World Unity/Volume 13/Issue 6/Text

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WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Volume XIII, March, 1934

World Unity is World Faith ..... Editorial

The Supernational Unions ...... Giovanni Baldazzi World Unity through Moral Education . H. L. Latham Walter WaisnW sc ts we Kew ew Hw Richard Lee

World Citizenship .......... Carl A. Ross Should Black turn Red? ....... Kelly Miller Toward a Common Philosophy ..... F. Emerson Andrews World Advance ........24e8-. Oscar Newfang Notes on the Current Issue

Index

321-326 327-332 333-336 337-34] 342-347 348-360 361-372 373-379 380-38] 382-383 �[Page 321]WORLD UNITY IS WORLD FAITH

BDITORIAL

v. A Controlled Society

machines, each perfectly adapted to produce one particular result, has vastly stimulated our desire to extend this new and marvel-working capacity into other and larger realms. While the eighteenth century laid the foundation of machine technology, the nineteenth century carried technology forward to its application in the fully coordinated and highly specialized in- dustrial plant. The step onward from the individual machine to the complete factory, made inevitable not merely by economic pres- sure on the factory owner but also by the augmented aptitude and experience of the industrial engineer, has released throughout society an entirely new standard of social efficiency, together with a conviction that this standard can be applied to the political and economic realm as a whole.

The public discussion of a “planned economy” and a “‘con- trolled society” represents, then, the emergence of this “machine mind” as the characteristic response of an industrialized age to its most pressing and vital problem—the problem of human re- lationships. It has become intolerable, intellectually as well as morally, to endure 2ny longer a social order inefficient to the de- gree of imbecility, when we have before us the impressive evi- dence of achievement in thousands of industrial plants functioning in practically every part of the world. Human society has become the tempest, out industrial technology is a ship that can weather the fiercest storm. Human society is the disease; industrialism offers the antidote that can restore health and strength.

Hence the “blueprint” solutions of the world disturbance thrust upon us from every side; and hence, too, the significant fact

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T= ability of modern man to invent and construct intricate �[Page 322]322 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

that in those areas of society most completely under the dominance of centralized authority, the goal sought by legislative, judicial and executive processes is to project the factory system and the factory psychology throughout the entire political domain.

Whether one is a so-called capitalist, communist or fascist, the organic idea of a “controlled society,” a “planned economy,” seems to be the central principle of human existence, the only ques- tion open to discussion or inviting strife being that of how, for whom or by whom the control is to be attained. Any minority as- serting the importance of cultural or spiritual values they claim are not subject to the factory concept are readily disposed of by the simple formula which discredits such values as useless rem- nants of the pre-industrial, the eighteenth century agricultural age. The thought of God might well have tormented or otherwise in- fluenced the peasant laboring in his field and fearful of drought, deluge, lightning or hail, but that thought is incompatible with labor performed in the long row of machines, invincible to impact of nature’s forces, which make the modern factory the very em- bodiment of triumphant power.

To this prevalent materialistic outlook it is unavailing to point out that the war of 1914 and the economic collapse of 1929 are concrete evidence of its inherent lack of true value, for these ca- tastrophes are taken not as proof that men need religion but on the contrary as proof that society was not yet sufficiently ‘‘planned” and “controlled.” The modern Circe has given humanity a cup to drink which does not transform men into the outward image of beasts but stamps upon them the inner likeness of the machine.

The true response of religion today is that while historic creeds have spent themselves in the task of enabling man to win his struggle over nature, the spiritual task of winning the struggle of man over himself, of finding the true principle of association between all men, has not yet even been attempted. In the light of this vital problem, the technical achievement wrought by the de- velopment of machines which multiply and extend man’s physical powers is of purely secondary importance.

When by blueprint we can unify the hearts of men; when by �[Page 323]A CONTROLLED SOCIETY 323

legislative enactment we can transmute antagonism into perfect amity, and misunderstanding into a universal vision of reality; when by intellectual power alone we can rid the world of strife and lay the foundations of enduring peace,—then, and then alone, can modern man vindicate his claim that religion is a remnant of the dead past or the preoccupation of a few introverted souls, and that by extension of technical science we may meet every exigency of human life and social evolution.

It is true that the repudiation and abandonment of theological concepts rooted in the past is not only possible but necessary; it is true that rites and ceremonies reflecting ancient terror of nature have no useful application to life in an industrial age; it is true that the technological achievement of world unity has made the racial creeds appear incredibly naive and provincial to every intelligent adult modern; but the fact remains that all this victory over form and concept has only served to clear away the undergrowth, remove the rubbish of history, and create a condition in which, at last, the organic and not merely the subsidiary aim of religion can be per- ceived. The fact remains, in brief, that man’s dominance over nature—a startling historical incident—has brought man irrevo- cably face to face with himself.

From this issue there is no retreat, not even postponement. The world at this hour plunges onward to meet its destiny, and upon the present generation has providentially converged the final impact of those forces which for countless ages have been pre- pared within the human heart.

Mysteriously today has become conjoined the ancient tradition of a Kingdom of God upon earth and this modern preoccupation with a society planned and controlled. The one hope rests upon obedience to a higher power, upon meditation and prayer, the other hope rests upon intellectual capacity to seize and mold the instruments man himself has created. Each hope has its confident argument, its vindication, its self-sufficient proof and demonstra- tion. Both are aspects of human nature, but the tradition of the Kingdom and the vision of a controlled society are the two poles of the magnet and between their opposite expressions of the same �[Page 324]324 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

force there is yet no reconciliation and no coordinate accord.

By what power can those who are masters of industrial tech- nology be induced to employ their skill and resources for univers- al human ends, the ultimate ends of human life upheld by the Prophets? By what power can those who cherish faith in God be educated and trained to create in the objective social world an or- ganic instrument for the realization of justice and peace? Between an objective dominance lacking spirit, and a subjective hope lack- ing physical embodiment, stands the yawning chasm into which our Civilization, our very basis of human security, may topple to destruction.

‘Abdu’l-Baha has achieved supreme service to this age by clar- ifying the fundamental issue faced by mankind. “Man has two powers, and his development two aspects. One power is connected with the material world and by it he is capable of material advance- ment. The other power is spiritual and through its development his inner, potential nature is awakened. These powers are like two wings. Both must be developed, for flight is impossible with one wing alone.”

“Today the world of humanity is walking in darkness because it is out of touch with the world of God. That is why we do not see the signs of God in the hearts of men. The power of the Holy Spirit has no influence. When a divine spiritual illumination be comes manifest in the world of humanity, when divine instruction and guidance appear, then enlightenment follows, a new spirit is realized within, a new power descends and a new life is given. It is like the birth from the animal kingdom into the kingdom of man. When man acquires these virtues, the oneness of the world of hu- manity will be revealed, the banner of international peace will be upraised, equality between all mankind will be realized and the Orient and Occident will become one. Then will the justice of God become manifest, all humanity will appear as the members of one family and every member of that family will be consecrated to cooperation and mutual assistance. The lights of the love of God will shine...”

This spiritual attitude, impregnating the heart with a sense �[Page 325]A CONTROLLED SOCIETY 325

of the reality of higher, as yet latent and undeveloped human powers and capacities, has been established far and wide throughout the world with a force and through a sacrifice of self which has re- stored the primacy of man as spirit over man as slave to the ma- chine. In ‘Abdu’l-Baha the modern world has the examplar of a human perfection not merely depicted but attained. The life he lived, the message he left as his precious legacy to a humanity “‘walk- ing in darkness” toward the abyss of war and revolution, these constitute an historic fact which the perspective of time will ap- preciate. ‘Abdu’l-Baha exemplified the capacity not only of an in- dividual man to be lifted into the realm of spirit but also the capacity of mankind to be unified in one order and one law.

The inherent weakness of current thinking on the subject of a controlled society is that it assumes that what must be controlled is the domain of economic and political power. This thought fails utterly to perceive that the most carefully elaborated technical pro- gtam, applied to a humanity seething with fear, tormented with jealousy and hate, would be destroyed stillborn, or have to be maintained by a dictatorship somehow endowed with fantastic authority. Social evolution, in reality, is at every stage a correla- tion between social form and human states of mind. At any one moment the degree of useful order in the world is determined not by the area of thought but by the area of human confidence and mutual faith. We shall have world unity when we have world faith, and the structural form adapted to a spiritually united hu- manity can never be attained by a divided world.

Because our modern capacity for social planning has been developed almost exclusively in terms of economic values; because, moreover, that capacity has become subject to the prevalent struggle for power, a vitally important intellectual force has fallen prey to a false ideal, a wholly unsubstantial and illusory hope. The ex- tension of technology from machine to factory simply can not be carried forward to apply to the social community as a whole. The effort to project the factory system and the factory psychology into the larger social realm is the final, inevitable error of materialism. From that effort is arising a series of revolutionary movements �[Page 326]326 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

which tend to annihilate the very basis of orderly action and prog- ress and transform the world into the darkness of guerilla warfare.

The true basis of sociai planning upon which future progress must rest is a unity of peoples, not a coordination of industrial factors. If the world divides along economic lines, the vital truth will be lost sight of, and the only result can be the eventual out- break of deliberate, military war involving the entire world.

The real issue, in fact, is not the power and prestige of any one nation, and not the alternative between rival economic systems: it is the choice between materialism disguised as a philosophy, and the spiritual reality of man. During the year 1912, ‘Abdu'- Baha declared that the greatest service could be rendered human- ity by promoting the ideal of world order in terms of world feder- ation, in exemplification of the federation adopted by the Ameri- can States. This ideal alone can stand between us and complete chaos. Its purpose is to constitute a human order capable of con- sidering and acting upon any and every economic and social pro- ject from a universal point of view. It would create a responsible central government, representing both the states and the peoples, not committed to any economic theory but neutral to all theories and movements. The existence of a true World State, with legis- lative, judicial and executive departments, would be for humanity what a unified mind, conscience and will are to the individual per- sonality. Until that world order is achieved, humanity will be scourged by brutal manifestations of the struggle for power, its collective intelligence will be darkened, its conscience betrayed, its will divided, its destiny endangered.

The time for “anti-war” paciflism, for mere negative resistance to the stream of revolution, has gone forever. The profoundest moral tradition, the deepest human instinct and the supreme needs of the present age, all combine to reinforce the conviction that unless humanity can unite in a constitutional order, its capacity for survival has become fatally impaired.

H. H. �[Page 327]THE SUPERNATIONAL UNIONS by

GIOVANNI BALDAZZI Author of “Orrizronti della Latinita,’’ etc.

A MONG the spiritual and material factors at work in history

during the after-war period, one of the most important is

the trend toward political federalism. There was a time

when the State seemed to be the largest possible form of political organization. In these days, the natural barriers, such as mountains, rivers and seas, helped the process of nation-building, and strengthened the bond of common history and culture among the people of each country. But these barriers are become today almost ineffectual, owing to the development of facilities for travel and communication as well as to the interdependence of nations and the spreading of culture. It is obvious that all these factors stimulate the movement toward decentralization, and favour the establishment of political complexes of a pluri-national character.

Likewise, not long ago the State was generally considered as an autarchical body, which derived the whole of its rights and power from itself, and was vested with the privileges of an abso- lute sovereignty. This political individualism showed itself injuri- ous to the cause of peace and to the progress of civilization. In fact, it stands even today as a permanent menace to security and as an overwhelming obstacle to the establishment of a system of political and economical cooperation among the countries of the world.

Before the Great War there had existed coalitions between a few Great Powers, like the “Triple Alliance” of Bismarckian mem- ory, but they were merely combinations of political convenience, that formed and dissolved according to circumstances, without aiming at any superior goal of solidarity and international order. Selfishness, ambition, spirit of domination were the real, although

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hidden and unavowed motives of those systems of alliance, which under the mask of the “Balance of Europe,” gave rise to the tragedy of the last war.

The tendency of modern nations to form supernational com- plexes, with the object of raising themselves to a higher state of efficiency, and to attain ends which would be out of reach for any one of them independently, is a truth proved by numerous events of the international life of today. In this connection we shall omit those movements that are still in a formation stage, like the plans for the federation of All-India, for a European Union, for a Balkan Confederacy, for a Federated British East Africa, etc. Our survey shall cover only political organizations in actual existence, such as the League of Nations, the Pan-American Union, the British Commonwealth and the Little ‘“‘Entente.”

