words, it had revealed its integrity by a degree of devotion and actice throughout fifty years' exile and imprisonment that raises these words high above the realm of mere intellectual discussion ‘Abdu’l-Bahá symbolizes the victory of the spiritual attitude common to the true tradition of all faith. In a world divided against itselt on all planes and in all regions, he re-asserted the innate dignity and divine worth of man. The result is that the impact of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá upon current problems, recorded in such a work as The Promulgation of Universal Peace." becomes a meetingplace for diverse minds and dispositions, for antagonistic types and tempetaments, wherein each one finds a link between himself and these else unknowable others--a new measure of possibility in an evolutionary advance of the whole of mankind. "Reality is not divisible; it does not admit multiplicity. All the holy Manifestations God have proclaimed and promulgated the same reality. They have summoned mankind to reality itself and reality is one. The clouds and mists of imitations have obscured the Sun of Truth. We must forsake these imitations, dispel these clouds and mists and free the Sun from the darkness of superstition... Until the heavenly civilization is founded, no result will be forthcoming from material civilization, even as you observe." [Page 52]

THE THOUGHT OF GOD IN AMERICAN HISTORY

by EDWIN D. MEAD Former Director, World Peace Foundation

IT were devoutly to be desired that we might look at our history and our politics more religiously. That is what elevates history, king of kings, with increasing purpose moving to divine events; and that is what gives to political action dignity and import. We sometimes smile at the Chinese when they call themselves the "Celestials"—God's own peculiar children; at those old Jews who loved to call themselves "the chosen people"; at Dante laboring to prove by appeal to the miracles in Livy that the Roman nation was the one divinely commissioned nation. Yet it was a great and noble thought. The exclusiveness was not noble; but the fundamental thought of divine calling and commission was sublime. That is what it were to be wished that we might have in this republic, that we might feel that our State is Church, that God is in our history, that politics is religion, as Moses felt it and Samuel and David and Isaiah. I cannot think that David felt himself doing anything unkingly, writing psalms. I like to read of Solomon taking things out of the priests' hands and saying the prayer himself at the dedication of the Temple. I think it would not have been safe to rebuke Prophet Jeremiah or Prophet Ezekiel for "preaching politics." I think, moreover, that it would not have been safe to rebuke those old Puritan ministers of ours for it. It is a poor, pale, later time that has divorced politics and religion. Almost the whole of Jewish prophecy is politics. Their politics has become our religion. I wish that our own were that. I wish that, when the American preacher desires to show most plainly th [Page 53]

THE THOUGHT OF GOD IN AMERICAN HISTORY

anger of God, he might do as Stephen did, and recount the history of his own people. I think that in some future some apostle to the Americans will write in the same high religious strain of the long line of American patriots and prophets who have greatly kept the faith as the writer of that sublime chapter in the Epistle to the Hebrews chants the fidelity and the vision of the heroic souls of Israel.

Faith, he will say, is the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen. For by it the elders obtained a good report. By faith Columbus sailed through unknown seas for many days amid perils of wind and perils of water, mid perils from faint hearts, mid perils from false brethren, and revealed a new world, and died, knowing not what he had seen. By faith Puritanism, beginning even as a grain of mustard seed, brought forth in England Eliot and Hampden and Cromwell and Milton and Vane, and planted New England. By faith the Pilgrim Fathers, when they were called to go out into a place which they should after receive for an inheritance, obeyed; and they went out, not knowing whither they went. By faith they sojourned in the land of promise, as in a strange country, with Winthrop and Hooker and Roger Williams, heirs with them of the same promise. For they looked for a city which hath foundations, whose builder and maker is God. These died in faith, not having received the promises, but having seen them afar off, and were persuaded of them and embraced them, and confessed that they were strangers and pilgrims on the earth. For they that say such things declare plainly that they seek a country. And truly, if they had been mindful of that country from whence they came out, they might have had opportunity to have returned. But when the Mayflower sailed away at the end of the first winter of death, while half their number slept in the graves in the wheatfield, not one went back, no, not one looked back who had set his hand to this plowing. Wherefore justly might they boast that, as one candle lighteth a thousand, so they had shone to this whole nation; and justly might their brethren write from beyond the sea that the memory of this plantation should never die.

