World Unity/Volume 14/Issue 2/Text

[Page 64]

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Volume XIV, May, 1934

Questionnaire on .. . World Peace

Is War Inevitable? ......... Robert C. Stevenson gon SMUTS 2s ke ewe eae ew Hamilton Fyfe

China as S7en from the Inside .. . Frank Rawlinson

The Psychology of Race Prejudice . . J.C. Moffitt Cooperation Abroad through

Organization at Home ...... De Witt C. Poole World Renaissance .......2... Ra. Bridgman The Parliament of a Federated

WORT cw we ee he we ww fF C. . Young World Advance .......4+2.4468- Oscar Newfang Notes on the Current Issue .....

65- 67 68- 77 78- 84 85- 89 90- 96 97-103 104-112 113-12] 122-127

128 �[Page 65]QUESTIONNAIRE ON THE PRESENT ATTITUDE TOWARD THE QUESTION OF WORLD PEACE

This Questionnaire has been sent by world Unity Foundation to five hundred representative men and women resident in the United States. It is reproduced here in the belief that many readers of the magazine will be willing to participate in such an effort to obtain views on various aspects of the peace question.

Those who prefer not to tear out these pages from their copy of the magazine may take part in the Questionnaire by merely in- dicating the number of each question on a letterhead or plain sheet of paper, and writing their reply after the number.

For the purpose of this research it is not necessary to have names and addresses. Replies therefore can be anonymous if the writer prefers. Most questions can be answered by a yes or no, but more detailed replies will be welcomed.

Kindly send your answers to Secretary, World Unity Founda- tion, 4 East 12th Street, New York, N. Y., before June 1, 1934.

1. Should the United States join the World Court?

2. Should the United States join the League of Nations?

3. Can the League of Nations in it. present form maintain peace?

4. Do you recommend a strengthening of the League to make participating nations enforce sanctions against offending states?

5. Do you recommend a new League divorced from the Versailles Treaty?

6. Do you favor a World State of federal type, like the American and Swiss federations?

7. Is world peace essentially incompatible with your loyalty to your own nation?

8. Can world peace be achieved without one predominant eco- nomic system?

9. Do you believe that the United States can so organize its economy as to be self-contained and independent of the rest of the world economically ?

10. If a nation can achieve economic independence, is this an ad- vantage culturally?

11. Can world peace be realized in your opinion by a series of . 65 �[Page 66]66

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13.

14.

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16. 17.

18.

19.

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WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

national treaties without a League of Nations or other inter- national body?

Is the Briand-Kellogg Pact a possible basis for the develop- ment of world peace?

Do you recommend the addition of definite sanctions to that Pact?

Would you favor the calling by the President of the United States of a general international conference in Washington, prior to the expiration of the naval agreement in 1935 to anti- cipate the danger of subsequent increased armament?

If so, would you favor such a conference proceeding to the larger task of surveying the problem of world peace anew, and reporting specific recommendations for consideration by each participating nation?

Do you believe that another war is inevitable?

Can any war under existing conditions accomplish any specific and limited result commensurate with its cost in life, wealth and social confusion?

Do you consider the problem of the oppression of minorities a national and domestic matter requiring strict neutrality on the part of other nations, or an international problem requir- ing a higher jurisdiction?

Do you feel that people sincerely believing that modern war is social anarchy are justified in refusing to bear arms?

Can social justice be established in any nation as long as inter- national tension and uncertainty exists?

Do you believe that international peace can be maintained by political and economic measures without the necessity of moral unity ?

Do you believe that the basis of moral unity exists exclusively within any one of the great historical religions?

If the national states fail to take positive measures toward in- ternational agreement, would you favor the calling of public meetings in all civilized countries to register firm protest against such political inaction? �[Page 67]24.

as.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

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THE QUESTION OF WORLD PEACE 67

Do you feel any discrepancy between your statu’ as national citizen and your spiritual status as member of the human family?

Do you feel that combativeness is an ineradicable human instinct?

Do you accept the view of science that man is descended from an animal forebear?

With regard to the question of human nature, do you accept science as a higher authority than Jesus or Isaiah?

Do you believe that the political structure of representative government should be superceded by any form of economic control?

Do you accept the view that the present apparent weakness of representative government is in reality a moral weakness—the lack of true ethical vision and responsibility on the part of the legislators?

Do you feel that the spirit of democracy can only be fulfilled in a world order representing all nations and races?

In your opinion what book written since 1918 most clearly

shows the way out from the prevalent international problem— CTE) evsncranssicenssrnerceaneanncannoanssanseicumens ( AUTO) asieerssicsversnnneonane

If you could write fifty words on the subject of world peace which would be read by every man and woman in the United States, what would your message be? (Please write up to fifty words). May we quote this message?

(Signabare optional) INaimes........ceiessssissnssssassnswesnceseasscaneasnessesvenieniies

AAELeSS.......cccccsccssccessccsesccccececeecercccececeeceesnereceeceetensceeees �[Page 68]IS WAR INEVITABLE? by

ROBERT C. STEVENSON University of Idaho

66 OD above us will see to it that war shall return again,” declared the German historian, Treitschke. “War will

endure to the end of history. * * * The laws of human

thought and of human nature forbid any alternative.” A British professor before the World War wrote similarly: “There in its specious and glittering beauty the ideal of pacifism remains; yet in the long march of humanity across thousands of years or thousands of centuries it remains still an ideal, lost in inaccessible distances, as when it first gleamed across the imagination.” “I realized,” wrote an American surgeon, Dr. G. W. Crile, writing of his experience in the World War, “that war is a normal state of man. The impulse to war is stronger than the desire to live. * * * I do not believe that war can be eliminated from the web of life.” “One thing is certain,” declares the dictator of Italy, “that the war we have lived through * * * was not the last one.” Likewise that thought ul parliamentary statesman, Lord Balfour, was not in 1925 according to the New York Times, “naive enough to believe that this was the last war.” These dicta of doctor, ruler, statesman, and professor; of German, Englishman, Italian, and American; could be supplemented in kind indefinitely from both the permanent and transient literature of very nation. More conclusive than words, however, as an evidence of opinion are the policies of every important nation. Majorities yearly approve the expenditure of tens of millions or hundreds of millions of dollars to sustain and enlarge the machinery and personnel of war.