As is stated in the Preamble to its Covenant, the principal scope of the League of Nations is to promote international peace and security. Owing to the high stage of organization that hu- manity has attained in all the fields of its activity—cultural, social, political and economical—and given the destructiveness of mod- ern warfare, the institution of war has become incompatible with the very existence of our civilization. This accounts for the fact that the League of Nations has been able to obtain the adhesion of the majority of the States of the world. Whatever its shortcomings may be, there is no doubt that during its short career, the League has displayed a large activity for the settlement of dangerous inter- national disputes, as well as for the reduction of armaments and for the development of cooperation between nations. Still one is not allowed to overlook the shortcomings that have come to light during the performance of these difficult tasks. As a matter of fact, we are now confronted with the impotence of the League to counteract the imperialistic policy of Japan in Manchuria, but this, far from showing its uselessness, is rather an evidence of the urgent necessity to make effective its authority, by equipping it with a military force and with the other organs needed for upholding in- ternational law and order, as well as for safeguarding the nations against aggression. �[Page 329]THE SUPERNATIONAL UNIONS 329

The Pan-American Union is also a coalition of States, similar to the League of Nations, although with a jurisdiction limited to the American countries. In comparison to the Geneva Institution, its organization is rather embryonic, inasmuch as it does not possess either the statutory preciseness of the Covenant, or an Executive Organ, like the Council, or a Judiciary Organ, like the Permanent Court of International Justice. There is, however, a Deliberative Organ, viz., the Conferences, which are usually called once every two or three years.

Following an agreement reached at the Havana Conference, in 1928, a Pact of Conciliation and Arbitration was concluded be- tween the governments of the United States, Venezuela, Panama, Uraguay, Ecuador, Chili, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Brazil, Columbia, Cuba, Paraguay, Honduras, Argentina, Haiti and San Domingo. In virtue of that convention, whenever a dispute cannot be settled directly by the States concerned, through the usual diplomatic chan- nels, it must be submitted to the decision of an Arbitral Commis- sion, which shall be appointed for that purpose.

Many other problems are dealt with in the Pan-American Con- ferences, such as land and maritime transportation, custom-duties, emigration, international sanitary provisions, etc. Good results have been attained in most of these issues, but no Custom-tariff agreement has been reached so far.

In short, the Pan-American Union is an organization which bears witness to the characteristic tendency of our epoch, whereby the peoples are trying to overcome the territorial frontiers in which they are confined, with the object of knowing one another better, and of getting, through a mutual cooperation, such opportunities of improvement and welfare, as during the past, they vainly hoped for, from national isolation.

a

The British Empire, which owes its actual expansion to an age-long policy of commercial and colonial expansion, as well as to the naval victories of the United Kingdom against France and Spain, at the time of the Napoleonic wars, has undergone since then a radical transformation along the lines of a pluri-national com- �[Page 330]330 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

monwealth. This evolution of the Empire, from the early form of a Centralized Power to that of a Confederation of States, vested with a greater or lesser degree of autonomy, was sanctioned for the first time at the Imperial Conference of London, in 1926. In that conference the principle of the equality of status of the Dominions found its expression in the Balfour Declaration of Constitutional Right, which reads as follows:

“They (Great Britain and the Dominions) are autonomous communities within the British Empire, equal in status, in no way subordinate one to another in any aspect of their domestic or ex- ternal affairs, though united by a common allegiance to the Crown, and freely associated as members of a British Commonwealth of Nations.”

The outstanding significance of this political system, lies in the fact that it affords a conciliation between autonomy and unity, liberty and cooperation, decentralization and coordination.

As was stated in the Canadian House of Commons by Mr. MacKenzie King, at that time Prime Minister of Canada:

“The transition from a relationship within the Empire of im- perial control and colonial subordination to one of equality of status, with free cooperation between the different parts, is the greatest political transition that possibly the world has witnessed, the most momentous, and the most unprecedented political devel- opment of modern times.”

Yet, this system has also a spiritual aspect which is especially worthy of appreciation, inasmuch as it has supplied the means of educating millions of men to the concept of a wider and enlight- ened patriotism, which embraces all the countries of the Old and New Continents that have placed themselves under the aegis of the Pax Britannica. Certainly, there are forces that conspire to shatter the unity of the British Commonwealth, both from within and without. Let us remember in this regard the Irish Sinn Feiners, the agitation of Indian and Egyptian nationalism and the propa- ganda of the U.S.S.R.’s agents in the East. But the narrow na- tionalism and the sectarian spirit that underlie these movements, are easily perceived by al] upright and clear-minded people, who �[Page 331]THE SUPERNATIONAL UNIONS 331

cannot fail to condemn them as un attempt against the international order.

In the midst of these disruptive forces, the British Common- wealth stands out as a pillar of Western Civilization, and it ap- pears to be a constructive factor of peace and progress.

m * * * *

The “Tittle Entente” is another combination of States, which has sprung up in the after-war period, in defense of the new Euro- pean order. As is generally known, the founder of this union of States was Professor Masarik, president of the Czechoslovak Re- public. The original idea of this great statesman was to organize a Federation of Central Eastern Europe, embracing all the Baltic States, which were severed from Russia, and the “Successor States” of the late Austrian-Hungarian Empire. As the circumstances proved at that time unfavorable to the actualization of such a great plan, it was decided to build up a much smaller coalition, formed of Czechoslovakia, Rumania and Yugoslavia.

After 14 years only from its establishment, the ‘‘Little Entente” has been successful in consolidating its position and in fulfilling its task of maintaining loyal respect for treaties and safeguarding the territorial integrity of her Member States.

The fact that Soviet Russia has recently negotiated and signed with Poland and Rumania a Conciliation and Security Agreement, which marks an implicit territorial recognition of the situation sanctioned by the Peace Treaties, is a significant evidence that the policy in behalf of the international "status quo” in Central Eastern Europe, has proved to be a success.

It is almost useless to add that the “Little Entente’’ will cer- tainly show itself also a bulwark of peace and order, against the reviving menace of a new Drang nach Osten by Hitlerite Germany.

Originally, the Three States Union which I am speaking of, was based merely on a Mutual Treaty of Arbitration and Concilia- tion. During the last years, however, the organization of the “Lit- tle Entente” has improved along the lines of a closer unity. The most important features of the machinery and provisions of this �[Page 332]332 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

body are: A Central Council, a unified foreign policy and a collec- tive representation at the League of Nations. In the economic field, the main objects in view are: the unification of the trade legis-- lation and of the economic organizations of the three counties, as well as the mutual development of importations and exportations.

• * * * *

As is shown by the examples above expounded, the wider life of the peoples in the modern world tends to surpass the limited field of action of Nationality. But, inasmuch as unity is an irresis- tible need of our civilization, this evolution, in the process of time, is bound to lead in the formation of a World Federation.

In closing this article, may I venture to recall, that the United States represent the most perfect and successful form of federal organization of our time; so it is toward them that all students of the problem of World Federation should turn their eyes.

Let us hope that the great American Nation, brought up in the principles of liberty and higher democracy, embodied in the Dec- laration of Independence, and spurred by the remembrance of her great achievements in spreading the light of culture and progress in the American continents, may understand the beauty of the ideal of the Universal Commonwealth of the Twentieth Century, and bring to its realization the support of her powerful and magnifi- cent energies. �[Page 333]WORLD UNITY THROUGH MORAL EDUCATION by H. L. LATHAM

Character Research Service

HE cultivation of genuine world fraternalism must be cen-

] tered in some idealistic factor of superior value recognized

by all mankind in which controversial elements are reduc-

able to a minimum. Politics, religion and personal taste

resist such demands; art is willing but does not adequately trans-

mit constructive force. Industry is tending to some sort of ideal-

ism, but the achievement is belated. International trade is conducted

for frankly selfish ends, even when a “fair exchange” is effected.

Moral education can not be rivaled as the universal factor which we seek.

Whatever form may be adopted for the expression of moral ideals they do have a recognized worth and constitute a common coinage for world intercourse where discounts are not often de- manded. A visitor in a foreign land is urged to master the cus- toms and tendencies of his new acquaintances, but pending his success in learning these numerous details he will be accepted as a well-meaning and courteous person if he shows an innate spirit of toleration and kindliness.

Moral education has international value because there is a universal language of ethics even though it be expressed in a novel and intricate language. Simple narratives of self-sacrifice, of cour- teous assistance to a friend in need, of parental care for a helpless child, of patriotic service, all possess a universal appeal whose cementing efficacy can not »e overestimated.

Consequently, it is a pleasure to call attention to an out- standing movement that is promoting moral education of youth throughout the world. Possibly none commands a larger following than the International Moral Education Congress which held its

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fifth quadrennial session in Paris with an attendance of 300 regis- tered delegates from 36 nations.

The proceedings of this congress have been published by Fe- lix Alcan, Paris, in two major volumes totaling 700 pages, with a summary of 23 pages covering the discussion of September 23 to 27, 1930 held at the Sorbonne under the title, ““Cinquieme Congres International d’Education Morale (Paris 1930).” Volume I con- tains reports of addresses and discussions of Italian (2), English (5), German (2) and French (39); volume II presents reports and discussions in Spanish (1), Italian (1), English (1), German (1) and French (85). In a few instances the address is given both in the original language and in French translation.

Fortunately in volume II, p. 301-340 is found a list of dele- gates giving also their official position and street addresses. It is an imposing array of scholars and publicists who have set their hearts on the amelioration of human woes through strengthening of the ethical forces in all nations. They spoke on three major themes: The Utilization of History for the Purpose of Moral Education; Discipline and Autonomy in Moral Education; Vari- ous Procedures in Moral Education.

The type of thinkers may be judged from the fact that such men as the following took leading parts in these deliberations: Rafael Altamira, Judge of the International Court of Justice, The Hague; Charles Baudouin, Professor in the Institute J. J. Rosseau and in the University of Geneva; M. Claparede, Secretary of the Inter- national Bureau of Education; Gino Ferretti, Professor at the University of Palermo; Fou Tong, Professor of Philosophy and Ethics, the Superior Normal School and the University of Pekin; ~ F, J. Gould, Educator, England; Michael Lheritier, Secretary of the International Committee of Historical Sciences; Professor Peter Peterson, University of Jena; Mme. Helena Radlinska, Professor in the Free University of Poland; W. R. Sorley, Professor of Moral Philosophy at Cambridge; Pierre Kovalevsky, Professor of Russian, Lycee Michelet, Paris; Yusuf Ali, Delegate from India to the League of Nations, and many others of equal standing.

He who examines the utterances of these scholars will be pro- �[Page 335]WORLD UNITY THROUGH MORAL EDUCATION 335

foundly convinced that they are exploring the ultimate bases on which they may erect a defensible policy for the moral education of youth in all nations. Some of the delegates had attended the five sessions of the congress beginning with London, 1908. They were not novices exploiting fresh opinions, for this was the third session since the World War and the pressing problems of Euro- pean and Asiatic social and political life had been fully analyzed long since.

For details in these eminent deliberations the pages of the report must be consulted. Our immediate purpose is to commend the whole program of the congress to men and women who are diligently searching for an avenue of approach to genuine inter- national unity. A bitter jeremiad could be launched against the wholesale neglect of this congress by Americans: first because no American of international reputation appeared on the program of the 1930 session, despite the fact that many thousands of our cit- izens were in Europe at the time; secondly, because it may take one five hours to find any reference to the assembling of the congress in any educational or general periodical published in the United States. You can more quickly discover a paragraph about some knotty American pugilist than you can discern any echoes of this great assemblage in the American press.

The international organization for peace for the suppression of traffic in women and in narcotic drugs, for the exchange of uni- versity professors, for the settlement of tariff problems, for disarma- ment, for relief of orphans and starving peoples, for the abolition of disease-spreading centers, for the promotion of international trade, all will have little permanent worth in promoting world unity unless the children in the schools of the world are reached through moral education.

“Lessons,” ‘“‘talks,” ‘‘maxims;” no, no, not these things as such. The child in Roumania, in Tibet, in Pomerania or Glasgow or Birmingham or St. Louis—all of these children must have the ideal and the inspiration for high-minded living and generous serving if the social, political and moral problems of this world are to be solved. Without a common ethical basis no confraternity �[Page 336]336 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

of peoples is possible. Without the ripening of such ideals in the youth of tomorrow such a basis cannot be established in the nations.

Good citizenship must be the aim of education in every na- tion. World citizenship must be the climactic feature in every course in national citizenship. But greater than all of the courses are the open-mindedness, the generosity of spirit, the eagerness for fraternity, the sacrifice of selfish interests that emanate from a world citizen’s heart.

Interested readers will cheerfully weigh the teaching possi- bilities suggested by the following topics when they are treated as humanity’s gravest concerns: happy home relations, cheerful obedience to civic laws and regulations, serious effort in behalf of distressed persons, tolerance and kindly feeling for persons of differing social rank and opinion, sacrifice of personal gain for community and international goodwill and good, discussion as a substitute for force in solving disputed problems. Deliberation on these and similar themes so phrased that children and youth of all ages may participate in their study will lead all nations to a common center where broad-minded thinking and cooperative achievement will certainly become a reality.