By faith Samuel Adams refused to admit of bondage, and was not afraid of the king’s commandment. By faith Washington drew [Page 54]his sword. By faith Jefferson saw that which was invisible, saw that man's right to liberty was divine endowment, and that behind the struggle was the law of Nature and of Nature's God. By faith independence was declared by a nation that was not yet a nation. By faith the farmers stood at Lexington and Bunker Hill, by faith they endured at Valley Forge, by faith they conquered at Yorktown. Mighty was the faith which worked so potently for us in other lands, the valiant faith of Burke and Chatham and their peers in the oppressor's very home; the faith of Lafayette and Steuben and Kosciusko, who made our cause their own; of our great First in War when he became our First in Peace, and, with Franklin and Adams and Madison and Hamilton, brought us out of confusion into order.

And what shall I more say? For the time would fail me to speak aright of Lincoln and the noble army of those who redeemed the land from slavery; of Garrison, who worked mightily with the press, and Phillips on the platform, and Parker and Beecher in the pulpit, and Whittier with the song, and Mrs. Stowe with "Uncle Tom, and Sumner in the Senate, and John Brown on the scaffold: of faithful soldiers coming up from lowly homes and lying down in unknown graves; of faithful women giving up brothers and sons and husbands. And some had trial of bonds and imprisonment, in Libby, in Salisbury, in Andersonville, being destitute, afflicted, tormented. These all, having obtained a good report through faith. labored chiefly for our sake. Others labored, and we have entered into the fruits of their labor.

For us Emerson and Longfellow and Lowell and Hawthorne and Whittier have transfigured our story and our life; and for us Bancroft and Motley and Parkman wrote history. Our founders made us know at the beginning that we may not live for ourselves alone, that nothing human is foreign to us, and that above all nations is humanity. Washington and Franklin and Jefferson were the foremost Peace statesmen of their age, and aspired to make their new nation the inspirer of a new era for mankind. They demanded that war be banished from the earth, and sought to make the United States the prophecy and preparation for the United [Page 55]

THE THOUGHT OF GOD IN AMERICAN HISTORY

World. American churches founded the world's first Peace So-actics, believing war "inconsistent with the religion of Jesus Christ" and demanding that the kingdoms of this world be made Lingdoms of our God. By faith Woodrow Wilson, the President of the United States, founded the League of Nations, the prayed for Parliament of Man.

Wherefore, seeing we are compassed about with so great a cloud of witnesses, that with so great a price our freedom has been purchased, that with so great faith and so high imperatives we are encircled, let us lay aside every weight of selfishness and sloth, and the sins of partisanship and pride that so easily beset us; let us walk worthy of our great inheritance; let us be creditors of the future as we are debtors to the past; and let us know that the spirit of history is the God of nations, whose other name is Justice. [Page 56]

ON THE HUMANITY OF SCIENTISTS

by JOHN HERMAN RANDALL. JR. Department of Philosophy, Columbia Univenty

IR age is much given to praying that Science might exert more influence on human affairs. We wish that instead of living by prejudice, passion, ignorance, ballyhoo, and distorted half-truths, we might manage by some miracle to make our way through this mad world by the aid of exact knowledge, that we might even come into the presence of the austere light of the scientist’s passionate search for passionless truth. We have been taught to revere the Scientist, and to pay lip-service to his spirit and temper of mind. While all our other idols are crashing, the Scientist alone has remained upon his pedestal. After the fashion of adoring mortals, we have conveniently forgotten that those human scientists we know are flesh and blood even as you and 1: that they live in our world, share our prejudices and passions. know no more than we about the vast majority of things, act as stupidly and speak as dogmatically, and are caught as securely within the web of social institutions we all deplore and are none of us able to escape. Scientists might be as gods, fearless, inquiring. sceptical, conscious of their power of knowledge and resolute to employ it only for the social good; in point of fact, they are American citizens, Republicans, Presbyterians, rugged individualists. conscious only of the meager economic returns for their service and resolute to get the most they can.