A deep lying expectation that war will come again is probably felt more or less distinctly by all but a few extremely optimistic pacifists. As an assumption it underlies every national policy. Rooted in history and plausibly buttressed by a varied array of 68 �[Page 69]IS WAR INEVITABLE ? 69

arguments, this opinion confronts like an impassible barrier the proposals of statesmen seeking to secure peace. It smothers their concrete achievements—a Locarno treaty or a Kellogg-Briand pact —with a massive sense of futility. By supporting both physical and spriritual preparedness it contributes importantly to bring wars to pass. For the fear and suspicion which accompany armament com- petition in anticipation of war is able to magnify a trivial differ- ence into a casus belli, Few will doubt that a fortified boundary between the United States and Canada would have increased the probability of war between Great Britain and the United States during the last century. Would the | tory of these United States be marred by but one war between th _ ‘tes if there were no con- stitutional prohibition upon standing aies for each common- wealth? Might not, for example, the »blem of distributing the water of the Colorado River among a uumber of states constitute a danger of armed strife if, without being substantively any more serious than it is, an adjustment had to be accomplished between sovereign competitively armed powers?

Is it indeed certain that war will always recur? What reasons support the conviction that war is inevitable? Let us examine the arguments that are current.

Perhaps the commonest reason advanced for such a belief is that economic rivalry leads to wa. In this age of machinery and of the great industry, with business overshadowing politics and religion and the other interests of life, economic explanations of everything—from Christianity to the American constitution—com- mand much respect. So it is with an economic internretation of war. And, indeed, if only its limitations be recognized, an analysis of the economic causes of war is very enlightening. Protective tariffs, though perhaps never a direct cause of war, restrict the ad- vance of international interdependence and sometimes rouse or in- tensify feelings of hostility. National industries seeking markets or raw materials, capital seeking safe and lucrative investment in mines, plantations or utilities in the backward areas need political support. Nor are such interests inept in securing it of their respec- tive governments. So there has come political friction attendant �[Page 70]7O WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

upon economic imperialism in Africa, the Far and Middle East, and Latin America. Imperialism has occasioned literally scores of little wars, that is, military operations ir areas on the way of be- coming colonial possessions. It has threatened war between the great powers on several occasions, at Fashoda and Agadir and in Manchuria. It constituted an important element in the develop- ment out of which the World War came. Another economic in- fluence favoring hostilities, more obscure, but of considerable im- portance if certain revelations can be believed, is that deliberately exerted by the industries manufacturing war materials.

Economic rivalry we may grant is perpetual, and we must recognize it as a factor in the situation out of which war comes. But that is not to say that war is inevitable; for it is in connection with the particular political order now existing that economic ri- valry operates to produce war.

At present our political order consists internationally, of sovereign states between which wars are accepted as normal and for which each prepares as best it can. In such a situation economic rivalry comes to have a political significance which greatly en- hances its potency for war. If hostilities are confidently expected sooner or later, the development of enterprises abroad producing coal or oil, copper or rubber, or any of the hundred odd things so important to modern industry, is necessarily viewed as some- thing of more than purely private concern. Such developments strengthen a nation’s power in comparison with that of the nation whose citizens are unsuccessful rivals. It is no wonder that nations back economic rivalry to a point which may lead to war. It is weakness in all future wars which they seek thereby to avoid. As a matter of fact the process has not infrequently been reversed, the economic aspect being merely secondary. It has not been eco- nomic rivalry supported by nations for political reasons, but rather political rivalry—for strategic areas or those promising as sources of troops—carried on by means of economic penetration subsidized and directed by governments.

Furthermore, the present international situation tends to in- tensify economic rivalry (and so to enhance its capacity to generate �[Page 71]IS WAR INEVITABLE ? 7r

hostility) because political organization is less extensive than eco- nomic interdependence. Upon the competition which occurs within its jurisdiction government exerts a moderating influence, directly and indirectly. National law is framed in the light of the ideal of justice to all parties concerned. The continuous adjustment through legislation, judicial interpretation, and administrative de- Cision is a process in which all considerable interests gain a hearing and receive a measure of satisfaction. In case of a serious economic clash, say between employers and laborers or between manufactur- ing or transportation and agriculture, the ingenuity and, if neces- sary, even the force of government are thrown in favor of a peace- ful adjustment, the claims of both parties being heard. Indirectly government serves to weaken the intensity of economic rivalry by affording a theatre of action in which men join to achieve social or moral or political aims irrespectively of economic affinity or antagonism. Thus prohibition crosses the cleavage over tariff, and mere tradition or the momentum of past issues unites laborer and capitalist against laborer and capitalist. Where economic inter- dependence transcends the area of political organization, however, so that manufacturers are the dominant interest in one nation and farmers in another, owners and dividend receivers in one nation, and patrons or ratepayers of railroads or water or telephone systems in another, producers of wheat or cotton or oil in one and their consumers in others, then divergent economic interests draw politi- cal power in their train and the tendency of government is not to moderate economic rivalry but to intensify it. The policies of the tespective governments are determined by partial considerations. One party only, of an economic process which affects two or more parties, determines the course of one government, another that of another; so that government becomes an agency of conflict rather than of justice or of adjustment and compromise.

Granting that economic rivalry and divergence of interest will be perpetual, still we cannot accept the assertion that consequently wars must perpetually recur. For the analysis which reveals eco- nomic forces tending powerfully toward war assumes their oper- ation in a field of defective political organization. It is not pre- �[Page 72]72 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

dicted that economic competition will assuredly produce war upon war between the states of our union, nor even in the much much looser political system formerly called the British Empire.

As a matter of fact, not only are economic factors insufficient to account for war, in certain cases and to an important degree they tend toward peace, even in the face of political division. For however intense differences of interest may become, there is an underlying economic interdependence. Farmers and railroads have an opposite interest in rates, but the permanent injury of neither can be desired by the other. The Dawes and the Young plans and the Hoover moratorium testify to American realization that Euro- pean prosperity is no small desideratum to the United States. Com- bination, understanding, and agreement are at least as typical of the economic process as intense rivalry and cutthroat competition. In the recent sugar and petroleum agreements, in the cartels, and in the filiations of great industries we see these tendencies over- running political boundaries. It is a commonplace that the eco- omic marriage of German iron and French coal affords perhaps the best hope of minimizing the traditional hostility of those na- tions. So potential is economic intercourse for international good- will that when it first appeared on a great scale in the case of Great Britain in the nineteenth century, sweeping away mercantilist re- strictions and bringing in the era of free trade, British writers pre- dicted an assured world peace with its extension. The apparent mutuality of interest involved in commerce would, believed Cob- den and the dominant free trade school, allay national animosities and bring peace even without political organization. We see clear- ly now in the light of experience that such a view was impertect, overlooking as it did the competitive aspect of interdependence; but it is equally unwise to fly to the opposite opinion, that com- merce must inevitably carry a sword.