The fortieth modern movement presented by World Unity in its department “The World We Live In.” �[Page 337]WALTER WALSH by

RICHARD LEB Great Meeting House, Coventry, England

ALTER WALSH, the advocate of World Religion and W * fighter for World Peace, lived a life of struggle

and of hardship. He moved about ever in worlds un-

realized and coming generations will achieve what he, amid pain and suffering, attempted.

Yet there are deeds he accomplished which will live in fruitful memories by those who knew him as a brave prophet of God, “‘a lamp shining in a dark place, until the day dawn and the daystar arise in men’s hearts.”

Let me set down here one living memory which will recall what manner of man Walter Walsh was and what he worked for.

During the war Dr. Walsh received marching orders from the moneyed members of The Theistic Church, whose God turned out to be a god of war.

With a few friends the Doctor set up his banner of world- brotherhood in the beautiful Steinway Hall right in the heart of West London.

While the war was waging at home and abroad and the name German was anathema; when leading statesmen and preachers spoke of the Huns and the Mad Dog of Europe; when German plates were broken in London hotels and German street names were erased all over Britain, Dr. Walsh had a German to take up his collection in one aisle while a Frenchman took it in the other.

Both joined, as they put the gifts of God, on the Table.

It was a noble gesture, which said to the warring world, “you may blaspheme the name of the Father of all, but here we will be brothers in deed and in truth.” That incident in its courage, its

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symbolism, its warm generous meaning is significant of Walter Walsh’s whole life.

Walter Walsh was not born into freedom. It came to him more and more by strenuous labor of body and mind. His home in Dundee, Scotland where he was born in 1857 was a narrow coop and his parents belonged to one of the straitest sects of reli- gionists to be found in those regions. Dr. Walsh looking back said of this period: “I was like a child born in a tunnel, who passed there the most sensitive years of his childhood and never outlived the memories and marks of his origin. In after years, I climbed the hills and sailed the seas, but amid boundless space, there were times when I shivered to recall that narrow house, the corners against which I used to hurt myself, the people against whom | used to stumble, the suffocation and those moments when every- thing seemed to turn to blood with the tension of the eyeballs.” If Dr. Walsh never forgot that narrow choking tunnel in which he was born, his life’s work was in leading men and women out of these narrow tunnels into a large, fuller, and more blessed life.

It should be noted that though nominally Walter Walsh’s mother was with the orthodox sectaries, her real mind and heart were with the broader church. “My mother was always bigger than her Church, always broader than the people with whom she worshipped. Four things my mother taught me to nee ages, war, drink, and lawless desire.”

Though the mother spent her days in the tunnel, die gave her son his first glimpse of the great beautiful world beyond.

Travels with his father, a sailor, two years’ sojourn in Cana- dian snows and amid the wilds of Orkney led Walsh as a youth into a larger world.

Some courses at Glasgow University brought him into an ampler intellectual sphere. John Caird, the preacher, Edward Caird, the Hegelier philosopher, John Nichol the great English scholar and Jebb the Greek authority on “Sophocles” all made their mark on the the Baptist Student.

For four years, he settled in his first pastorate in a village near the Perthshire Highlands. There he met his wife a true and real �[Page 339]WALTER WALSH 339

comrade in every spiritual struggle of the years to come.

In these days he was contending, as David Macrae and Samuel Cox and Canar Ferrar for “The Larger Hope.” It is only forty or fifty years ago since most Scotch churches believed in the ever- lasting damnation of unbaptized infants. In lonely Perthshire, this youthful student of Wordsworth, Coleridge and Tennyson was striving to lead his Scottish Calvinist congregation out of that dark tunnel.

Ten years at Newcastle-on-Tyne led into a new world with problems more real and more human.

John Morley was member for Newcastle in those days and Walsh worked by his side. He put his soul into labors for educa- tion, housing and temperance.

More important than these, however, was the influence of Tolstoy who made Walsh realize that social reform without the inspiration and motive power of religion would lead nowhere.

That conviction never left Dr. Walsh as long as he lived.

Tyneside had its storms. There was a narrow Calvinistic trust- deed and other obstacles but the larger faith led men out of the tunnel.

After ten years, a great opportunity came to this child of a Dundee slum. He was asked to succeed David Macrae in the larg- est church in Dundee, the Gilfillan Memorial Church.

He went back to the place where he had lived in the narrow tunnel and preached for years a bold gospel of applied religion. It was in Dundee that Dr. Walsh came to real grips with the two enemies of war and poverty which he fought without flinching, the rest of his days. He was no longer concerned with abstract or theological imaginary hells for children after death.

He was face to face with living hells on earth which had to be destroyed.

The Dundee Ministry made clearer to Dr. Walsh how this social gospel of world-brotherhood was linked up with faith in a world-religion.

He saw too plainly that Christianity had become in effect a creed of Imperialism and Domination. �[Page 340]340 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

To do justice to other races we must acknowledge the identity of the good in their religion with the good in ours.

Because Dr. Walsh upheld this broader conception of world- religion as the only vehicle for the work of world-brotherhood the Gainsborough Law Courts in 1912 ‘decided that he was no longer a Christian and turned him out on to the streets stripped of church and property.

Yet that Dundee ministry ending in outward shame and legal obloquy left abiding effects.

Dr. Walsh was chairman of a Town Planning Committee of the Town Council and one of the most beautiful avenues in the city, constructed after he left, is an enduring memorial of his labors.

During the Boer War, 1898-1902, the doctor’s church was the Temple of Peace. At least, the pulpit was.

Yet the preacher was stoned and shouted down in his church and the windows of his home broken because he denounced the war against the Boers.

One result of that heroic stand is little known. When the Great War came along you had a band of men influenced by Dr. Walsh. They held a meeting on behalf of peace from August, 1914 to November, 1918, every Sunday in the open air.

It was never broken up by the war-mongers and the influence of that meeting was felt all over Scotland and in far distant lands.

In 1922, E. D. Morel a martyr for peace, was elected member for Dundee. This was the direct fruit of the Boer War preaching of Walsh.

The London Ministry began at The Theistic Church, in 1912. As I have indicated, the leading members of that Society were broad in abstract theology but narrow in the application thereof.

They were in the narrow tunnel of exclusive and unbrotherly nationalism.

After a few months, it was quite clear they did not want a live prophet, only a dead theism.

Yet it was a glorious thing that Dr. Walsh once more went out, not knowing whither he went, to continue in London the free religious movement, which he had started in Dundee. This move- �[Page 341]WALTER WALSH 341

ment it is true, never attracted the multitude.

The Labor folk who would crowd to hear Dr. Walsh deliver his message at a political meeting, gave him precious little help in his life-work.

That was as much their loss as it was his.

The lack of what he wished to give to Labor may mean years and years in the wilderness for Labor, which flouted religion and became immersed in sordid political manoeuvres.

It must not be thought that because the crowd did not support Dr. Walsh in his great work in London, that the work was fruitless. He influenced some of the best minds.

H. W. Massingham and his family, Lord Courtney and his wife, Israel Zangwill, G. P. Gooch, Dr. Markel, E. D. Morel and Arnold Lupten are some among those who helped this prophetic ministry in West London.

Inside the Peace Movement D-. Walsh was honored far and wide.

But the work of this great religious pioneer will surely live in that movement greater than that of Peace or Socialism or Temper- ance, the movement for world-unity in religion, the root of all progress in the modern world. “The sweep towards Universalism in religion and social ethics and politics is the most powerful and hopeful effort of our time.

“it springs from the spiritual oneness of humanity and is con- sciously directed towards the realization of the greatest of human ideals—the ideal of social and international unity.”

‘These words of Walter Walsh sums up what he lived for. If ever men become one in spirit and in deed, no British citizen will have done more than this brave fighter to bring the day nearer.

The thirty-ninth article in the series of “Apostles of World Unity’”’ begun in October, 1927. �[Page 342]WORLD CITIZENSHIP by Car A. Ross Lawyer VII. SOME DIFFICULTIES

need not be thought that in advocating World Citizenship

we believe it a panacea for all the ills of the world; rather we

see numerous and serious difficulties facing its inauguration and our hope is that when they are clearly stated and under- stood, this deliberate consideration of them will lead to the irre- sistible conclusion that no other peace plan, socialistic or other- wise, even approaches any peaceful solution of these same difficul- ties, while World Citizenship does offer a truce for a few decades at Jeast during which some of these difficulties can be calmly ap- proached and studied by the conflicting schools of thought under the laboratory method. That is, World Citizenship, by making a functional division of world government, by limiting the Union to exterritoria! «airs and leaving domestic affairs almost wholly within the contr. of the existing nations, puts off the day of the world’s election between socialism and capitalism by adopting this laboratory method, commended by Viscount Bryce, for testing fas- cism, sovietism, hitlerism, labor reforms and national recovery acts. Before we attempt to classify these difficulties, it might be well to point out that the criticism we have received from the few people who have spoken their minds about World Citizenship, have always stressed the claim that the thirteen American colonies had greater similarity of language, customs and laws than exists today among the sixty nations of the world. This we concede, but they had closer proximity and a wandering spirit that led to pioneer migration from one state to another and to undeveloped western land. Also they had foreign neighbors, competitor nations, against

342 �[Page 343]WORLD CITIZENSHI?’ 343

the aggressions of which they needed national unity and the devel- opment of a national spirit. It seems inescapable that The World Union will have a different outlook; many of the member nations will be separated by natural boundaries of oceans and the pioneer spirit is not so marked in our industrial era so that migrations will be fewer and limited generally to cases of overpopulation. How- e che chief difference in the outlook results from the different set-up regarding “foreign neighbors, competitor nations.” If we establish The World Union, there can be no competitor nations, no foreign nations till such time as we successfully install trans- portation to Mars or to some other planet. The World Union can have no competitor, the spirit of nationalism is dependent on a competitor, the primary cause of nationalism is the sense of a need of protection, military or economic, from a foreign power, to exist nationalism presupposes two nations at least, while there can be but one World Union.

Without attempting to enumerate all of the serious difficulties we see clearly facing the inauguration of World Citizenship, we would, by way of illustration, point out a few. In tax matters how are world taxes on capitalistic property and business to be assessed, levied and collected in a communistic state where private property is no longer recognized, where the business unit is the state and no longer the individual? Again, the demand of over-populated mem- ber states for more room under the sun will remain a thorny prob- lem. Numerous other serious difficulties can be readily grouped by pointing out that the capitalistic or Anglo-Saxon bill of rights is not fully recognized in any of those socialistic states of today which are needed as charter members to make The World Union effec- tive. Capitalistic freedom of speech, freedom of the press, free- dom of ownership of private property, freedom from searches and seizures and freedom from arrest for political causes and without the issuing of a warrant of probable cause, are discarded for what is considered freedom under social justice, freedom to act only so far as such act may be of no social detriment to others, a freedom based on the superiority of humanity over mere property, a free- dom that discards the competitive struggle for a living wage and �[Page 344]344 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

asserts that a living wage for every individual should be guaran- teed by the government. The loftiness of this concept of freedom can hardly be questioned, it surely admits that man is his brother's keeper, but it seems to encounter the grave danger that, at this stage of education and spiritual development, many individuals, aliough professing this lofty social spirit, are eager to give up the personal struggle for their living wage and are equally eager to demand that the government give them the dole that the world owes them. We also confront another problem. If we assume that our existing social states have a reasonable chance to accomplish this benevolent aim, can we be assured that the benevolent dictators now necessary to the inauguration of this system will be self per- petuating, will new dictators arise with both the capacity and the benevolent spirit?

Before we proceed with the separate consideration of these difficulties, we wish to point out that World Citizenship principles have in no sense created them, since they already exist and stare us in the face; nevertheless, socialistic states carry on their exterri- torial affairs with other socialistic states and with capitalistic states, just as slave states carried on business with each other and with free states both before and after our United States constitution. Again when we approach these problems from the world point of view, we readily see that the League and associated peace plans offer no solution whatever to these delicate questions of freedom. It is coming to be realized that to be effective some organization must have world control and it follows that this control without the functional division of World Citizenship necessarily invests any form of world government with control of both domestic and exterritorial affairs.