T. Swann Harding is a scientist who like the rest of us has caught a vision of the Scientist and what he might become in our world. But unlike the rest of us he knows the human, flesh and blood scientists intimately. He respects them and their profession. and he despises their antics and their goings-on. He loves to cham [Page 57]

ON THE HUMANITY OF SCIENTISTS

pon them against the world, and he loves to scold them roundly to their faces. He knows their problems and their difficulties, their insidious temptations in the American scene. He has sympathy and admiration for their struggles and achievements, and scorn for their lack of any desire to rise in their wrath and transform the face of the world. Out of this mixture of devotion and contempt, and out of a profound knowledge of the life of the scientist in Amer- can society, Mr. Harding has put together a book that is both pro- voking and provocative, and withal a deeply stimulating picture of the fortunes that await the pursuit of truth in modern civilization."

Mr. Harding is human enough hin.self, in all conscience. For one who sets out to be the gad-fly, and to be no respecter of persons or professions, he is singularly careless about his own defenses. His book, while clear enough in details, is poorly written and poorly organized; it is no calm and lucid diagnosis, but a torrent of ideas, invectives, and damning illustrations. He has kept a note- book of all the scientific scandals of our era, and of all the critical discussions of the role of science in our society which a wide read- ing has brought to his attention. These he hurls at the reader pell- mell, more anxious to convince him that something is very rotten in the state of Denmark than careful to analyze just what are the sources of corruption. It would be surprising if in such a multitude vexing and complicated cases, scandals in which much blame and some justification must be apportioned all around, the judg- ment of one man were always infallible; even more surprising when so many are discussed on the hardly reliable basis of newspaper comments and the reports of professional scandal-mongers. More serious is the author's habit of quoting with approval views on various moot points not only widely different but often in logical contradiction with each other, a habit more indicative of an open mind than of a well thought out position. Above all, there is a tendency to cock-sure and dogmatic pronouncements in fields that le beyond the author's experience that smacks little of the scientific spirit. All these human failings tend to rob the volume of the force its ideas deserve, and lay Mr. Harding open to the charge that one

Swann Harding, The ratio of Sconce Fanar and Khanehart, 200 [Page 58]who writes so diffusely, so contradictorily, and so journalistically can scarcely be expected to have done much clear thinking.

But such a charge would miss the main point of the book. However unreliable Mr. Harding's instances in detail, the evidence is overwhelming. And however confused he may be on the fundamentals of his diagnosis, the picture he presents raises problems of the utmost importance.

There is first the question of how far the pursuit of science can remain a profession in our profit society. A profession, in Mr. Harding's view, has standards and rules of conduct based upon the theory that the quality of service rendered is much more important than the emolument received. When profits stand first there is a business, but no profession. With our money standards, can science escape the all-permeating influence of commerce and ballyhoo, especially since the dependence of industry on science has the constant tendency to prostitute science to the service of those who pay? The answer is not unambiguous. Like all the other professions, science has been deeply tarred with the brush of a profit economy. Mr. Harding illustrates this in great detail. Scientists are for the most part good Americans, as are doctors, dentists, druggists, ministers, lawyers, journalists, teachers, and politicians. The very fulness with which the canvas of all the professions is filled in seems to absolve the scientist of special blame. We are all miserable sinners together. Perhaps the god-like scientist should resist? So should the saintly and prophetic minister, the clear-minded teacher, the learned servant of justice. But which of us does? Scientists find themselves either in the direct service of business men running industries for profit, or in universities, or in the government service. Each of these groups has special problems and temptations; each, as the author makes clear, is moulded both directly and indirectly by the commercial set of our institutions.

And yet—though scientists be slavish knaves aping greater knaves, Science remains a profession. Maimed and limping, she wins her victories, and pursues her revolutionary path. The grace of Science is bestowed ex opere operato, not ex opere operantis. Her priests may be corrupted and degraded, but still truth is served. [Page 59]

ON THE HUMANITY OF SCIENTISTS

Science may be advanced even at the Devil's altars, as Mr. Harding shows. What then could scientists not do under more favorable conditions? Could they escape the perils inherent in every institutionalized form of activity? When Mr. Harding shifts his attention from what profits and ballyhoo do to science to what scientists do to science, it is evident that he is raising a problem more fundamental than that of a money economy. Scientific inquiry is essentially a great cooperative enterprise; Mr. Harding makes plain the futility of trying to apportion responsibility for scientific advance on any individualistic basis. That is, it must function through some organized social institution. Could it hope to escape, in any society, the price that must be paid? One turns impatiently from the ecclesiastical priest to the saintly Francis; one turns with equal impatience from "cook-book science" to the deified Einstein. Conservatism, specialization, immersion in technical concerns, an esoteric language and a desire to preserve professional mysteries—in what institution are they absent? How common are the bare bones, and how rare the original insight! It is true that our profit society accentuates these things, in the church and laboratory alike; but it did not create them, and its abolition would not end them.