Not interest but passion is the unfailing root of war. Such is the view of many who assert war’s inevitability. If every person could be intellectually convinced of the truth of Norman Angell’s famous thesis, that no economic gain, even to the victor, can come through war, they would still occur. Men do not fight to avoid �[Page 73]IS WAR INEVITABLE ? 73

material loss nor secure material profit. Killing and being killed is not behavior at the economic level. When men resort to the final arbitrament they possess a temper that does not count the cost. There may be economic grievances, but not until men enter a dif- ferent plane of consciousness does war break out. It is the prone- ness of man to slip into a state of mind where he is determined to have his way at any cost which makes war inevitable. It is at the psychological rather than at the economic level that we find the perennial cause of war.

That “human nature’ requires existing institutions and for- bids realization of the ideally desirable is a stock argument of the conservative. That it has been used stupidly and absurdly the controversy attending every social change abundantly illustrates. Nevertheless, there undoubtedly are psychological realities, how- ever imperfectly understood, which condition social arrangements. Let us consider, then, the more thoughtful arguments from human nature in behalf of the proposition that war is inevitable.

Broadly considered these arguments fall into two groups, those which point to the aggressive, individualistic, pugnacious, restless, and adventurous dispositions of men as the insurmountable cause of war, and those which point to his social propensities. William James and others have discussed the necessity of an “equivalent” or “substitute” for war to give play to men’s craving for the heroic, the strenuous, and the brutal, which would be thwarted in peace. Often a specific ‘‘fighting instinct’ has been mentioned. If individual psychological drives of such a character do operate with such strength that they necessarily result from time to time in the violence of war, it is difficult to see how civil peace can be preserved. There is, indeed, sufficient pugnacity among men so that it occasionally runs over into brawls and the breaking of heads in spite of the best precautions. But it seems doubtful to hold that such individual qualities require a periodical recurrence of the vast, persistent, and highly technical organized effort which is modern war. Especially does man’s belligerence seem an in- adequate explanation when we consider that the morale of both citizens and combatants is not sustained in most cases by the joy �[Page 74]74 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

of fighting and bloodshed, but rather by a stern sense of duty to country, by a fear of the purposes of the enemy, and even in part by the compulsion of an iron discipline and the apparent impossi- bility of escape from the existing situation.

True, there is in every nation at all times a certain amount of restlessness and love of adventure which will be attracted by the prospect of war. That enough men to fill the first regiments will consider war lightly, even accept it gladly, may facilitate its dec- laration by those in authority. But one could not therefore argue that the particular war was unavoidable, nor that war in general is unavoidable.

Better founded is the suggestion that the social propensities of man are the ineluctable source of war. The force which draws men together into groups separates those groups. Loyalty, patriot- ism, pride in one’s nation, sensitiveness regarding its honor, willing- ness to submerge private interests for the common good—these fundamental tendencies of human nature are at once social and anti-social. As those of our religion, our language, our race, our nation draw more closely together, as we feel more intensely our fraternity and submit more enthusiastically to our authorities in the endeavor to realize our aims, we lose in the capacity to under- stand the viewpoint, to appreciate the fine qualities and achieve- ments, to perceive any reasonableness in the purposes, even to recognize the common humanity of those who are not of our group. The narrowness of the intense partisan, political, patriotic, or religious, is proverbial. It is just this capacity of drawing tight the bonds of the “‘we-group,” involving deep cleavage between it and groups outside, which enables trivial clashes of interest to eventuate in great contests of arms, which makes national prestige an ultimate desideratum, and which makes the demand of each nation for security, if not for expansion, so inordinate that peace- ful adjustment is impossible.

Is loyalty to one’s fellow countrymen, is patriotism then, the insurmountable obstacle to peace? But what are the bounds of a man’s country? Who only are to be numbered among one’s fellow countrymen? The answer seems clear enough in any age, but we �[Page 75]IS WAR INEVITABLE? 75

must note that from age to age, from culture to culture, it varies. Anthropology describes “we-groups” of a few hundred persons. Classical history speaks of Athens and Sparta and other tiny city states, and, but a few centuries later, of men of many races and tongues in far lands proud to call themselves citizens of Rome. A few centuries later and a great multi-national society (if we may speak of nations at that time), the Roman Church, was the domi- nant object of loyalty. And today—Switzerland and the British association of nations and all the states between. Less than a cen- tury ago high-minded men of these United States deemed that their primary loyalty was due Virginia or South Carolina. Today the United States is the common center of all affections.

What of the future? Is it conceivable that all civilized men may come to own one allegiarice; that they may, realizing the dream of philosophers, profess allegiance to organized mankind? If men’s loyalty can (as it does) transcend the town and countryside of their birth and intimate acquaintance, even the adherents of their religion and speakers of their language, if it can attach to as extended a country as the United States or the British realm, states which to most of their members can be no more than ab- stractions, there would seem to be no reason inherent in men’s emotional capacity to prevent still wider allegiance. But perhaps hatred and conflict with a foreign foe are necessary to press society together. Would not a world state have so little cohesion as to fall apart wherever it emerged? We cannot answer. But at least we can affirm that the proposition that men’s social capacities make war inevitable is uncertain.

Besides the arguments from economic rivalry and human na- ture little but impressive and repeated assertion supports the be- lief that wars are bound to recur. True, the biological notion of a “survival of the fittest” in the “struggle for existence” has often, more particularly a generation ago, been supposed to assure the permanence of war. Lester F. Ward, a leading American sociolo- gist of thirty odd years ago, declared that “It seems a waste of breath to urge peace, justice, humanity * * * mitigation [of war and violence] is all that can be hoped for.” Although there has been �[Page 76]76 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

some serious discussion of the question whether war exerts a bene- ficial selective influence and so promotes a progressive physical, mental, and cultural evolution, the proposition that biological law assures the perpetuity of war has been either assumed without examination or stated as a mere suggestion. Certainly biology does reveal ‘‘struggle’— and cooperation as well — as an ever present element in the life process. But “struggle” is a very broad con- cept. It has been used in the sense of man’s efforts against environ- ment directed by engineers, and against microorganisms through medicine and sanitation, in the sense of the exploitation of plants and animals and minerals, of the changing of relative population in consequence of different birth and death rates, in the sense of or- dinary business competition, and of scientific and literary achieve- ment, as well as of warfare. Granting that struggle is inevitable— how an inference to war; except in that broad sense which includes commercial war, war against disease, or a war of books? The ad- dition of “biological” makes such assertions as that of General Bernhardi, that “war is a biological necessity,” no less unsupported dicta than de Maistre’s ‘“War is divine,” Proudhon's “Hail to war!