Again these world problems are so complex that we cannot expect all citizens of the United States or of any other nation to devote the time to them necessary to adequately grapple with them. It follows that these problems, if solved at all, will be solved by a world constitutional convention composed, as was the Philadel- phia convention, of those leaders who have the confidence of the people. We feel that this lag, this ignorance of the voting citizen �[Page 345]WORLD CITIZENSHIP 345

of the world is what makes the intelligentsia loath to support any world government whether based on World Citizenship principles or not. Indeed, many of the intelligentsia who are intellectually convinced of the superiority of these principles, can see no prospect of successfully inaugurating any constitution framed on these prin- ciples even supposing it to have been drafted by a constitutional convention made up of the patriotic outstanding intelligentsia, leaders of public opinion in each of the sixty nations of the world. They fear that ratification of such a constitution would be impossi- ble, surely on a plebiscite, and even through the convention method followed in our recent prohibition repeal was adopted. However, we believe that if the delegates to such world constitutional con- vention had the confidence of the majority of the intelligentsia of their respective native lands, they could return home and, with the aid of their fellow leaders of public opinion, secure its adoption. It should not be necessary to await that day when the rank and file of the citizens of the world acquire that grasp of world affairs that would lead them intelligently to comprehend the advantages of a world government. Many point out that our constitution would have failed in 1789 ona popular vote even in those days when only property owners could vote. Admitting that the public lethargy might not be so great today, still we have few royalists today while in 1789 there remained many even after large numbers had been driven out and their property and lands confiscated. To these doubters we would recommend that they read Madison’s masterly argument in No. XX XVIII of the Federalist—which is too long to quote here,—the argument of an intelligentsia united on a spe- cific program and securing its adoption before the opposition could unite. Today the opposition would be likewise so divided that it would be an element of strength. |

In the discussion of these difficulties we are trying to be guided by present trends of thought and to follow them to their historical conclusion to ascertain whether world unity might, perchance, be secured. Our personal disposition would be to take a more militant attitude in support of our personai coaviction in the superiority of the freedom embodied in our bill of tights and against that type �[Page 346]346 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

of freedom embodied in all socialistic states and to follow where such a course would lead; but we begin to fear that we would not have the backing of solid public opinion even in this United States that was founded to support this concept of freedom. The official interpretation of our national recovery program endeavors to har- monize it with our bill of rights, since the endeavor seems to be to lead the people to that degree of cooperation necessary to the in- auguration of social justice without discarding our bill of rights, rather than to drive them to social justice by the will of a dictator after discarding the bill of rights. Whether this program requires a greater degree of cooperation than the citizens of America will voluntarily give and whether the experiment can be successful without the cooperation of the other leading nations of the world in financial and economic matters now within national control, spell an unsolved problem. From the study of the problems of for- eign exchange, gold, the gold standard, international banking and international debits and credits, we have made in earlier articles, a greater international cooperation seems necessary, and as to our need of greater cooperation from our farmers, laborers and capi- talists to make our national recovery legislation effective, all Amer- ican readers are competent to judge. However, we would point out that the implication back of the licensing feature of our recovery acts, the implication back of the threat of the administration to write a code and impose it on every recalcitrant industry, has surely given rise to many fears for our freedom. Already the public dis- cussion of licensing the press and official condemnation of any one daring to criticize the administration program suggest to news- papers zealous in upholding the freedom of the press, the re- crudescence of the old doctrine of lese majesty. In other words two conflicting schools of thought persist over differing concepts of freedom. There are many of our leaders of public opinion, par- ticularly among the educators in our country, who are now ready if not eager to scrap our bill of rights, many whose sense of social responsibility is so strong that they are willing to have the govern- ment assume the responsibility of attempting to guarantee social justice to all citizens and who believe that this can be accomplished

�[Page 347]WORLD CITIZENSHIP 347

by guaranteeing living wages through taxes that would work a re- distribution of wealth to the benefit of the many and the lessening of the threat of the rich. These socialists among our intelligentsia freely express the conviction that rugged individualism has gone forever, that laissez faire is gone and that government is assuming and will enforce a more equitable distribution of wealth, will de- termine what a man shall produce and how tnuch the workman shall receive in wages, that the government will control all ma- terial wealth to that end; but more important still, a view that seems to be based on the theory that social justice can be attained by proper adjustments in the realm of wages, wealth and other material things. Furthermore, we do not credit the rank and file of socialists with the amount of altruism exhibited by these intelli- gentsia, we do not believe that the rank and file have any idealistic concept of social justice; a few of the common workers might be classed with these intelligentsia, but for the many non-thinking common people socialism merely means the easiest way to gain the loaves and fishes, and they are ready to fight for it. From this aspect of the controversy we come back to the life and teaching of the Galilean who refused to lead his militant followers in the founding of a material kingdom.

From the point of view we have developed there seems to be another “irrepressible conflict” in the clash between these two con- cepts of freedom. We have surely determined the struggle over slavery, it is no longer an “irrepressible conflict.” Slavery had a moral basis and few will deny that the right won. Is there the like moral issue in the clash between these two concepts of free- dom? The socialist, in championing human rights and values as against the property rights and values of capitalism, will surely claim the honor, but will he not be far in advance of our educa- tional development to say nothing of our spiritual development, furthermore will he be justified in using force to impose his con- cept of freedom, the way force is being used in U.S.S.R., in Ger-

many and elsewhere? (To be concluded) �[Page 348]SHOULD BLACK TURN RED? by KELLY MILLER

the American Negro towards communism. A congressional

committee, headed by Hon. Hamilton Fish, devoted much

attention to ferreting out facts and information bearing on this feature of its inquiry. It found sufficient evidence to show that, the Negro must no longer be considered wholly immune to this type of propaganda. Radical emissaries have been busy in this field, not wholly without results. They come to the Negro under the influence and inspiration of Moscow, and assure him that a com- munistic state would not only cure the economic ills of mankind, but at the same time would solve the otherwise insoluble race problem. Any submerged group or suppressed minority is looked upon by the peddler of panaceas as a fertile soil for the sowing of his seed. Social dissatisfaction and unrest furnish the food upon which proselytism thrives. Christianity made its primary appeal by offer- ing a new hope to those who labor and are heavy ladened. “‘Lib- erty, equality, fraternity” fired the imagination of the Frenchmen groaning under a heavy heel of tyranny. ‘“The equality of all men” was the glittering hope held out by the American Revolution to a proud people chafing under oppressive taxation without repre- sentation. The Promised Land is always alluring to those who wander in the wilderness. It is easy to beguile a gullible folk, like the Negro, with glaring promise of escape from present ills and hope of future happiness. The Negro’s enthusiastic patriotism and emotional loyalty have been relied on, up to now, to render him immune to all such enticements. During the World War, the cunning Germans, noted for their regime of racial ruthlessness, sought, without avail, by playing upon his real and fancied griev- 348

Te is much wild talk in the air concerning the drift of �[Page 349]SHOULD BLACK TURN RED? 349

ance to swerve the Negro from his traditional devotion to his coun- try aud flag. But now come the Moscow emissaries and bring him, not only glad tidings, but proffer of kindly and generous service.

...y umitate the method of the missionaries in India and China, whose converts consist mainly of “rice Christians” recruited from the Pariahs and social outcasts.

The fact that communism is not native to the American soil nor indigenous co American Spirit and genius renders it all the more dangerous for the Negro to become entangled in the meshes of its intrigue.

This socialistic propaganda, alien in origin, inspiration, and advocacy is calculated to undermine and overthrow the basic prin- ciples of American institutions. Its apostles are negligible in num- ber, influence and power, and are sustained only by the zeal and enthusiasm of the fanatic. It is not a part of their cunning to cau- tion the weak and helpless Negro against the danger of sedition and treason against his flag and country. It is peculiarly dangerous for a proscribed minority to prove disloyal to the ideals of the majority. All forms of cruelty and outrage are deemed justified by the demands of self-preservation. All that the Negro has or may hope to have in this land grows out of his loyalty to his country’s ideals—because he loves what it loves and hates what it hates. Al- though he is subjected to hardship and injustice, yet he loves and serves, though he suffers.

The emissaries and apostles of communism seek to confirm the doctrine they preach by the deeds they perform. They are not ashamed of the doctrine they profess. The stigma of social equality does not phase or frighten them. They stage public parades on our streets in protest against outrage heaped upon the defenceless Negro. They do not shrink from whatever contact may be neces- sary to demonstrate the concrete embodiment of their faith. They invite persecution and imprisonment in the Negro’s behalf. They give the Negro the second highest place on their ticket in the presi- dential campaign. They openly face and defy the South’s most passionate dogma as to race relations. They vie with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in defending �[Page 350]350 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

the race against injustice and legal discrimination. They won in the contest for the privilege of defending the Scottsboro boys which they did with a legal acumen and ~ reckless courage which challenges the admiration of the whole r mn. They have opened the jury box to Negro veniremen in the South which had been effec- tively closed to them since the overthrow of Reconstruction. Such demonstration of genuineness, sincerity and altruistic friendship is hard to resist. if the rulers of church and state, politics and business, who so bitterly deplore communism and who abhor the idea of having such mischievous doctrine inculcated upon the colored race, would but concentrate their concern in behalf of justice and fair play for the Negro, there would be no need of combatting this vicious propaganda. A modicum of preventive caution would stop at the start the evil which they are now so frantic to counteract. An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. But the specific performances of these emissaries and apostles of communism, with evident proselyting intent, are far from sufficient to justify the Negro for committing suicide by way of sedition and treason. He accepts the deed but eschews the doctrine. The remedy for the just grievances of the Negro lies in the observance of the Constitu- tion, not in its destruction. Whatever may be the belief of these emissaries in the efficacy of their new cult, the attempt to plant the seeds of revolt in the minds of so helpless a minority as the Ameri- can Negro is not only dangerous but wicked. Sad indeed will be the day for the American Negro when, under any pretext, he is induced to turn his back on the American Flag.

The relative and rival claims of a socialistic and a democratic state might well be considered on the basis of their respective merits, wholly apart from the purpose of the present discussion, whose chief concern is with the query: ‘“What bearing would the inauguration of a socialistic state in America have upon our domes- tic race problem?’’ However well adapted the economic and politi- cal policy of a communistic state may be for the Russian people can have little bearing upon its suitability to American conditions. The conditions are so diverse that, whatever may be the advantages or defects of the one, furnishes no safe guide for the other. There �[Page 351]SHOULD BLACK TURN RED? 351

are 160,000,000 Russians who are at least homogeneous in color even though they may lack the cohesive strength of tribal unity. H. G. Wells tells that imperial Rome, in integrating the various tribes and na 1s of the world into one political unity, was greatly aided by the fact that these people were approximately of the same color. Such differences as existed were for the most part of low visibility, and therefore did not so easily arouse racial animosities and antagonism. In the United States the white and colored races ate divided by a color margin more apparent than that which sep- arates any other varieties of the human family. The Russian people have never had any intimate experience with the black race. Their attitude on the race question is theoretical and idealistic, while that of America grows out of experience and reality. The Russians have been for so long a time inured to the habit of subordination and servile obedience that it has become a part of the co-efficiency of the blood. It is an easy step from the dictatorship of the Czar who claimed his authority from above to that of Lenin and Stalin who assume power in behalf of the proletariat, without its consultation or consent. The old and the new autocracy differ only in shifting the sanction of authority from one assumed basis to another. The reformers and restless spirits under a despotism have no recourse except to violence and revolt. Whereas in America the tradition of self-government is rooted and grounded in the structure and genius of Anglo-Saxon folk sense. The Constitution of the United States provides for all needed changes to meet the expanding re- quirements of modern demands and to remedy just grievances through permissive and provided for amendments of organic law. A shift from democracy to communism would be like a leap from law to anarchy.

The whole world today is in a messianic state of mind. AlI- though it may not be looking for some supernal personality to come down from the skies to save it from its sins and misdeeds, yet there is universal feeling that we are near the brink of a new economic and social order. The rapid advance in discovery and invention makes some form of technocracy inevitable. Existing forms of government must needs be reshaped to meet the exactions �[Page 352]352 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

of the coming order of things. That the laboring man, the world over will enjoy a larger part of the usufruct of wealth which his labor makes possible, no one with mental rating above the moron can for a moment doubt; that the capitalistic motive wili veer from selfish profit to social benefit is equally obvious. No one needs expect the Negro to keep his mind and mouth shut to the signifi- cance of world movements looking to the betterment of the human lot. But he need not stretch his imagination beyond the Constitu- tion of the United States. The emotional explosion of the “‘fanati- cal fringe” of the Negro intelligentsia may be ignored as being too far at variance with the basic Negro folk nature to make any im- pression of social significance. The vapid mouthing of the irre- sponsible intellectuals merely enables them to throw off their sup- pressed passion for impotent protest. Sound advice and sane coun- sel would caution the Negro to think seriously of the ills he has, before flying foolishly unto those he knows not of. If the Negro were not dissatisfied and restive under injustice and oppression, he would thereby prove himself deficient in the qualities which go to make up good American citizenship. But to hope for relief through disruptive agitation is merely the optimism of the fool. Calm and dispassionate analysis of all the factors of the equation by which he is controlled must convince him that his best hope for salvation lies in adherence to the underlying foundation of the American idea which seeks rulership based, not on class or mass, but on the common consent of all. The race is widely extolled for its Chris- tian virtues of patience and fortitude, and with a genuine faith that enables it to endure as if realizing in advance the substance of things hoped for. The Negro has rather the salutary patience of Job who preferred to suffer affliction and wait till his change came, than risk the advice of his more intemperate wife who would curse God and die. His ultimate salvation will depend on his per- sistence in the faith and patience. In his present state of helpless- ness he can not match wrong with revenge or overcome evil by reprisal.