The sharp criticism of the teaching of science, under the heading "Learning more and more about less and less," is all too justified. It is good to have a scientist speak the truth. Scientists are indisputably the poorest teachers of all. Not only have they made it almost impossible for science to contribute what it could and ought to a genuine education for those not willing to become professional scientists themselves, with the result that scientific ideas, to say nothing of the scientific spirit, are far less widely known among the educated than a generation ago; they have well-nigh destroyed education, even in scientific fundamentals, among scientific students themselves. The ignorance, uncouthness, and general illiterateness of American scientists of the younger generation outside of their own narrow specialty are by way of becoming proverbial. Industry's desire for willing slaves must bear part of the responsibility, but hardly all of it; Mr. Harding makes this clear by [Page 60]pointing both to England, where scientists are not necessarily educated, and to the demand on the part of industry itself for more education and less narrowness. The unwieldly institutionalism of American science must bear the brunt of the charge.

But even were these dangers carefully guarded against, instead of being completely overlooked, there would still remain the problem of adjusting the pursuit of science to a world of doers. In our society, these doers are "money-minded," and the author discusses this problem under that head. Yet in a Communist society like Russia the gap is no more successfully bridged, and Mr. Harding has hard words for the organizing faith of the Russians in its impingement upon scientific inquiry. The exigencies of practical organization are not those of cautious investigation; and while neither can dispense with the other—the author welcomes business men in the work of scientific organization, for all their profit motive! neither can really understand the other. Practical life demands decision, unquestioned ends, faith; science suspends judgment, questions everything, doubts. Can the scientific spirit ever prevail in the conduct of affairs, under any social scheme? Can it hope for more than a quiet corner, in return for crumbs that can be turned to account? These are difficult questions.

They raise the whole issue of the social responsibility of the scientist. In the face of the prostitution of science to profits, Mr. Harding makes the customary plea for pure and disinterested inquiry, supported by the economic—that is, the profit—value of such purity. It is the traditional defense of the scientist against the business man. Yet he also ardently calls the scientist to recognize his responsibility for the welfare of mankind, and counts his blindness to this responsibility as his greatest sin. In a society like ours where no such responsibility is anywhere recognized, the plea for pure science may be valid; but how about a society founded on that community of service? Should science there proceed on its way oblivious of social needs? Should it be subjected to the same organizing control as all other human activities? What after all is the social function of science? Is it the pursuit of truth—any truth? Or is it a pursuit of those truths that will serve the fundamental [Page 61]

ON THE HUMANITY OP SCIENTISTS

ends a society has set itself? Is the trouble with science today that it serves our basic end, the ideal of profit, instead of serving only itself? Or is it that in our society the fundamental end of profits is an anachronism? Would not a socialized society bend science still more directly to the improvement of technology? Thinkers as different as Bertrand Russell and Aldous Huxley expect, and fear. that it would; and we have only to glance at Russia, and at that volume in which the problem has been so forcefully raised by Russian scientists, Science at the Cross Roads. To answer these questions would demand a fundamental philosophy of science, and its social function, which Mr. Harding has not attempted to develop.