• * * Tt is everything,” or Professor Cramb’s ‘“The battlefield is

an altar.”

Upon the basis of mere powers of reason we cannot affirm that war is inevitable, nor, as pacifists sometimes do, can we assert that peace will surely be achieved. Man’s proneness to see agree- able existing arrangements secure in a changeless natural order, or to picture a desired utopia inevitably approaching as a result of natural evolution, are merely instances of his ineluctable insistence that, somehow, he is in harmony with the Infinite. Men cannot often nor for long admit that their purposes are frustrated, their well being contradicted, by Ultimate Reality. We all, like the Marxian with his dogma of inevitable revolution and a new social order, more or less consciously a. 1 explicitly rely upon the dura- bility of what we deem good and the sure attainability of our ideals. Seldom do we prevent our reason from becoming the hand- maid of our desire. Economics, psychology, evolution, accepted authority—whatever is the mode of thought most general or most �[Page 77]IS WAR INEVITABLE ? 77

congenial to the thinker can be and has been twisted to support war of peace, Conservative policies or revolution.

Can war be eliminated? We cannot know. Reason gives us no sure hold on destiny, no insight into ultimate reality. It can only carry us from point to point in a net of relations resting finally upon the given or assumed. And even for such modest purposes it must be used with caution lest bias divert its true course. We may be able to affirm: if such and such, then infallibly war; or, if peace, then certainly such and such conditions—as, for example, a more extended “‘we-group” consciousness, a network of institu- tions tending toward moderation and adjustment, authority which is determined in view of all the interest pressures of international economic life. If the apparently necessary conditions of peace are judged less undesirable than war, no grandiose or plausible asser- tions of futility need deter us from attempting the steps best cal- culated to achieve them. �[Page 78]JAN SMUTS by

HAMILTON FYFE Author of ‘The Meaning of the World Revolution,” etc.

HE influence of climate on racial type and character is not

, allowed for sufficiently. Why are Americans distinct from

the national stuck out of which they came? Why do Aus-

tralians differ so widely in appearance, in temperament, in

speech, from natives of Britain? How is it that a Dutch family

trinsported to Africa produces a type so dissimilar to anything in Holland as General Smuts?

The first time I met the General was in 1910 at Sir Abe Bailey's house in Muizenberg near Cape Town. I knew of him very well of repute. I expected him to be like other Boer Commanders I had come across—Louis Botha, Cronje, Christian de Wet. These were men who looked like soldiers, big, solid, unimaginative men. What I saw, when I was introduced to Smuts, was a slight, fair-haired, bright-eyed, lively-looking young fellow of forty with a keen, quiz- zical expression on his slightly bearded features. Could this be the leader who ten years before had been in command of all the Boer forces in Cape Colony? That he had been at Cambridge University one could easily imagine. (After taking his degree he had gone back from England to South Africa to rise quickly to a prominent position at the Cape Town Bar). That he was a sound lawyer his double first in the Law Tripos testified; that he was a skilful ad- vocate the number of his clients showed. But a soldier, a guerilla chief, a far-seeing strategist, a bold tactician? Could this be the man?

When he talked, I still felt puzzled. He could speak of the War without bitterness, even with humor. He once said gaily at a Cambridge function in later years that the American ambassador who was present represented a race which rebelled aiid succeeded, 78 �[Page 79]JAN SMUTS | 79

while he represented one which had rebelled and failed. He could discuss the latest books with the same interest that he gave as a poli- tician to current politics: he was then Home Secretary in the first Union of South Africa Cabinet. He had just bought a motor-car and showed a schoolboy’s pleasure in this new experience. (He nearly killed me, by the way, giving me a lift back to the city—ran into a cab and had to tell a policeman who he was!) Altogether he was a man whose personality left a v~ :y distinct impression, and one which did not fade.

I did not see him again until the War years. He had again proved his capacity for soldiering, had conducted his campaign in South-West Africa with vigor and success. I had served as war correspondent dn several fronts: he wanted to know about them all, especially about Russia. He was not quite so alert, so boyish, though he still seemed young for his years. Now it seemed to me there was a Scandinavian look about him; he was in 1917 certainly no more Dutch in appearance or manner than he had been seven years before. As South Africa’s representative in the Imperial War Cabinet, he had to shoulder a burden of responsibility beneath which weaker men would have been crushed. He bore it—not light- ly, that was impossible—but gallantly; with a quiet faith in the future which had a calming effect on those who worked with him; with an energy that never shrank from the most toilsome, most difficult of tasks.

He was one of the few who during those four years of world- madness looked forward. Most of the leaders on both sides—states- men as well as soldiers—refused almost angrily to take their eyes off the problem of the hour. They were intent on small day-by-day advances. Their job was to win the war. Never mind about what might follow. Smuts had too big an intellect for that, too large a gtasp of what the War meant. He knew that in his own poignant and penetrating sentence “humanity had folded its tents and was once more on the march.”” The old comfortable days—comfortable for the well-situated—were gone. Efforts might be made to coax them back (such efforts have been made, especially in England, ever since Armistice Day), but nothing would ever be quite the �[Page 80]80 WORLD UN'TY MAGAZINE

same again. Mankind was entering upon a new phase. How to prepare for it, how to shape the institutions, the ideals, of the lead- ing civilized nations, so that New and Old might not harmfully clash—that was ever in the General’s thoughts.