In 1872, Horace Greely, the valiant anti-slavery apostle, bolted the regular Republican Party because of its real or alleged short- �[Page 353]SHOULD BLACK TURN RED? 353

comings. Appeal was made to the Negro to espouse the cause of this great emancipator as the new hope. It was then that Frederick Douglass uttered that memorable warning to his race: ‘The Re- publican Party is the ship: all else is the sea.” At the present day, whatever may be the allurements of communism or the florid promises of newly devised nostrums and panaceas for solution of the race problem, a broadened application of Mr. Douglass’ advice still holds good: “The Constitution is the ship: all else is the sea.”

Let us suppose, for the sake of argument that a communistic state were set up in America, and let us further suppose that it worked satisfactorily as far as white America is concerned. What would be the status and fate of the Negro under such a socialistic regime? Race prejudice is so deep and unreasonable a passion that it vitiates any equation in which it enters and frustrates any regime under which it operates. The Ten Commandments, The Golden Rule, the Sermon on the Mount, the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States either balk or break down at its ruthless behest. Rudyard Kipling depicts the lawlessness of the North country in the well known line: “There’s never a law of God or man runs north of fifty three.” There is neither human nor divine law which runs unimpeded across the color line. The supposition that Nordic race prejudice will yield to a communistic regime has no other support except the imagination. Whatever the high sounding claims of the new order may be, sober counsel cau- tions us to count on the upsetting effect of race prejudice for all predictable time.

Communism as the term is currently understood involves the dictatorship of the proletariat as an outgrowth of the class struggle. In this country the line of cleavage between the petit bourgeoisie and the proletariat is so indistinct that the two may be considered as one. It is the battle of brawn against brain. ‘Since we be ten to your one, who made you lord and ruler over us?” is the age old querulous query of the masses against the classes. The modern spread of education and of the democratic ideals has emphasized rather than quieted this query. Modern machinery makes necessary mass production by massed capital and massed labor. Cooperation �[Page 354]354 WORLD UNITY MAGAZIN?

rather than conflict is the industrial desideratum which our social philosophers are so anxious to bring about. The Negro will be the chief beneficiary of this cooperation as he would undoubtedly be the chief victim of the conflict. In every such conflict, logic, strictly construed would align the Negro on the side of labor rather than capital. With insignificant exceptions, he has always been, is now, and is likely to continue to be, a ten fingered workman. He belongs in the main to the proletarian element of society, and from that point of view his interests are more closely allied with that class of whites who fall within the same category. Whatever ben- efits labor benefits all those who labor. When the white working man receives a loaf the Negro may hope for a crust; or if he gets a crust, the Negro gets 4 c.amb. Labor should form a solid pha- lanx in its battle against capital whenever such battle becomes necessary. The many benefits which have come to the cause of labor have been wrested from unyielding capital, whose aim is to divide the labor ranks and win by division. Such would be the dictates of logic and common sense, if other things were equal. But, alas, other things are not equal. They are monstrously unequal. Race prejudice upsets every calculation of logic and common sense. Its victims cannot regulate their conduct by the rules of logic or nor- mal behavior but are compelled by the irrationality of race preju- dice. Should the Negro, in a primary conflict, unite with white labor to overthrow capital, then the issue between white and black labor would assume primitive ruthlessness. Racial ferocity would but accentuate the strife in the battle for bread. Where the Negro holds the job that the white workman covets he will scruple at nothing to eject the black competitor. Illustrations in plenty are furnished by the various lines of industry to sustain this assertion. The white laborer makes no allowance for the Negro except in the cruder and less remunerative tasks; even in these tasks he pushes the despised competitor downwards and out when the en- larged demands of his own sphere demands it. The Negro waiter, coachman and barber is being rapidly supplanted by white com- petition which must find wider outlet. The racially arrogant white workman will not combine with the despised competitor nor allow

�[Page 355]SHOULD BLACK TURN RED? 355

him to compete with him. Artificial barriers are set up to keep the two groups of workmen apart as effectively as the decimal point in arithmetic. In South Africa, it is said that the native is required to paint the upper half of a flag pole for a quarter leaving the lower half to be completed by the white painter for a dollar. In our own country racial distinction and discrimination in indus- try are equally grotesque and iniquitous. The Negro hod carrier carries a hod full of bricks to the top of a building for five dollars per day while the white bricklayer lays them in their place in the wall, one at a time, for twice the compensation. The black chauf- feur may drive a car through the crowded streets where there are no tracks to guide his path, but must under no circumstances become a locomotive engineer who directs an engine along fixed grooves. The Negro barber, however efficient with the razor, must not shave a white customer in a white barber shop along with other barbers. The shop boy may use the whisk broom to brush customer’s clothes or the shoe brush to polish his boots, but is forbidden to touch the hair brush to smooth his hair. The Pullman porter may have a coliege education while the conductor can scarcely read and write.

Labor organizations either exclude, segregate or proscribe the Negro workman. He is eliminated either by exclusion or inclusion. The railroad union frankly exclude him. Others include him for- mally but shut the door of hope in his face when he applies for a job. Craftsmen, of different color are not supposed to work at the same task, at the same time, and under identical conditions. A hotel may employ white bell boys and colored waiters or vice versa, but never are two groups mixed. Whatever opportunity the Negro holds or may hope to hold in the industrial world is not on account of the white workman, but in spite of him, who looks upon the black competitor as his potertial supplanter. The white proprietor has been sponsor for Negro labor from the beginning. He has al- ways found it difficult to work the two races together, the black proletarian was introduced as a slave because he was more pliable and profitable than the working class of whites. Industrial rivalry has characterized the two groups, both before and after emancipa- tion. The proprietor has been the propitiator between the two, and �[Page 356]356 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

keeps the white man’s fingers off the black man’s throat. We need not attribute to him any gratis grace or goodness for his seemingly friendly attitude. The Negro has been for him a better instrument of service because his chief concern was with his utility as a tool, and not his personality as a man. The capitalist is ever in quest of economical and efficient instruments of production, and cares little whether they be mechanical or human, white or black. The engine and the engineer are alike counted among his productive assets. The typewriter may mean either the machine or its operator. The telephone exchange may be manipulated either by human being or a mechanical device. Personnel and material are both dividend producing factors. This impersonal aloofness relieves the employer from the petty prejudices, jealousies and animosities which inevi- tably arise among personal co-workers and comp«' ‘ors in the battle for bread.

Religious bigotry, race hatred and traditional prejudices nat- urally enough find lodgment in the proletarian element of society which embodies and reflects the unreasoned folk feeling and pas- sion. Being without restraints and inhibition of discipline and culture they serve as the repository anc custodian of received ani- mosities, hatreds, passions and prejudices. Nor are they sobered by the responsibility of maintaining law and social order. It is not necessary to conclude that race prejudice, like hunger and thirst, is innate and instinctive, to be convinced of its persistence, stubborn- ness and’ strength and to locate its lodgment in that element of society which is least removed from primitivity. The capitalistic class, being in control of the machinery of civilization feels the re- sponsibility of providing a place for the Negro and of improving his lot so as to make him a willing and competent co-worker in the field of human advance. The philanthropist and advocate of up- lift movements belongs to this category. But the poor whites have no use for the Negro in any mood. Unable to employ the Negro to work for him he stoutly refuses to work with him. He looks upon him as a detested competitor who must be suppressed or destroyed.

The advocates of Russian communism point to the absence of �[Page 357]SHOULD BLACK TURN RED? 357

race prejudice under the Soviet government as adequate proof of their contention. A handful of educated Negro visitors from the United States may indeed be treated with exemplary courtesy and consideration as part of their missionary propaganda. These in- stances are dramatized for proselyting purposes. But they are in- adequate as a basis from which to derive general conclusions. If there were injected ten million American Negroes in the midst of the Russian people, thrown in intimate contact and competition in their industrial and social life, and under these circumstances, the manifestation of race prejudice should be found wanting, we should be compelled to acknowledge the superior efficiency of the communistic state as a solvent of the race problem. But until the experiment has been conducted on an adequate scale, we must re- ceive these florid promises with great caution. But even should communism solve the race problem in Russian, * would by no means follow that it would solve it in America. Kace prejudice is certainly more deeply rooted in the Nordic than in the Southern or Eastern European varieties of the Caucasian race. It is more apparent in Baltimore than in Moscow. It is certainly jess assertive in Paris than in Berlin. In the United States we have to deal with the Anglo-Saxon variety of race prejudice which operates accord- ing to its own law, and which remains substantially unshaken wherever the dominance of this race prevails. For four hundred years this race has been coming into contact with the darker and weaker breeds of men. There is kindiiness and humanity shown by the proprietarian element—not the proletarian—but the tough Teutonic spirit balks at the concrete test of the equality of races and the brotherhood of man. The Reconstruction experiment, in- deed made a frantic gesture in that direction. But no sooner had the spasm of virtue engendered by the hatred between North and South cooled off, than did the sober race thought reassert itself. Amendments to the Constitution calculated to establish race equal- ity are nullified or ignored by universal silence and assent.

Four hundred years of Christian endeavor has made no serious dint on the Anglo-Saxon’s stubborn race prejudice. We need, therefore, hardly expect it suddenly to give way to a hasty com- �[Page 358]358 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

munistic experiment. If those who are convinced that communism would solve the race problem, would confine their endeavor to persuading radical American Negroes to cross the seas and risk the experiment in its own home land, there might be less room for quarreling with them. But when they come to the unsophisticated Negro and urge him to join in the world movement to upset the gevernment of the United States, their counsel should be resisted by patriotic and loyal Americans, white and black alike.

We do not have to draw upon our imagination to determine the effect of dictatorship of the white American proletariat upon the fortune of the Negro. History and recent happenings furnish us ample warning. Shortly after the overthrow of the Reconstruc- tion regime in South Carolina, the old aristocratic, manorial class, typified by Governor Wade Hampton, Benjamin R. Tillman sought to rally the ‘Wool Hats,” as he called them, to overthrow the lead- ership of the proprietary class, which itself had recently overthrown Negro and carpet-bag rule. Wade Hampton foresaw what was coming and appealed to the Negroes, promising them observance of the amended Constitution and partial participation in the con- duct of the government, if they would join with him in defeating the rising menace to the welfare of the state, involing white and black alike. By reason of recent memories and carpet-bay persua- sion, the overtures were rejected. As a consequence, Mr. Tillman and his “Wool Hats” swept into power, and made the Negro a polity nullity and a civil outcast. It was the successor of Governor Tillman, who standing in his place among the assembled governors of the states, exclaimed, ““To hell with the Constitution.” Varda- man of Mississippi, Heflin of Alabama, and Watson of Georgia, rode into power on the crest of the same wave of the dictatorship of the white proletariat and petit bourgeosie of the South over the prostrate form of the Negro.

The juxtaposition of two easily distinguishable groups fur- nishes inflammable material for the political charlatan and dema- gogue. Prejudice of race is the ever handy instrument upon which they delight to play. The Negro’s only hope for fair and consid- erate treatment rests in the control of the better over the baser ele- �[Page 359]SHOULD BLACK TURN RED? 359

ment, thus securing substantial justice to rich and poor, white and black. Race prejudice in the hands of the poor whites is a political dynamic of great danger.

The proletarian mob never reasons or investigates but responds to tocsins and alarums as rallying cries. “Lynch the Negro!” arouses the thirst for vengeance. There is no need for evidence: accusa- tion is sufficient proof. The passion for vengeance is the only proof needed or demanded. Three thousand Negroes have been lynched during the last fifty years upon accusation. Guilt or innocence makes no difference to the mob, blinded by passion and prejudice. These mobs are composed of the “Wool Hats” and “red necks,” the proletarian yeomanry of the South and the hoodlums of the North. We have heard very little of the “broadcloth mob” since the days of William Lloyd Garrison. Restraint of the lawless pro- pensity of these lynchers is exerted by the better element of the whites who themselves are placed in jeopardy if they too drastically check its raging fury.

The Ku Klux Klan, whose basic principle is to eliminate the Negro as a full American citizen is recruited in the main from the same social element. It failed in the accomplishment of its nefari- ous purpose mainly because it could not get the requisite reinforce- ment from the upper element to furnish efficient and unselfish lead- ership. Had there risen up among them a man possessed of the domineering spirit and political genius of Adolph Hitler, the movement might have succeeded in reducing the Negro to the status of a Pariah and an outcast in the land of the free and the home of the brave.

The history of the Scottsboro case to date fully illustrates the danger to the Negro of proletarian race prejudice, and how it is held, measurably, in check by the better element. These unfortu- nate boys were twice convicted by a white yeoman jury surrounded by a mob yelling for revenge.