And finally, there is the still more general question of the relation of science to values. In the opinion of the questioner. Mr. Harding has made a sound analysis of the nature of science as a method and as a logical scheme. But, like nearly all physical scientists who reflect upon such matters, he regards values and ideals as not amenable to scientific treatment. "If values and ethics were admitted into the scientific world, they would be reduced to a system of differential equations and nothing would be gained. But sales arise outside the system of science; they must be attended, the scientist means hile remaining just as objective as he possibly can under the circumstances." The consequences of such a view are obvious. "That which is amenable to treatment by scientific method can be stated clearly. The things not yet so treated are not necessarily unimportant; but the facts regarding them are so ill-apprehended that conclusions about them become vague and cloud-like, and the opinion of one man is about as good as that of another." Presumably Mr. Harding would not believe that the opinion of one man in support of the opportunities for science under the profit system was about as good as his own. Presumably he would maintain that there was some truth in his volume, though tot a single differential equation appears. All the questions he raises lie outside of science as he defines its limits; are then scientific analysis, dispassionate inquiry, careful investigation and patient verification to have no place in dealing with them? Such a [Page 62]view as Mr. Harding’s which resolutely excludes all values from science, and all scientific method from values, leads inevitably to the subservience of science to the dominant value in our society, that ballyhoo for profits which he so much detests. It is a view carefully inculcated by the captains of finance and industry he despises. It is a view which if taken seriously would utterly defeat the whole purpose of his crusade. Scientists will never become the intelligent men he would like them to be, and science will never exert the authority in society he is calling it to assume, until the values of things are made as amenable to scientific inquiry and verification as are their other aspects, and until the uses of our technological structure and our economic organization are explored as resolutely as are the uses, say, of potassium nitrate. Fortunately, Mr. Harding has not allowed his inadequate theory to hinder his own suggestive exploration. His own conclusion is clear: "The scientist, unless and until corrupted by profit economy, is a communist to a very large extent, in the dictionary sense of the definition which holds that communism is a system of social organization where goods are held in common. The goods of the scientist are ideas, theories, facts and discoveries in the realm of human knowledge. Without the greatest possible freedom to make every other scientific worker gratuitously acquainted with what he has accomplished the individual scientist is thwarted in his best efforts to serve humanity, and science itself becomes all but impossible. Instead, however, of being able to serve humanity to the best of his abilities, the scientist finds himself in an economic structure where profits are demanded, where he is constantly urged to prostitute his knowledge for commercial purposes, and where service to the general public is very secondary indeed. Science must be released from bondage in order that the power it produces may be used to the advantage of all rather than to the enrichment of the few and the starvation of many."

Science may be divine, but scientists are human. They are men living with their fellows in a complex of social institutions. In that complex they have a special function to perform. Like all the rest of us today, they have but a dim realization of what that function [Page 63]

ON THE HUMANITY OF SCIENTISTS

is, and what its full development would imply both about the conduct of their own profession and about the general structure of society. There is much that scientists could do by taking thought to remedy their failings and increase their power even in our world; but until science seriously applies itself to the scientific investigation of that social world, of the possibilities it offers, the limitations it sets, and organization that will most completely realize those possibilities, the pursuit of science will remain in bondage to an anachronistic economic system. The remedy for the human faults of scientists is a resolute facing of the responsibilities of scientists as men; and scientists can best fulfill those responsibilities by being more scientific about themselves, about the function of science in society, and about the function of society as a whole. Mr. Harding is to be congratulated that he has faced these questions as a man and a scientist, and advanced so far upon the road to their analysis. [Page 64]

CURRENT PLANS AND ACTIVITIES

by RUSSELL M. COOPER

WHEN is a pacifist not a pacifist? Is a boycott really an act of war? Those are the questions which have been tossed about within and among the American peace societies during the past few weeks. The Far-Eastern crisis has cut deeply into the philosophical foundations upon which many groups are building their programs, and it has revealed certain fundamental differences in points of view. Does true pacifism require that a nation adhere strictly to the methods of moral suasion to restrain a recalcitrant power, or does it allow for economic boycott and even international military force in order to preserve the peace?

The majority of organizations seem inclined to agree that economic sanctions, if simultaneously applied by all the neutral nations, would be a most effective and legitimate means of restraining Japan in China. There is a strongly vocal group, however, which argues that overt coercion is never a good remedy, that it tends only to increase the international ill-will and might very easily lead to war. Dr. Herbert Adams Gibbons, historian and authority on international affairs, recently summed up this attitude when he declared:

"It becomes more evident each succeeding year, especially now that the interdependence of the world economically and financially has been demonstrated, that an economic boycott is a declaration of war. Those who advocate such a measure against Japan probably do not realize that if they were successful the cause of world peace would suffer a serious setback. They are playing with dynamite." [Page 65]With Mr. Gibbons in this position, stand a large section of the daily press and several of the most liberal journals. Strangely hough there are two other groups which join with the extreme pacifists in their opposition to the boycott. One of these is the body ot rigid isolationists represented by Senator Borah, and the other is the small faction of commercial and manufacturing interests which would suffer financial losses from the project. Fortune occasionally does indeed create queer bed-fellows.