He did not bore people with them. He kept his light touch. A. C. Benson, seeing him at the Cambridge function, which I just now mentioned, was chiefly struck by his animation, his humor, his boyishness. He was ‘‘a strangely youthful-looking figure in khaki uniform with the red tabs of a staff officer, and the doctor’s gown over all”; his speech was “like friendly talk.” His calm eyes, how- ever, had in tuem “the thoughtfulness of one who has lived much in the open, alone in wide spaces.” Yes, and behind those eyes lay the keen brain of a philosopher, working out problems, with the added practical ability of a man versed in affairs. Though he said the usual things while War lasted—“‘figiting a great battle against feudalism,” “struggling for the higher ideals of the human race,” “not inspired by any vengeful feeling or desire to destroy the Ger- man nation” —they did not on his lips, as om those of others, sound like hollow clap-trap; he seemed to be sincere. His position in Eng- land during and after the War was such as no Dominion statesman has ever held. ‘There was almost the suggestion of an invaluable mascot about his undefined but powerful place in our affairs,” says Mr. R. H. Gretton in his Modern History of the English People. He went on peace missions, he settled a London police strike, he helped to negotiate the Irish settlement. He was ready to do any- thing that was asked of him, modestly and competently. He did not push himself forward, yet he was always at hand when his ser- vices were required. He did not speak much, but when his voice was heard, he always had something to say. That voice was lifted invariably for goodwill. It was natural that as soon as President Wilson put out his League of Nations proposal Smuts, without waiting to see how the cat would jump, became at once an en- thusiastic propagandist for the League idea.

There was a call, he declared, for world government. ‘“To my mind the time is ripe for the greatest step forward ever made in the government of man.” The tasks before the League would be, at �[Page 81]JAN SMUTS 8

first, principally two-—— Disarmament and Justice. He knew, as everyone of good will and intelligence must know, that the only way to get rid of war is to get rid of the means of warfare; for all time the ancient lying adage sz vs pacem para bellum, (if you want peace, be ready for war) was exploded in 1914. For many years the nations of Europe had been ready—France, Germany and Russia with their armies, Britain with her navy. For several years war had been whispered about. Then it came, as it had to come, and the old Europe rocked about us never to be the same again.

Many voices have lamented the change. Not so that of General Smuts. He, in Nietzcshe’s phrase, says Yes to the Future; greets it, like Browning, ‘“With a cheer.” He knows as littie as the rest of us whither humanity is marching, but whatever the goal may be, he is not dismayed. He not only recognizes, he seems to rejoice in “far-reaching changes in our fundamental ideas and attitudes” which will make “the world of tomorrow a very different one from that which carried us over the abyss in 1914.”” His ideas for new world government he sketched in the preface to a second edition of his only published work, a book on Holism, the philosophy (thus named by him) which insists on the “wholeness” of Nature and mankind, our works and the universe, of everything in fact.

“Higher thoughts,” he said,

(The expression was perhaps unfortunate in view of the stig- ma attached to it by toolish persons)

“Should be dedicated to service”

(Here again he used a word that has been cheapened and vul- gatized by publicity purveyors)

“And should make its contribution towards the upbuilding of a new constructive world-view ... We are passing through one of the great transition epochs of history; we are threatened with re- action on the one hand and with disintegration on the other. The old beacon lights are growing dimmer and the torch of new ideas has to be kindled for our guidance. The word is largely with our intellectual leaders.”

On the whole these leaders have been helpful. They have pre- pared large numbers of minds everywhere for the Disarmament �[Page 82]82 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

which, in Smut’s view, is the first important benefit the League must secure for the nations. He was especially anxious that Air Forces should be abolished; he considered them a more serious danger to civilization than other modes of war. Upon what he based this opinion it is difficult to see. If bombing from the air is practised upon troops alone, it is no more barbarous than bombing from the ground or exploding mines. If it is extended to the civilian population, on a large scale, it will bring wars to an end quickly and cause them to be genuinely hated instead of being regarded by many people as desirable or at all events necessary.

General Smuts has always been a trifle woolly in his thinking about “‘barbarities” in war, as he has been about what are called rather pompously Native Questions. He felt that the use of poison gas was as “truly bad and immoral” as the dropping of explosives on “industrial and populous cities.” Yet he held that both these “bad and immoral” methods must be used by his side, “when re- quired.” He saw clearly enough that it was wholly futile to try “civilizing” war. “It cannot be effectively humanized, its utter in- humanity and inexpressible barbarity will be its undoing and will work the cure, and not attempts at making it more humane to the innocent.” Yet he was, at the same time, urging that it should be made ‘“‘more humane to the innocent.”

The same conflict between ‘“‘what is right” and ‘‘what is ex- pedient” or “what is usual’ occurs still in Smuts’ mind when he discusses the treatment of Africans in Africa, as he did in his Rhodes lectures at Oxford four years ago. He sees that South Africa “is facing the most perplexing racial situation which had ever been faced in the world.” He cannot accept the solution which lies in putting black and white on equal footing. He opposed the erection of a formal Color Bar in certain occupations, but how can he over- look the fact that South African laws effectually keep colored men out of most skilled trades? If you go from Cape Town as far as the frontier of Northern Rhodesia, the railway locomotive is driven by white men all the way. Cross into the Belgian Congo and you find that driver and firemen are black.

Justice, General Smuts considered to be one of the prime attri- �[Page 83]JAN SMUTS 83

butes of the League of Nations. “The spring of reform, of pro- gress and of freedom must not be frozen under a deadly peace. Peace must be the handmaiden of justice in the new world to which mankind is marching.” He is not yet persuaded however, that “natives” are entitled to claim exactly the same kind of justice as white people. He has arrived at this position by the same process which brought him during the Peace Conference in Paris to the conclusion that pensions for soldiers ought to be included in the Reparation bill presented to Germany. According to the Fourteen Points of President Wilson this was not a legitimate part of the compensation which the Allied and Associated Powers could fairly demand. The President’s words were:

“That compensation will be made by Germany for all damage done to the civilian population of the Allies and their property by land, by sea and from the air.”

At first the British delegates in Paris contended that this meant “the actual costs of the war.” Mr. Hughes of Australia and Lord Sumner were the chief advocates of an interpretation which Presi- dent Wilson called “dishonorable.” Hughes was especially violent; he accused Americans of taking ‘‘a cold detached view of the situa- tion” because they “had not been so near the fire as we British have.” However, the contention had to be dropped.