The chief justice of the State of Alabama had the moral cour- age to withstand the mob atmosphere to the extent of affirming his belief that the accused had not had a fair trial. The Supreme Court of the United States upheld his judgment. The boys were remanded �[Page 360]360 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

for a new trial. Again a yeoman jury brought in a verdict of guilty, but the presiding judge, of aristocratic antecedents and rearing, set aside the verdict as being flagrantly at variance with the evidence. Left to the tender mercies of the proletarian mob, these boys guilty or innocent, would long ago have been dispatched into eternity, and the reputation of the race blackened with the perpetration of another “usual crime.”

In view of all the facts and factors involved in the situation it seems obvious that not only would a communistic state in America put the Negro outside the pale, but the agitation for such a state on his part, is fraught with grave peril to his race whose only hope for salvation lies in the fulfillment of the principles laid down in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States.

Reprin.ed from the November 1933 issue of “Opportunity: a dome of Negro Life” by courtesr of Bimer A. Carter, Editor. �[Page 361]TOWARD A MODERN PHILOSOPHY by F. EMERSON ANDREWS I

osT of us have been so utterly dazed by the crash of the

stock market and the attendant disappearance of for-

tunes and jobs that we have failed to notice other and

far more significant crashes. We have not even observed that a whole new philosophy lies shattered about us, its fragments still brilliant but showing now their lacerating edges.

This philosophy had been accepted trustfully and enthusiasti- cally by most of America. It had seemed a philosophy based on realities, and for a while it had seemed to wc :k—even to work magnificently. We were so busy living it that we did not bother talking much about it or draping it in the long and sonorous terms which are the required dress for Philosophy Court. Too young and too vividly alive for textbooks, it had not got itself named, classi- fied, catalogued, and defined in set terms required—verbatim— for examinations. If it had any one name, that name was material- ism—but not the materialism that is so old a story in any history of philosophy or any account of man and what he has thought and done in his few recorded centuries. It was a brand new Enlightened Materialism which could have arisen in no era other than our own one of sudden and stupendous scientific advance. It was, so we thought, an entirely new basing of life on sure realities.

Now that it has utterly collapsed and we cut ourselves cruelly trying to find a way among its sharp fragments, it will be well to consider how it came, what it was, and what it lacked.

II

This philosophy was in part a reaction from. Victorian hope-

fulness. After their first fright over evolution, our Victorian fa- 361 �[Page 362]362. WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

thers began to see in it nothing less than the divine plan for en- suring perpetual progress. Civilization was on a sort of celestial escalator which carried it ever upward, willy nilly. Such was the growing humanity of mankind, there could be no more wars (until 1914!). Slavery had just been abolished. Democracy and the lib- eral spirit were spreading. Great inroads against slums and poverty were being made, and greater planned. With the discovery of the microbe (Pasteur in 1877), disease was about to be totally anni- hilated. Steam and electricity were developing undreamt aptitudes, and man was soon to be released entirely from the drudgery of work. Pippa passed, but men noted only that ““God’s in his heaven —All’s right with the world!” Tennyson poetized the future in colors of appropriate glory.

The early years of the twentieth century strained these hope- ful opinions and the world war shattered them. Sentimentalism was not enough. Not only was it doubtful that civilization was ad- vancing, but it might not even survive. Countries which helped fight the war to make the world safe for democracy were deserting democracy chemselves. The maimed physically and the maimed spiritually returned from chaos, bringing their poisons with them.

Out of this wave of disillusion and cynicism grew the bright, hard philosophy of life which lasted until yesterday. This philos- ophy, having seen many old ideals fail and hopes disappoint, de- termined to wash itself clean of sentimental faith and put its trust in nothing which could not be seen, tasted, heard, smelled, touched.

This attitude of mind came just when science was in the midst of its comet-flare of progress and discovery. Here at hand was something which called itself organized knowledge, which had an equal contempt for things which could not be touched, measured, and weighed, and which produced in dazzling variety miracles which could be used in daily living. Here, obviously, was the thing on which to found a philosophy of realities—here, and in the trade which financed scientific discovery and brought its results to our own hands.

We turned our colleges largely into laboratories and schools of business. Our sages and philosophers were expert accountants �[Page 363]TOWARD A MODERN PHILOSOPHY 363

and specialists in trade. We gave to our new god Science most of our first-rate brains. At the peak of this period, about 1928, it is estimated that there were in the United States alone 30,000 research workers in applied science supported by annual budyets totalling $200,000,000. Discoveries crowded upon us. We were dazzled by authentic miracles, performed more reliably than those of the regularly canonized saints which had won the faith of earlier generations.

Meanwhile the gentlemen of trade, for reasons of their own, set about biinging these discoveries into every household. They hired an army of paid prophets, called advertising experts, to help them. These clever men and women eulogized the great god Sci- ence aiid his handmaiden Trade by every means human ingenuity inspired by salary increases could invent. The appeal to believe— and buy—was made through the emotions, through the intellect, through the highest ideals, through the basest passions, by logic, by illogic, by humor, by sheer insistence. Heaven here and now was promised in terms of motor cars, cigarettes, tooth paste, sun- lamps, radios, rowing machines. No previous god had ever had so much attention or so many and so well-paid preachers as this new god ot Science and Trade, this god of Things. Newspapers and magazines were fat with his doxologies, often printed in four colors at ten thousand dollars the double page. We went to see nature and saw billboards. Symphonies came to us through the courtesy of a National Product. We looked toward the stars, and there was a plane circling, bawling through a loud speaker the virtues of scier.ce’s lastest nostrum.

So much genuine achievement and so much ballyhoo could not help but have a profound influence on our attitudes toward life. What this influence was, some description of the hard, bright phil- osophy of enlightened materialism may make plain.

Ill

Emphasis upon the scientific attitude brought to the common man as well as to the intelligentsia a severely critical attitude toward life. It became the fashion to refer everything to the scientific foo-- �[Page 364]364 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

rule, and anything incapable of measurement along its gradations was apt to be discarded. Sex became a branch of biology. Religion, because it touched upon the supernatural (7.e., that which cannot be reconciled with natural science), was generally disregarded. Arrogant in our new knowledge and aflame with our fresh dis- coveries, we attempted to reduce everything to the realities of the senses. Even the relativity pronouncements of Einstein, the collapse of the atomic theory, and the significant revelation that science herself does not yet have a single unit of measure accurate under all conditions of temperature, pressure, and relative motion did not much disturb us. The more learned scientists might grow more modest in their claims and two of them might—and did— commit suicide when they saw their sure dogma drift into doubt, but the common man took his science chiefly through the wondrous accounts of the Sunday feature sections and continued to believe and worship.

The effects were noticeable in all classes and even in all arts and social endeavors. In painting there developed cubism, which tried to reduce naturally rounded and irregular contours into straight lines and forms such as may be constructed with ruler and compass. Poetry followed the experimental temper with free verse. Tue graphic arts deserted the flowing hand-drawn line in favor of ruler-controlled forms and mechanical effects; this was the era of sans serif types, of the ultra-bolds in advertising which cancelled each other out by their ugliness, of straight line decor- ation, and of skyscrapers tipsily photographed. In music, the mech- anistic jazz out-blared everything else and the aesthetic value of learning to play an instrument was almost universally neglected for easy mechanical reproduction by phonograph and radio. In dress, gracefulness (which is incapable of scientific measurement) was disregarded in favor of the practical, which might mean at one time the efficient and at another time the effectively suggestive. Education embarked upon experiments in educational measure- ment about 1910, carrying this desirable step to such undesirable lengths that teachers complained tests and reports left no time in which to teach, and the public observed that though educators �[Page 365]TOWARD A MODERN PHILOSOPHY 365

could now measure what they called progress in any given direction, they no longer knew in what direction education ought to move. Architecture developed the efficiet skyscraper, building it usually with the delicate grace of an up-ended shoe box. Even furniture succumbed to the trend toward dynamic symmetry and in its striv- ing to look purposeful and galvanic lost all contact with comfort. Frank Lloyd Wright confesses that there have been few times when his body was not somewhere black and blue from collision with his own early furniture.

It was a part of this hard, bright philosophy that not only must things be reduced to the material realities of the senses, but also they must be possessed. The combined chanting of innumer- able choirs of advertising experts forced upon us this doctrine of the desirability of possession and incessantly urged upon us a more frenzied worship of the god of Trade. We were peculiarly ready for this worship. Science had told us that man was doubtless noth- ing more than an accidental combination of chemical elements, liable to sudden dissolution, and without any high ultimate destiny for the individual or the race. A crass opportunism seemed to many the only logical policy, and widely prevailed. The common man who had money put it into stocks without concern for the small yield; he was not interested in the remote future, but only in doub- ling his money by the middle of next week. The common man who had political power cashed it in promptly on bus franchises, pro- tection to any groups willing to pay for it, and political appoint- ments until now the daily spectacle of deeper corruption being re- vealed in our greatest city shocks some citizens into a realization of how far we had gone, but leaves many others apathetic, and will- ing to return the culprits to power. The common man who saw any way of getting an immediate advantage over his fellow, whether by trickery or force, used it, until now the country staggers under the cost and the desperate menace of racketeering. This same op- portunism, with its greed for immediate and tangible possession, found expression in a cheapened literature-for-profit, in loose sex morality, in cut-throat policies of both capital and labor, in ruinous procedures in national and international finance. �[Page 366]366 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

We are now reaping in personal and general misery the re- sults of the philosophy we followed. The reduction of personality to those things which science can measure and comprehend leaves life too poor to be worth the living. Concentration on material gains has given us a great many possessions, but these are worth little happiness and no contentment. Opportunism in many fields has furnished a few small satisfactions and robbed us of all great ones. The trade policy of every man for himself and the devil take the hindmost has let the economic devil claw us all, one after the other. In the midst of every outward evidence of scientific pro- gress and material prosperity, our civilization is bankrupt. What may be the reasons for this failure of the hard, bright, brittle philos- ophy of enlightened materialism?

IV

By no means all the worship of the gods of science and trade has been misplaced. In many fields the scientific method had its proper and useful function, destroying ill-founded beliefs and es- tablishing facts. Many of its practical effects were salutary. Few people regret the passing of street-sweeping dresses, lace valen- tines, gingerbread decorations on buildings. Nearly all of us give science an ungrudging admiration for the myriad mechanical con- veniences it has put at our disposal. The direct, critical, experi- mental, clean-cut type of mind which scientific thinking helps de- velop has been exceedingly useful. The philosophy of science and trade is not so much to be called in question for the things it de- veloped, as for the things it ignored.

The flattering worship of science on the part of the common man turned the heads of the lesser scientists and even of some of the greatest. They fell into the precise error of the early the- ologians, which is the assumption that technique useful in one field is necessarily valid in all others. With the theologians be- cause man’s moral and spiritual advance had come about chiefly through the inspired moment of individuals (revelations), it was assumed that valid knowledge of the physical universe must come in the same way. So late as the Middle Ages they relied upon �[Page 367]TOWARD A MODERN PHILOSOPHY 367

sacred writings to determine the number of teeth in a horse’s mouth instead of examining the horse, and they denied passionately the scientific proof of the roundness and motion of the earth because no such proof was discoverable in the revelation which they solely trusted. In the same narrow spirit many scientists of our day, and the common man following them, have questioned the validity of any conclusion not arrived at by the technique useful for physical phenomena, and have passionately denied the very existence of all that could not be measured or weighed by the means they had at hand. To the future historian, the arrogance of science in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century will be no less a subject for ridicule than the arrogance of theology before Galileo and Newton.

A philosophy of living accepting only those realities which are demonstzable to the outer senses omits many crucial areas of human experier To take a single example, science and trade have had now __ f measuring the effect of beauty upon man’s spirit—except ‘ ch objective forms as gadgets on motor cars which increase .ecir sale, and nature pictures in folders to stimu- late railway travel. To paraphrase Robert Bridges in The Testa- ment of Beauty, though science can measure every wave length of ether or air that reaches sense, ‘‘there the hunt checketh, and her keen hounds are at fault;” beyond the outer gate of the senses, science has no competence. It does not know how, within man, “the visibles are changed to invisible; the fine-measured motions to immeasurable emotion.” And so in our current philosophy the whole field of man’s finer emotions is either disregarded utterly or heavily discounted.

We have seen how totally inadequate this philosophy has proved, how in practice it has led to a short-sighted opportunism which has tumbled into the nearest ditch and drawn us with it. Since the bright, hard philosophy of science and trade has so dis- mally failed, what shall we erect in its place?

V

One hopes that as we grope toward a new philosophy of living we shall not content ourselves with mere reaction. The blithe gen- �[Page 368]368 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

eral optimism of the Victorians will not do. To accept again those old beliefs which have been not merely doubted but effectively dis- proved by science would be an abdication of reason. To reject the scientific method in fields in which it has competence would be as stupid as our late blind reliance upon it as the sole revealer.