Of those groups favoring the boycott, most endorse the prinaples of the Lowell-Baker petition, initiated February seventeenth. This appeal calls upon "the President and Congress to signify to the League of Nations that the United States will concur in any economic measures the League may take to restore the peace." Practically all groups agree that the United States should not apply economic sanctions alone, but that it should assure the League of its support in any measures in which the entire world community would cooperate.

The League of Nations Association circulated the Lowell-Baker petition widely among its constituents in order to impress the government with the growth of public sentiment in favor of such cooperation with the League. A special American Committee on the Far-Eastern Crisis has been hastily set up with headquarters in the Commodore Hotel, New York City. Mr. Raymond T. Rich, the director, reports that letters from all over the country indicate a preponderance of sentiment in favor of the Lowell-Baker formula, and that even rural, mid-western communities are showing a surprising interest in the project.

The Intercollegiate Disarmament Council issued a rush call to students on about 250 campuses to join in a petition to the President and Secretary of State, urging that the United States participate with the League of Nations in its deliberations and possible ictions against Japan. This proposal goes further than the appeal, issued February second by leaders of national youth organizations epresenting 1,000,000 students, calling for a withdrawal of United States troops from the war zone together with an embargo on war materials and cessation of credit to the countries involved. [Page 66]An Emergency Peace Committee has been organized at 104 East Ninth Street, New York City, under the leadership of Tucker P. Smith. This committee is pushing hard for the adoption of the Fish Resolution (H. J. Res. 270) which would lay an embargo upon arms shipments to warring nations. Mass meetings, letters to the press and legislators, and considerable public agitation have thus been aroused in order to influence the State Department and Foreign Relations Committee to permit a hearing on the bill. The Committee on Economic Sanctions of the Twentieth Century Fund, headed by President Nicholas Murray Butler, endorsed the arms embargo principle in its report of March first concerning possible ways of implementing the Briand-Kellogg Pact. It went even further in a second clause providing for "such further economic sanctions and concerted measures, short of the use of force, as may be determined to be appropriate and practical under the circumstances of any given case."

Not all the advocates of sanctions, however, are content to wait for the government to act. Many individuals and groups are engaging in an official consumers' boycott of Japanese goods, in order to help impress Japan with the hostility of American public sentiment. A group of prominent society and club women in Boston have launched such a movement, and several college bodies in widely scattered sections are joining in the crusade. Under the leadership of Mrs. Corliss Lamont and Mr. William Loeb, Jr., an American Boycott Association has been organized at 218 Madison Avenue, New York City. The association declares that the United States purchases over 40% of Japan's exports and that the loss of this coupled with the loss from the Chinese boycott would curtail 76% of Japan's foreign trade, or enough to force her to terms.

Obviously such an unofficial movement will be joined by only a fraction of the population, as the organizers seem to appreciate, but the mere threat is expected to exert considerable pressure. There is, indeed, evidence to indicate that the American boycott movement has proved one of the most powerful deterrents to further Japanese aggression.

The World Court Proposal continues to occupy the attention [Page 67]of several important peace organizations. The National World Court Committee, the National Council for Prevention for War, and the League of Nations Association are especially active, insisting that America’s adherence at this time would add tremendously to the forces of law and order seeking to stabilize a troubled world. The campaign has been aimed first at getting the protocol reported out of the Foreign Relations Committee, and then at arousing heavy popular sentiment to insure a favorable two-thirds vote of the Senate. The committees urge that all citizens interested in the measure write a personal letter to their senators expressing their support.