Next, it was urged that the cost of soldiers’ separation allow- ances and pensions should be charged against Germany. Here again the American delegation demurred. “While deeply sym- pathetic, sentimentally,” Mr. T. W. Lamont wrote in What Really Happened at Paris, “with the idea that pensions should be included as damage to the civilian population,” he and his colleagues ‘found it difficult to reconcile this contention with actual principle, feeling that pensions fell more properly into the category of military costs of war.” Lloyd George declared it monstrous that “‘there should be compensation for the loss of a chimney pot in a devastated district, but not for a life.” He asked with theatrical emphasis “Do you set more value upon a chimney than you do upon a soldier’s life?” An argument which, as Mr. Lamont dryly commented, “was appealing, but not necessarily sound.” �[Page 84]84 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

As a last resort Lloyd George asked Smuts to draw up a legal argument that would justify the pensions claim. Reluctantly the General accepted the task. He made out a specious case for con- sidering that men killed and partly or wholly disabled by wounds came under the heading of “damage to the civilian population.”

“What was spent by the Allied Governments on the soldier himself or rather mechanical appliances of war might perhaps not be recoverable of the German Government under the reservation, as not being ina plain and direct sense damage to the civilian popu- lation, but what was, or is, spent on the citizen before he became a soldier or after he has ceased to be a soldier, or at any time on his family, represents compensation for damage done to civilians and must be made good by the German Government under any fair in- terpretation of the above reservation.”

By this argument President Wilson’s opposition was borne down. Worn out by discussion “about it and about’ he gave way. Here, as in his attitude to Native Questions, Smuts the champion of justice came into conflict with Smuts the practical politician.

That this conflict has gone on and still goes on within him is reason the more for honoring the victories he has won over r his early training and his political self.

That he admits the danger of a purely political approach to matters affecting the welfare of Peoples is evident. He would like to see most of the duties of government carried out by “scientific experts.” Here he is in line with many who have recently studied the methods of political democracy; have carefully weighed them, and have found them wanting. Indeed, his thought in general goes far beyond that of the politician, beyond that even of most philoso- phers. He has created for himself an atmosphere of fresh and free humane ideas. He is neither sentimentalist nor doctrinaire. By temperament a man of action, he understands that action can be wise and beneficial only if it is controlled and motivated by the “higher mind.” That is what makes him so valuable a worker in the cause of world unity and peace.

The fortieth article in the series ‘“‘Apostles of World Unity’’ begun !n October, 1927. �[Page 85]CHINA AS SEEN FROM THE INSIDE by

FRANK RAWLINSON Editor, The Chinese Recorder, Shanghai

EEN through the eyes of speeding tourists, glimpsed through Sa newspaper headings, viewed across the Pacific, or

known superficially in any way, China gives only a vague im-

pression of chaos and uncertainties. Its present appears as a whirlpool of conflicting political currents and mutually frustrating ideologies; its future as a Pandora’s box from under whose heaving lid any ill may leap. At the bottom of that legendary box of ills, however, there was hope. Those who live in and with China, and who are not troubled by materialistic or imperialistic myopia, are able to see China through the lens of hope that lies beneath the visible escaping ills.

The encroachment of foreign aims into and upon China’s life is still a threatening and imminent uncertainty. From a military viewpoint China is not able to hold her own against such encroach- ment. Anything may happen in this connection, therefore, though at the moment popular feeling is somewhat quiescent thereon.

In providing the leadership that shows a way out and forward no individual stands head and shoulders above the rest. China is under a Party Government that lacks such definite headship. In national finance T. V. Soong stood out till he was eclipsed. In the intellectual realm Hu Shih is prominent. The proletariat, at the moment, has no outstanding national advocate. The leadership that catches the eye tends to be sectional or partisan rather than national.

Is this surprising? China geographically and statistically pre- sents the hugest problem in national revamping history has ever revealed. On foundations that provide little in the way of expe- rience or firm basis therefor, strenuous efforts are being made to erect a new political, social and economic structure. So immense

85 �[Page 86]86 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

are all China’s problems that it is almost impossible for either an individual or a group to see them whole and so lead forward a workable national solution therefor. China is a giant awake to new and stirring visions whose extremities, being sluggish and heavy with the march of ages, refuse to be hurried into a stride matching the vision. All China’s internal difficulties are augmented by the world economic depression and the steady pressure upon her life of extra-national interests which still view her, all too frequently, as a market to be captured and forced to deal in terms of the one— or ones—capturing it. One can only wonder, indeed, that China has held on to what she still has and taken a few steps towards a changed national life. That the burning nerves of her inadequate band of leaders have not entirely thwarted their determination to strive forward, or made their vision of a new China a mere hallu- cination, is proof that there is in the Chinese something equal to their mountainous tasks. That this innate power is released slowly and lags behind the tasks challenging it—again I ask, Who can wonder at that?

Geographically China is undergoing a process of lopping off. Manchuria is the last and biggest slice to be lopped off. Imperial- istic, or other knives, appear .eady to carry this process further. Inner Mongolia may fall to the same knife that sliced off Man- churia. Outer Mongolia is partly separated already. Sinkiang, also, in the West is uncertain. France has an economic hold on Yunnan, which may become the excuse for acquiring another kind of hold. In Western Fukien and Eastern Kiangsi the Chinese Soviet is trying to build up a political cyst that it hopes may grow. The same ideologists are troubling Szechwan. That part of China south of the Great Wall has a future that is, at least indeterminable.

Geographically China is smaller than it was under the T’angs, the Mongols or the Manchus, under whom it achieved its greatest territorial expansion. Some territory has been lopped off since the Republic came into being. This geographical shrinkage is threaten- ing even so-called China proper. All this is due partly to the fact that China is weakened by conflicting sectional and personal strug- gles; and partly because she has not learned quickly enough how �[Page 87]CHINA SEEN FROM INSIDE 87

to build up a military machine adequate to protect her territory in the way imperialistic nations seem to consider indispensable.

This lopping off of China’s geographical territorial extremities means, among other things, that those set on building a New China now have a smaller field in which to operate. To ardent Chinese nationalists that may be a bad thing; from the viewpoint of prac- tical politics its value is debatable, to say the least. While the terri- torial responsibilities of the new regime are shrinking the fact re- mains that slowly but noticeably within the territory still amenable to its influence, or control, political unification is gaining some ground. The fizzling out of the Fukien Secessionist Movement is one proof of that. That fiasco did, at least, bring Chiang Kai-shek nearer to being the strong man of China. A hint thereof is found, too, in the fact that the Fourth Plenary Meeting of the Kuoming- tang, held at the end of January, 1934, was attended by both its opponents as well as its proponents. It is true that the extension of the power of the Central Goveznment farther South is giving tise to rumors of possible civil war between these two centers of political power. At the moment, though, this is rather more a possi- bility than a probability.