Any new philosophy must be designed to fit the modern world. It must recognize a world that has been so bound up by speed of travel and ease of communication that what happens to individuals anywhere reacts in some fashion upon individuals everywhere. In an age which has developed material forces to a tremendous poten- tial, it must remember that speed is not finally governed by power but by controls. On highways open to other people an automobile’s speed is not determined by its engine-power, but by the efficiency of its steering wheel and the effectiveness of its brakes.

Science, in the new philosophy, will become social. It will maintain its splendid unemotionalized, objective technique, but it will have a first concern for man and his fate. The physical sciences may be expected to continue to advance, but especial emphasis will be placed upon the backward social sciences. We shall have to recognize that further extension of man’s power over physical forces may be positively dangerous unless he is speedily taught ways of organizing this vast power for the common good. Con- siderable evidence of this new emphasis is already visible in the mushroom growth of foundations and social agencies and in the slight turning of our universities from money-making and the physical sciences toward efforts at social discovery.

Human engineering, the effective use of power in man and for man, is catching the stride of that earlier miracle-worker, me- chanical engineering. It deals with a more complicated technique and may proceed more slowly, but it promises at least as revolu- tionary changes in the conditions of living as mechanical engineer- ing has made in our outward environment. The possibilities, even conservatively stated, are staggering. Public health through medi- cal research and sanitary and preventive measures has added ten years to the expectation of life of the present generation and may add twenty to the next. Increased longevity, the abolition of war, �[Page 369]TOWARD A MODERN PHILOSOPHY 369

the prevention of poverty due to economic maladjustment—meas- urable progress along any of these entirely feasible lines of ad- vance has cumulative benefits scarcely to be estimated.

In the new philosophy, the trade god also will be forced into a social mold. When the fallacy of opportunism is clearly seen and the acquisition of material goods no longer blinds us to other values, we shall be in a temper to curb industry’s sole interest in profits. How far or in precisely what ways such curbing will come are not to be prophesied with safety, but a modern philosophy with regard to industry will probably include these minimum require- ments: The first charge upon industry, after the cost of its raw materials, is a living wage for its workers. The second charge upon industry is adequate provision through insurance or otherwise for accident, unemployment, and old age. Only after these proper production costs have been covered can there be a concern for profits and their distribution.

VI

But though a modern philosophy will have these social tenets (or others like them) because of the closely interwoven world in which it must function, its chief concern will remain the individual himself. We will not be content with a new social and economic order; we must have new personal values in which to believe and by which shiningly to live. These we will not accept by force or by persuasion, but only if we have ourselves examined them and found them good. It is toward the discovery of such values that any modern philosophy must bend its sincerest efforts.

In the opinion of this writer, the mainsail on such a voyage of discovery must be the realization that there are in human experience two principal orders of things. All things of the one order tend to wear out, disintegrate, “die,” and sink toward the cold death which thermodynamics so dismally predicts. Things of the second order, however, show a tendency to grow, to renew themselves, to create new forms, to be immortal so far as a mortal may judge.

The first order we may call for convenience the order of ma- terial things. These can all be measured and appraised by the ex- �[Page 370]370 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

terior senses of man. In the main they can be explained and pro- duced by science, and obtained by trade. They are substantial things like books, automobiles, ice cream, Talisman roses, houses, gold dollars, steel rails, whole wheat bread, the skin you love to touch, pearls, good rich manure. Many of them are delightful, most of them are useful, and their variety is enormous. Improved and multiplied by science, glorified by trade advertising, it is no wonder they were accepted as the only realities by a generation dis- illusioned by a war and taught to doubt and deny everything which the foot-rule of the senses could not measure. Here at last, we told ourselves, are things in which a man can believe. He can touch them, taste them, use them, weigh them, buy and sell them. All who trust unsubstantial things, we said, are sentimental fools, de- ceiving themselves with dreams. Let us be scientific realists, we said, and build our foundations on these sole realities.

We have seen, however, that these so-solid realities are pre- cisely the things which do disintegrate. Insofar as they appeal solely to the outward senses, they pall upon those senses. Spoonsful! of honey grow less sweet, however scientifically their identic sweet-* ness may be measured out, and one must take more and more of the same drug to achieve the same effect. For a brief while it was possible to increase the materialistic dose, to blind ourselves to the final emptiness of the material order by a faster and faster whirl and a policy of variety at any cost. This served only to make more severe the day of disillusion when it should come. That day has now come to so many of the followers of the hard, bright philos- ophy of trust only in the material order of things that it amounts to a debacle of that whole way of life.

So once again it is possible to raise a voice that so recently as four years ago would have been drowned in self-confident scorn, and quietly to announce that there is a second order of things which do not fail; that on this order the philosophy of the future must chiefly be founded, as in their different ways have all the enduring philosophies of the past.

This second order of things may be called for convenience, though not with strict accuracy, things of the spirit. That term

�[Page 371]TOWARD A MODERN PHILOSOPHY 371

has been so roundly abused and denied in the recent past that it may be well to define it by an example that touches everyone’s personal experience.

Books, we have said, belong to the material order of things. So they do in their physical aspects. Pages fall out, the paper dis- colors, they wholly disappear at last. But some books have also a spirit-quality, put there by men who write them (and sometimes by artists who design them). If this is very strong the same book may be more delightful the oftener it is read. In any event the reading of that book does not jade but sharpens the taste for similar books. The more books we read, the more points of reference we have from which to derive understanding and delight from each new one. Whole new areas of appreciation and interest are opened up.

Similarly, a spirit quality may be distilled out of all the ma- terial objects we have mentioned or failed to mention. Insofar as they are material they fade and disappoint. Insofar as any quality of spirit attaches to them or can be brought to bear upon them they renew themselves, are creative, and tend to be immortal. Some- times we even recognize this difference by attaching two names to the same object, as “house,” “home.”

This quality of spirit centers in ourselves, where this duality is most pronounced. A man’s physical body is composed of certain chemical elements worth a very small number of pennies which has lately grown less. His spirit may rule empires. These are such platitudes of experience that their mention would be unpardonable except for the overwhelming evidence that they are generally for- gotten in our attempts to adjust our lives to the world we live in.

No science explains how a flax seed, which is so small a man may scarcely pick it up, can transform loam into a blue flower of strange loveliness, but experience proves it is true. The laws of light refraction set no man’s soul aquiver with delight, but expe- rience has rainbows in it. No logic would lead us to believe that cold tallow and a thread would give out light and warmth, but we know it is true because we have seen it. On a no less certain basis of experience, it is true that perishable natural beauty may flower �[Page 372]372 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

in a man’s spirit until it is a permanent part of him, implicit in all that he does and says and feels, visible even in the lines of his face. It is true that there is in man a secret power to build the strain and stress of living into a shining something that we call person- ality. It is true that those who have brought to their work, whether it was the fashioning of a clay bowl or the planning of a cathedral, a measure of sincerity, have built permanently into themselves whatever quality of spirit they brought to the passing task. It is true that there is a world of spirit which has demonstrable qualities of creativity and perpetual renewal just as there is a material world which decays and degenerates.

A modern philosophy will recognize these two orders of exist- ence. It will by no means neglect the essential material order in which any growth of the spirit must find root; but it will remember that its chief concern is not for the soil but for the flower. It will restore to living many old values which had been disregarded in our era of trust only in the data of outward sense, and it will add some new ones. It will base its values not upon supernatural revela- tion but upon human experience, including in that experience the whole realm of man’s spirit as well as the data of his physical senses. It will set as its standard neither the dollar nor the foot rule, but human personality, calling those things good which in expe- rience minister to its development, and those things indifferent or bad which in experience have no such effect. Most probably this modern philosophy will recognize that a rich emotional life is as important for personality as intellectual achievement; that much cencern for material advancement is definitely stunting; that the economical rules of the physical universe do not operate in all realms, but personality grows best by a generous giving of itself, is most intensified (paradoxically enough) not by centering atten- tion upon itself but by broadening that attention to include a wide variety of other persons and other interests.

Disillusioned with disillusion, restive under the cult of futility and hopelessness, the leaders are already embarking on the adven- turous discovery of those things which best nourish the spirit of man, the formulation of a modern philosophy of living. �[Page 373]WORLD ADVANCE A Monthly International Review

by

OscaR NEWFANG Author of “The Road to World Peace,” etc.

GROWING GOODWILL IN THE WESTERN WORLD

HILE suspicion and distrust prevail in many countries W : the Eastern Hemisphere, there has been a remark-

able increase of goodwill among the American nations

during recent months. The Pan-American Conference at Montevideo met in the gloom of the nearby warfare in the Gran Chaco between Paraguay and Bolivia and under a cloud of ill-will against the United States on the part of the Latin-American coun- tries. When the conference adjourned, the warfare seemed to be nearing an end, and the spirit of ill-will had been superceded by a general feeling of friendliness and good-will between the great English speaking nation and the Latin-American nations. In order to understand this burst of good feeling and to forecast the perma- nent improvement in Pan-American relations to which it may lead, it is necessary to go back to the historic causes of the previous ill- will which existed among the Latin-American countries toward the United States and to examine the reasons for their suspicion of our motives.

The Monroe Doctrine at the Bottom of Latin-American Ill-Will

This ill-will and suspicion can be clearly traced to the Monroe Doctrine. Argentina temporarily withdrew from the League of Nations, because that body in its covenant termed the doctrine ‘‘a regional understanding” for the maintenance of peace. She claimed that the Monroe Doctrine was not a regional understanding, that the South American republics had not been consulted nor had

373 �[Page 374]374 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

they given their consent to the doctrine; and that, in fact, they re- fused to recognized the right of the United States to exercise the semi-protectorate which she claimed over the whole Western Hemi- sphere. Argentina insisted that the Monroe Doctrine was merely a unilateral declaration of the policy of the United States, which policy South American countries resented as an infringement on their complete sovereignty and a reflection upon their ability to stand ulone.

Of the historical truth of the Argentine contention that the Monroe Doctrine was a unilateral declaration of policy by the United States, without consultation with any other American na- tion, there can be no doubt. Statesmen in the highest official posi- tion in the United States have constantly asserted precisely the same thing, and the covenant’s designation of the doctrine as a regional understanding is therefore incorrect. American Secre- taries of State have said that the doctrine was promulgated by the United States alone and for her own safety. President Monroe’s words are clear on that point: ““We should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemi- sphere as dangerous to our peace and safety.”

While the Central and South American nations recognized the usefulness of the Monroe Doctrine during the nineteenth century, when they were weak and struggling and had reason to fear that European nations, upon the pretext of a monetary default or for other reasons, might institute a receivership or protectorate over some of their number which it would be difficult later to shake off; with their growing stability and strength in the twentieth century they began to resent the tutelage of the United States, to insist that the Monroe Doctrine had served its purpose, had become obsolete, and should be discarded. So general and so keen had this Latin- American resentment become during the first quarter of the present century, that Secretary of State Hughes on August 30th, 1923, made an important statement in an attempt to remove it. He said: “The policy of the Monroe Doctrine does not infringe upon the independence and sovereignty of other American states. Miscon- ception upon this point is the only disturbing influence in our re-

�[Page 375]WORLD ADVANCB 375

lations with Latin-American States. The declaration of our pur- pose to oppose what is inimical to our safety does not imply an at- tempt to establish a protectorate. .... We thoroughly disclaim as unwarranted the cbservations which occasionally have been made implying a claim on our part to superintend the affairs of our sis- ter republics, to assert an overlordship, to consider the spread of our authority beyond our own domain as the aim of our policy and to make our power the test of right in this hemisphere. .... These assertions .... menace us by stimulating a distrust which has no real foundation. They find no sanction whatever in the Monroe Doctrine.”

Notwithstanding this explicit declaration by the American Secretary of State, the feeling persisted that the United States claims by virtue of the Monroe Doctrine a general overlordship or protectorate over the Latin-American nations, and the resent- ment against American interference in their affairs continued to grow stronger. This feeling and this resentment had been greatly increased after the Spanish-American war, in which the United States freed Cuba from Spanish dominion and made her an inde- pendent nation, but reserved what practically amounted to a pro- tectorate over the country. The United States stipulated that Cuba must incorporate in her constitution the so-called Platt Amendment which, among other things, gave the full right of intervention: “The Cuban Government consents that the United States may ex- ercise the right to intervene for the preservation of Cuban inde- pendence and to maintain a government capable of protecting life, property and individual liberty, and for discharging the obliga- tions with respect to Cuba imposed by the treaty of peace upon the United States, now to be assumed and undertaken by the Govern- ment of Cuba.” Under this right to interv 1e the United States actually did intervene in the affairs of Cuba in 190€ to 1909 and again in 1922. The United States has also intervened in the affairs of Nicaragua and of Haiti. In addition to these instances in which the United States has actually intervened in Latin-American coun- tries, it has been the policy of this country, especially under the presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, to assume responsibility for the �[Page 376]376 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

protection of both American and European interests, in. case of Latin-American revolutions or disturbances, our officials regarding this duty as a necessary implication of our refusal under the Mon- roe Doctrine to allow European governments themselves to protect their nationals on American soil.