The enthusiasm for student model Assemblies of the League of Nations continues to grow under the guidance of the League of Nations Association. These model Assemblies bring together students from various colleges to represent the different countries in a very realistic rehearsal of the League debates. Each delegate is carefully trained in the problems and point of view of his “country” and the project has done much to stimulate interest in world issues. The colleges usually devote an entire weekend to the enterprise, many students traveling for a hundred or more miles to join in the discussion. Last year thirty-seven model Assemblies were held, enlisting some 7,200 students from twenty-four states. Among the intercollegiate Assemblies this year are those at Brown, Carleton, Detroit City, Syracuse, and Ohio. Chicago University is sponsoring a model disarmament conference in place of the League Assembly.

The Education Committee of the League of Nations Association has likewise sponsored a national competitive examination on the League of Nations among the high schools. The first prize grants the winner a free trip to Europe, and several other cash prizes are offered to those winning lesser distinction. The contest closed March eighteenth, and awards will be announced soon. The International Club of Kansas University has conducted a high school essay contest in that state on the general subject, “Disarmament.” Several substantial prizes were offered and the contest has elicited great interest. [Page 68]

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In "Policies of the Great Powers in the Far East" by Professor MacNair, we have the historical background necessary for the proper understanding of the present situation in Manchuria and Shanghai. Events of the nature of the invasion undertaken by Japan do not take place as isolated, explosive "happenings"- they come as the final term in a definite sequence of incidents. The final event appears explosive and isolated merely because public opinion has refused to assume responsibility for general international policy until it is well nigh too late to affect the result. Where the possibility of war exists, the ultimate burden of responsibility falls upon people and not upon governments. As long as "foreign policy" is made to rest upon governments by default, the shock and suffering of military conflict cannot be considered historically save as a reminder to the people that indifference to public matters is the sin which incurs the heaviest punishment at the disposal of Providence As a matter of fact, the very phrase foreign policy has become misleading and untrue, since no public matter can any longer be "foreign" in the old sense that its consequences lie outside our own social environment. Every national, racial and class policy has become part of world policy, with an accompanying vast increase in our responsibility to secure accurate and full knowledge of the interrelations of attitudes and events.

The MacNair article goes far toward carrying the ultimate responsibility of Japanese action back upon the other major Powers. Japan had ample precedent in Europe and America; the only difference being that this particular military adventure was entered upon too late. The nations can no longer afford shocks of this magnitude-hence the gradual evolution of an international attitude since October which denies to armies the spoils of their success. The next step in the Far East will inevitably be a violent assertion [Page 69]

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of the democratic spirit in Japan, with the removal of the last of the medieval political authorities.

In other words, that government today which undertakes military action to bring about economic and political aggrandisement has thereby declared war against its own people. The militarist, once a herioc patriot, has become to all intents and purposes a traitor.

"The Policies of the Great Powers in the Far East" is an adaptation of the final chapter in Professor MacNair's book, "Far Eastern International Relations," written in collaboration with Hosea B. Morse and published by the Houghton Mifflin Company. Protessor NacNair is at St. John's University, Shanghai, for the period of a year. We commend this book to every student of world affairs.

A correspondent in Atlanta, Georgia, asks this significant question: "Why not declare war against starvation? We are at a very low ebb. Our men are downspirited and ready to do even wrong things to have food for their children. Everything is out of balance and proportion. We have wars for conquest, for money reasons, for remedy of disputes. Why not let America declare itself in a state of war and act accordingly? Conscript wealth, conscript the unemployed, put the loafer on a steady job. Adopt a five hour day plan...If wars are right and permit of a fine organization, why wont it work to save a country?... If war tactics are good they should serve America now."

Here is a perfectly fair question-what do other World Unity readers think about it?

Last month we concluded Volume IX. These nine volumes of rld Unity constitute a library of reference, research and general reading on international subjects without parallel in modern literature. Some of our readers realize this and have presented sets of bound volumes to public libraries. We feel sure that many others will do the same when they stop to consider the vital importance of knowledge in the present period of social transformation. [Page 70]

THE PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION ASSOCIATION and THE NEW EDUCATION FELLOWSHIP

The Progressive Education Association is now affiliated with the New Education Fellowship, an international movement whose aims and ideals are similar to those of our own Association, with representatives in twenty-eight countries, and bureaus in London, Dresden, Geneva, and Paris.