It must be admitted that this tendency towards political uni- fication rests on military force much more than on confidence in the Kuomingtang or on general public opinion. Public opinion, however, so far as articulate, favors, for reasons of expediency, support of the present Government against the outcome of any civil war. There is a growing feeling that civil war promises more and not less setb .ck to national progress. Furthermore, in spite of these cross-curreats of political uncertainty the Government holds on, manages to get the finances it needs—mainly for militaristic purposes—and by means of the tariff is doing something to protect home industries. The advocacy of the use of home products finds support, by the way, among the Christians and, in one case at least, I heard of Buddhists falling in line. In short in the territory con- trolled thereby, nominally or otherwise, the Government finds no force equal to unseating it at the moment. It still has a chance to carry on! �[Page 88]88 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

And yet, in the midst of the political chaos and uncertainties, realistically dealt with above, China is making efforts to rebuild itself. These are part of governmental activities though their con- tinuance is not dependent upon the permanence of the present Gov- ernment. Only a few aspects of this reconstructive striving can be mentioned here.

Road building is proceeding apace. Of highways there are now 81,278 km. Over a year ago seven central China provinces par- ticipated in a road conference which adopted a plan of provincial roads which has now become part of the program of the National Economic Council. This Council itself, under the leadership of T. V. Soong, is studying, with the aid of advisers from the League of Nations, numerous and knotty economic problems. Not so long ago, too, the League of Nations sent a commission of educational experts to survey China’s system of education. The efficient work of the National Flood Relief Commission shows that China has accepted the responsibility for meeting the exigencies of floods and also plans to some extent to prevent them or plan ahead to meet them when unavoidable. Most of the money used in connection with the flood of 1931 was raised by China. Farmer’s banks are in operation in three provinces with more projected. Some time since 2,742 Rural Cooperative Societies were reported as in operation. Of these slightly over two percent were organized by the Govern- ment. Under a Farmer’s Organization Law 11,137 Farmer’s Unions have been organized in seventeen provinces. Six locomotives built in China are in use. The manufacture of airplanes is under way.

As a particular example of what is being done to improve edu- cation there is the National Child Education Assuciation, which for eight years has been studying primary education. It has held four national conventions. A National Child Welfare Association is gradually promoting widening interest in the welfare of children. Christian forces are beginning to take part in the work of rural reconstruction. A short time ago the authorities in Kiangsi ap- proached the Christian Church with a view to getting help on rural reconstruction in those sections which have been held by the Com- munists. It is unlikely that the Christians will formally ally them- �[Page 89]CHINA SEEN FROM INSIDE 89

selves either with the Communists or the Goverrment forces seeking to supplant them. That they may take an independent part in the rural reconstruction so urgently needed is quite likely. That those in government circles should, however, thus seek help in rural re- construction shows an appreciation of their responsibility therefor.

Both public and private agencies are engaged in the recon- structive efforts mentioned. They are not just political strategies. Though inadequate for China’s needs they are the outcome of the conviction that a new China is possible. The Government, too, while striggling to maintain its position is also striving to promote the common welfare. In the midst of the welter of political uncer- tainties studies are going on and plans developing that promise the new foundations for the China that is to be.

In the midst of chaos and uncertainty China is developing re- constructive ideals and efforts towards them. While working on a democratic ideology the Government is a dictatorship, though how far this is party or personal it is hard to say. There is a struggle going on between the civil and military powers, though the latter is reduced in number of heads and the former is emerging slowly. Currents headed in a reconstructive direction are manifest in China’s whirlpool of chaotic uncertainties.

It is not possible, of course, to say that China is going forward very fast in any direction. Politically it is going round and round with a dim vision of where it wants to go but little momentum towards it as yet. But socially, economically and, to some extent, industrially segments of gigantic problems are being tackled in a forward-looking and promising way. That progress will be made along this line, whatever happens in political circles, appears evi- dent. If a measure of political stability could take the place of the uncertainties in the sphere of life then these reconstructive plan- ninys and strivings would have a freer opportunity to speed up. That is the hope lying at the bottom of Pandora’s box of ills. How fast it will go or how long it will take ere reconstructive efforts catch up with China’s needs is beyond anyone’s power to foretell. Nevertheless, reconstructive China will in time win out over chaotic China! �[Page 90]THE PSYCHOLOGY OF RACE PREJUDICE by J. C. MorFitT

Provo High School, Utah

ually, but surely, we are being impelled to become more

and more internationally minded in our social and econom-

ical relationships. The consequences of race and national antipathy are commonplace and visible to all. The causes of this astounding psychical and social force are less understood, but seem to justify an analysis of the possible avenues that are contributing to this evergrowing and unsolved problem.

Many students have attempted to justify race prejudice on the theory that it is instinctive. One of the common criteria of an in- stinct is that the form of behavior is universal among the species. Quite true race prejudice seemingly exists among all national groups, but that alone does 1.0t prove it is instinctive. It is rather the usual thing in psychology to ascribe this theory to the so-called “curiosity instinct.” This is an attempt to justify its existence on the basis of our interest in that which is novel or different from our own immediate social contacts. It is done in spite of the fact that daily we may meet new experiences in a vastly growing world of complexities without the slightest manifestation of prejudice because the situation merely possesses newness. Quite to the con- trary, the formerly unknown is often conspicuously inviting.

Numerous illustrations have been given (by those who find the answer in the seemingly magic word “instinct” ) of young chil- dren who show signs of fear when confronted by a member of a different so-called race. The same advocates of this fallacy would probably have argued that it was natural or instinctive for the young child to be afraid of darkness or a poisonous snake until the psychological laboratory proved the error of such a fallacy.

90

R= prejudice has a universal influence and interest. Grad- �[Page 91]THE PSYCHOLOGY OF RACE PREJUDICE gr

We have overlooked the significant fact that young children are acquiring prejudices very early in life largely due to the behavior of their parents and other associates. Surely, there is no justification for the child to learn a race prejudice differently than he would learn to accept any one political party in preference to any other.

It is interesting from a historical viewpoint to note that race prejudice has a comparatively recent birth. There are no accounts of race prejudice in early history excepting as the economic, social, or political welfare of national groups was at stake. Marco Polo, in his early exploration, made no comment of the “color” differ- ences between the people contacted in the Orient and those of his own race and nation. Quite in contradistinction to this antipathy, certain races, as the natives of America, have manifested an atti- tude of worship toward foreigners; offering suggestive evidence that race prejudice exists only where it has been “learned.”