The strained relations between the United States and the Latin-American countries produced by this policy and these inter- ventions was so great, that it was only with the greatest difficulty that the two previous Pan-American Conferences were kept from disruption by the sharp conflict of views. As the time approached for the Montevideo Conference pessimism and forebodings of strife and of a breakup of the Convention prevailed in both North and South America.

Roosevelt's New Policy and Practice of Non-Intervention

Into this bad situation President Roosevelt stepped with his declaration at the Woodrow Wilson Dinner on December 28th, that the policy of the United States henceforth would be to dis- claim the right to intervene in the affairs of other American nations on her sole initiative, and that when conditions in any country of the Western Hemisphere might seem to require intervention, “‘it becomes the joint concern of the whole continent in which we are all neighbors.” This sweeping declaration of a change in policy which had long been unanimously desired by all the Latin-Ameri- can countries produced an instantaneous and profound effect throughout the Latin-American world, and the feeling of ill-will toward the United States was converted overnight into one of good-will and friendship.

When the President followed up his words by his action in resisting the extreme recent temptation to intervene in the affairs of Cuba, notwithstanding the explicit right given this country by the Platt Amendment inserted into the constitution of Cuba, and notwithstanding the fact that five changes in the presidency of Cuba within six months’ time had gravely endangered American lives and property, the enthusiasm for President Roosevelt and his �[Page 377]WORLD ADVANCE 377

new policy was great, not only in South America, but even in Cuba itself.

This feeling of neighborliness was still further enhanced when Secretary of State Hull said during the Montevideo Pan-American Conference that the United States was fully determined to con- clude at the earliest possible date its intervention in Haiti and any other similar commitments elsewhere in the territory of her sister republics. To cap the climax, the American delegation astonished the entire conference when they affixed the signature of the United States to a rzsolution adopted by the conference which stated, among other things, that ‘‘no state has a right to intervene in the internal or external affairs of another state.” The enthusiasm arous- ed by this action resulted in the signature of the Kellogg Peace Pact by Argentina and of the Gondra Pact by the United States, both being directed to the outlawry of international war.

America Reco gnizes the New Cuban Government

Before Secretary Hull had time to return to the United States President Roosevelt recognized the new government of Cuba un- der the presidency of Mendieta. This recognition represented the formal waiving by the United States of her previously claimed right to decide upon the legal claim of a revolutionary government to control a Latin-American country, and a reversal of the Ameri- can policy to recognize no Latin-American government which should come into power through revolution. In addition to recog- nizing the new Cuban Government President Roosevelt agreed to give consideration to reciprocal tariff treaties which might improve the economic life of the island. It is very evident that the increase of the tariff on sugar at the time of the last American tariff revision is the main cause of Cuba’s difficulties, that it has practically ruined her economic welfare, and that there can be no permanent peace and prosperity in the island until the natural market for her prin- cipal product has been more fully restored. This effort of the American administration to aid Cuba in the solution of her eco- nomic and consequent financial difficulties has deeply stirred our �[Page 378]378 | WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

neighboring republic and has done more than anything else to re- store law and order there.

The effect throughout South America has also been very favor- able. While no definite tariff arrangements were reached at Monte- video, the American delegation expressed itself sympathetically to- ward efforts, to be made by all of the countries represented, to arrive at such reciprocal tariff treaties as would permit the products in which each of the countries possessed a marked natural advan- tage to be more freely exchanged for the general benefit of all the American nations.

Will the Non-Intervention Policy be Successful?

While an increase of Pan-American trade through a reduction of tariff barriers would doubtless be beneficial to all the countries of the Western Hemisphere, a more important element by far in the growth of Pan-American good-will has been the new policy of intervention only aiter consultation and by general consent. This is similar to the League of Nations declaration in Article VIII of its covenant, that the maintenance of peace requires “the enforce- ment by common action of international obligations.”

The question arises: Will this policy of non-intervention by the United States on its sole initiative be successful? The beauty of this policy is the paradox, that the more it fails, the better it will succeed; that is, if common consent for intervention cannot be obtained, there will be no intervention in the affairs of any country in this hemisphere, which is exactly what twenty of the twenty-one countries have long wanted.

The policy will, however, have several important consequences. It will lead to far greater emphasis than heretofore on methods of compulsory arbitration of all international disputes in the Western Hemisphere. This, in turn, must in time lead to a strengthening of the Pan-American Union along the lines of the Covenant of the League of Nations. Doubtless experience in attempting to carry out the new policy of non-intervention except by general con- sent will show, as the experience of the League has shown, the �[Page 379]WORLD ADVANCE ’ 379

impossibility of obtaining action under the rule of unanimity; and the United States, which possesses a population as large as all the other twenty countries combined, will certainly not agree to ma- jority decisions, if each nation, whether large or small, is to have an equal vote. This will bring us in our Pan-American relations to the stage that we reached in our coloniahrelations during the pe- riod from 1776 to 1787, when the States were united in ‘‘a firm league of friendship,” with the requirement of practical unanimity in all decisions.

In view of the complete dominance that the United States would possess in any system of proportionate representation in the Pan-American Union, it would seem to be a better policy for gen- eral peace and prosperity, if this country would urge the strength- ening of the general world organization, the League of Nations, in the direction of a federal structure, and would then join that World Federation. �[Page 380]NOTES ON THE CURRENT ISSUE

It is hoped that special attention will be paid by readers to Kelly Miller’s message to American Negroes, “Should Black Turn Red?” which we are privileged to reprint from the magazine Op- portunity. In this plea—the very necessity for which is extremely significant—the receptive mind can discern ramifications whose tenacles reach outward in many directions to the world problem as a whole.

Between the white and colored races in the United States there stands every type of barrier and obstacle separating the races, na- tions and classes of mankind. Whatever antipathy exists between Americans, for example, and Japanese; whatever rivalry and strife signalizes the class antagonisms of the present era; whatever sus- picion intervenes between any two armed states— all this burden, intensified by the very fact of physical proximity, lies heavily upon the vital historical problem flowing from the racial discord char- | acterizing the American people.

Whoever and whatever can bridge this social chasm will have found the key to the larger, but essentially similar social problem of the modern world. In this constant source of irritation, misunder- standing, discord and hate poisoning the freest and most potent of nations, lies the fatal moral weakness and spiritual blindness which prevents America from fulfilling its world destiny. It is no ora- torical exaggeration to insist that in the villages of the Southern States and the industrial cities of the North, the world’s future is now being unconsciously, blindly prepared.

The fundamental moral issue, what is man? and the supreme social question, what is world order? meet here, in the quality of the relationship which America achieves for her white and negro children. There is no real amity until it is all-inclusive, and no real justice until it defends the weakest member of the human fam- ily. World Unity with ali its force appeals fo true understanding 380 �[Page 381]NOTES ON THE CURRENT ISSUE 381

of this matter by all who have concern with human progress and the achievement of enduring peace. American influence and power will not be available for the task of international cooperation until America has met the challenge of destiny within its own threshold.

“Toward a Modern Philosophy” should be read in the light of the Symposium by engineers and scientists recently published in World Unity, for Mr. Andrews in affirming the social responsibility of science has raised a capstone to bind together the arches of the argument developed in that series. But Mr. Andrews has also made an important contribution to those articles World Unity has issued from time to time on the subject of the new ethical ideals de- manded at this time—for example, Dr. Overstreet’s essay ‘“‘Build- ing up the International Mind” and Dr. Rufus M. Jones’s ‘““Educa- tion for Human Brotherhood.”

It is gratifying and encoucaging to add a statement by an Italian to the consideration of the project of World Federation which the magazine has been actively promoting over a period of years. There appears to be no legitimate grounds for denying Mr. Baldazzi’s assertion that “the wider life of the peoples in the modern world tends to surpass the limited field of action of Nationality.” The theory of self-contained peoples and states would be perfect except for the fact of war. War is the negative demonstration of internationalism which constantly repudiates the selfish aspect of nationalism, and will continue to do so until the positive demon- stration of internationalism in peace, security, order, justice and universal decent standards of living has been achieved.

World Unity is delighted to have the privilege of extending the fame and cherishing the memory of the late Walter Walsh of London—a valiant pioneer who found time and strength to lend cordial support to this magazine from its beginning. �[Page 382]INDEX Worb_pD UNITY MAGAZINE

Volume 13, October, 1933—March, 1934

Titles

Art AND Its Re.ation tT Lire, by Rose Noller, 269

Boox Notes, by Joseph S. Roucek, 314 Cart ScHuRzZ MEMORIAL FOUNDATION, Tue, by Harry W. Pfund, 35

Economic Distress, THe Roor or, by Edgar L. G. Prochnik, 286

FreperATED Worip, Way a?. by Dudley W. Woodbridge, 178

History, Is Tuere a Cycric RISE AND Fat In?, by Hans Kohn, 108

History, Tuis Crisis 1n, by Archie M. Palmer, 197

INDIVIDUALISM vs. CHARACTER, by Glenn M. Clarke, 39

INTERNATIONAL LANGUACE, THE: ENG- LISH OR ESsPERANTO?, by Henry W. Hetzel, 19

Lrtt_e ENTENTE, THE, IN INTERNATIONAL Po.ttics, by Joseph S. Roucek, 209

Mopern PuivosopHy, Towarp A, by F. Emerson Andrews, 361

New Wortp, THe Line or THE, by Ed- lington Moat, 115

—— Jacques, by John Richard Mez, “ae Tue Pata To, by Quincy Wright,

Race Conriicts 1n Topay’s Wort, by Hans Kohn, 205

ScHWEITZER, ALBERT: CHRISTIAN SUPER- MAN, by Robert Merrill Bartlett, 89 SHoutp Brack Turn Rep? by Kelly Miller, 348

Society Wrrnout Soctat Scrence, by T. Swann Harding, 41

SUPERNATIONAL Unrons, THE, by Giovan- ni Baldazzi, 327

Titttr, Ernest Freemont, by R. E. Wolseley, 161

Wa ter, Wa sh, by Richard Lee, 337

Wate Armies Grow, by Stanton A. Coblentz, 69

Wortp Apvance, A MonTHLY INTERNA- TIONAL Review, by Oscar Newfang, 27, 82, 171, 228, 279, 373

Wortp Cirizensuip, by Carl A. Ross, 12, 98, 149, 235, 292, 342

Wortp CooperaTIon, THE SUBSTANCE OF, a symposium, by various authors, 41

Wortp or Rearity, THe, by Ruhi Afnan, 51, 120, 180, 242, 300

Worvp Strire, THE Ciue To, by Horace Holley, 1

"= Unrry, Apost.es or, 89, 161, 220,

Worvtp Unity rs Wortp Fairs, by Hor- ace Holley, 65, 129, 193, 257, 321

Wortp Unity TxHroucn Morar Epuca- TION, by H. L. Latham, 333

Wortp WE Live In, 35, 197, 333

Authors

ArnAn, Runt, The World of Reality, 51, 120, 180, 242, 300

ANpreEws, F. Emerson, Toward a Modern Philosophy, 361

382

Ba.pazz1, GIOVANNI, The Supernational Unions, 327

BarTLett, Ropert Merritx, Alb. Schweitz- er: Christian Superman, 89 �[Page 383]INDEX

CiaRKE, GL. Ty vidualism vs. Character, 3y

Costentz, Stanton A., While Armies Grow,

Harpinc, T. Swann, Society Without Social Science, 41

Herzer, Henry W., The a Language: English or Esperanto?,

Hottey, Horace, The Clue to aa

Strife, 1; World Unity is World Faith,

65, 129, 193, 257, 321

Koun, Hans, Is There a Cyclic Rise and Fall in Sey Lie Race Conflicts: in Today’s World, 205

LatHam, H. L., World Unity Through Moral Education, 333

Lez, Ricwarp, Walter Walsh, 337

ae, comm RicHarp, Jacques Novicow,

a Ketty, Should Black Turn Red?

M.,

Moat, Eptrncton, The Line of the New World, 115

383

NEWFANG, Oscar, World Advance, A Monthly International Review, 27, 82, 171, 228, 279, 373

Notier, Rosgz, Art and Its Relation to Life, 269

Pacmer, Arcure M., This Crisis in His- tory, 197

Prunp, Harry W., The Carl Schurz Memorial Foundation, 35

Procunik, Encar L. G., The Root of Economic Distress,

Ross, Cart A., — Citizenship, 12, 149, 235, 292, 34. . "

Rovucex, Josern , Book Notes, 314; The Little Entente in International Politics, 209

Wena, R. E., Ernest Freemont Tittle,

Woopsarnce, Duprey W., Why a Feder- ated World? 178

— Quincy, The Path to Peace, �[Page 384]ORDER BLANK

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