The New Education Fellowship is holding a Conference in Nice, July 29–August 12, 1932, on EDUCATION IN A CHANGING SOCIETY. An American Committee, representing PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION ASSOCIATION, the NEW EDUCATION FELLOWSHIP, and other organizations interested in international education, have organized a temporary international bureau, to cooperate in plans for the Nice Conference, to secure an American delegation, and to help in formulating proposals for a new world organization after the conference. The office of this new bureau is at 425 West 123rd Street, New York City, with Frances Fenton Park acting as Secretary-Treasurer, to whom all inquiries should be addressed.

A joint subscription is now offered which includes membership in the organizations, and subscriptions to PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION and the NEW ERA, both published monthly during the school year.

Progressive Education Association 716 Jackson Place Washington, D. C.

Date __________ Dept. __________

Please enroll me as a joint member of the New Education Fellowship and the Progressive Education Association, which membership entitles me to a year's subscription from date to THE NEW ERA and PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION. Enclosed is my check for six dollars ($6.00).

Name ________________________________________

Address ______________________________________ [Page 71]

MODERN ASPECTS

MODERN ASPECTS of economics, philosophy, literature and religion undergo thoughtful and creative analysis and re-synthesis in The New Humanist

Due to skiltul editing and high literary and intellectual ideals. THE NEW HUMANIST has made many friends of distinction. This journal is especially interested in reflecting the development of thought related to human value in all phases of social and individual life. It will be an admirable complement to the other thoughtful journals on your table.

Yearly: One Dollar. Single Copy: Twenty Cents.

SPECIAL OFFER

The New Humanist will be sent for one year in combination with any of the following books. The regular price of the book is given in brackets,

With Walter Lippmann's "A Preface to Morals" ($1.00) $1.65 With Irwin Edman's "The Contemporary and His Soul ($2.50) 2.75 With A. Eustace Haydon's "The Quest of the Ages" ($2.50) 3.00 With Roy W. Sellar's "Religion Coming of Age" ($2.50) 2.75 With R. J. Hutcheon's "Humanism in Religion Examined" ($.75) 1.25 With Max C. Otto's "Things and Ideals" (82.50) 3.00 With C. J. Keyser's "Humanism and Science" ($3.00) 3.25

Please send check or money order, otherwise books will be mailed C.O.D. Send all orders to

THE NEW HUMANIST 1: WEST FIRST STREET DAYTON, OHIO [Page 72]

WORLD UNITY MEMORIAL To DAVID STARR JORDAN

The name of David Starr Jordan has become associated with faith in the reality of world peace. His contribution to the peace ideal was made at the highest level of human achievement, through the power of a personality uniting scientific intelligence and spiritual aim. In his life and work an age striving to throw off the intolerable burden of organized conflict grew more conscious of its capacity for progress and more determined to attain the goal of cooperation and accord.

In order to give continuance to Dr. Jordan's vision and attitude, never more needed than in this period of confused purpose and ebbing courage. it is proposed by a number of his friends and associates to establish a World Unity Memorial to David Starr Jordan.

The purpose of this Memorial is to make possible the wider diffusion of Dr. Jordan's important statements on peace and international cooperation by magazine and pamphlet publication, in a form rendering them available to peace workers throughout the world, and to encourage the rise of the peace spirit among the new generation of college students.

It is the privilege of World Unity Magazine to serve as the organ of the David Starr Jordan Memorial, under the auspices of a Committee representing the scholarship of America, Europe and the East.

Friends of David Starr Jordan, and friends of world peace, may assist in the realization of the purpose of the Memorial by contributing toward the modest expenses involved. A contributing membership may be secured for five dollars; a student membership for two dollars; a life membership for ten dollars. Copies of all Memorial publications will be furnished members without charge.

In addition to the publication of David Starr Jordan's most important statements on the subject of peace, the Memorial will offer an annual prize for the best essay on world cooperation submitted by any college undergraduate.

WORLD UNITY MEMORIAL TO DAVID STARR JORDAN

4 East 12th Street. New York City (Sponsored by Mrs. David Starr Jordan)

COMMITTEE

HAMILTON HOLT, Chairman JANE ADDAMS SIR NORMAN ANGELL MANLEY O. HUTSON SALMON O. LEVINSON JOSEPH REDLICH BARON Y. SAKATAN HANS WEHBERG