Leading ethnologists maintain there are no pure races. They claitu it is impossible to recognize racial characteristics that are entirely peculiar to any one race. For these students, race is noth- ing but a hypothetical concept. Surely, there is no attempt to deny tather distinct differences in appearance as well as custom and achievement, but these, it is believed, are all accounted for in cen- turies and generations of rigorously different environments. An example of how different environments may change two factions of a single race may well be noted in the case of the Mongolian race, part of which went to Japan and others, the Magyars, went to Hungary. This race, thereby, became two distinct national groups and now appears to be two quite distinct races.

There are probably many contributing factors to race preju- dice as it exists today. Social custom, caste, economic status, war with its propaganda, rise and fall of governments, and national groups have each had their influence. It is also evident that re- ligion has had its effect. National groups have sustained religious ideals that have made each of them ‘a chosen people.” Group rationalization has justified (and to the group glorified) their own modes of thinking and behavior when similar claims would have made a single member of the group an egotist and an outcast. �[Page 92]92 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Racial odors in different environments have become, in many cases, well-established. This factor undoubtedly has a significant influence. To the average white American, the Negro or the In- dian has an odor of offense, but to the Hindu, this same white American has an odor that is almost unbearable.

Undoubtedly, the numerous studies of recent years on racial intelligence has tended to solidify our walls of caste and class. During the first years of intelligence testing, we Americans boasted of our genius in contrast to the more humble Indian, Negro, or Southern European native. When the Hebrews, the Japanese, and the Chinese performed more skillfully than we on our own Amer- ican-created intelligence tests, certain ones of our students held firmly to a student attitude and began to scrutinize and analyze our claim to superiority. We white Americans created the tests, ad- ministered them and interpreted their results. We defined intelli- gence as the ability to adjust to new situations, overlooking the commonplace fact that our Negro neighbors had adjusted some- what admirably to a great variety of new situations. We over- looked the fact that sense of smell or audition may be the saving factor for the perpetuation of the Indian as a race and made no comparison of these abilities with our own. From the results of our own devised tests for abstract thinking, we did find consider- able overlapping of intelligence. Many Negroes, many Indians, and many of the Southern European nationals tested above large numbers of white American-born people.

For the purpose of securing additional information on the problem of race antipathy, the writer devised a rating card to be used by senior high school students. The card contains a miscel- laneous listing of twenty-four national groups and calls for a rating in four different social situations. In addition to the ratings, cer- tain other information was secured that may partially determine the reason for the prejudice.

Twelve possible causes oi race prejudice were listed and stu- dents were given instructions to ci -ck any or all of these causes that had, in their opinion, contributed to their dislike for any of the national groups. This list of items and the total number indi- �[Page 93]THE PSYCHOLOGY OF RACE PREJUDICE 93

cating the cause for prejudice are as follows:

1. Personal dealings that have proven their dishonesty. . . . 153 2. Living in same neighborhood or community with them. . . 178 3. Associations with them at school. . . ...... +. (ML 4. Associations with them at social functions . . . ... . 60 5. Influenced by teachings at schol... . . _» « aD 6. Influenced by parents’ teachings or home conversation. . . 151 7. Influenced by pictures of race. . . ~ os « « 9aa 8. Influenced by having read of them or their actions. . . . 368 9. Personal observations that were obnoxious or unpleasant. . 381 10. Influenced by church or religious teachings . . . . . . 123 11. Prejudiced because of color of skin. . . woe ee 323 12. Prejudiced, but without knowing particularly why — 362

We may expect the type of experience high school ‘students have had with other race or national groups to be a significant index of the cause of race antipathy. The birth place and the places inhabited by these students were secured as a part of the study. Of the six hundred thirty-four students who completed the entire score card, five hundred forty-three were born within the state in which the study was made. Eighty-eight of the total number were born in other states of the United States and three were born in foreign countries. Similarly, a large percentage (seven hundred eighty-one) of the parents of this group of students were born in the state where the study was made. The entire student group of the school is of the white race and with but two exceptions are descendants of either American or Northern European parents.

As suggested above, the rating card contained a list of twenty- four national groups in four social relationships under the head- ings of: (1) Desirability for friend, (2) desirability for neighbor, (3) desirability for seat-mate, and (4) desirability for future mar- triage. The same national groups were listed under each heading, but arranged in such a way that the rating given in one case would hot suggest a similar rating in the other.

The following instructions were read to the students:

“We are anxious to find out just how you feel toward differ- ent races of people in different social relationships with you. Do not attempt to answer the way you may think you should think of them, but rather answer the way you actually do feel toward them. �[Page 94]94 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

“You are to place the figure that best makes known your opinion of each race for each type of association as follows: friend, neighbor, seat-mate in school, and a possible candidate for future marriage. You are to rate them 3, 2, or 1, according to desirability for you in each instance. That is, if they would be unusually de. sirable, rate them by writing 3; if they are, in your opinion, only average, rate them by writing 2; and if undesirable, rate them 1. If, in your opinion, any of them would be intolerable or if you absolutely refuse to accept them for the association where they are listed, rate them 0. You will be given what time you need. Do not sign your name, but work carefully and do the best you can. Ready, begin.”

The ratings were totalled and converted into percentages for comparative purposes. In the following table, the percentages were so arranged that the ratings given for each race and in each social situation may be compared.

The table may be read as follows: Ten per cent of the six hundred thirty-four students gave a rating of “3” or unusually desirable to the Russian; forty-three percent gave ' rating of “2” or average; thirty-seven percent gave a rating of “‘r” or andes: able; and ten percent gave a rating of “‘o” or intolerable. Eleven percent of the students gave the Russian a rating of “3” for a seat- mate; thirty-six per cent gave a rating of ‘‘2”; thirty- “four ei gave a rating of “1”; and nineteen carmel gave a rating of “‘o” The line ae on across the page for ratings on “neighbor and “marriage.” Similarly, the ratings may be noted on a pet: centage basis for each of the national groups. It will be noted there is a comparatively high degree of similarity of admiration of antipathy in each of the social situations. Race prejudice obviously exists toward certain of the groups, but in a more pronounced way in the “marriage” column and less pronounced in the “ne.ghbor” column.

It is evident from the life history of this group of students that there have been but limited opportunities to actually know these national groups from personal contact or experience. The antipathy has been built up by other and indirect experiences. �[Page 95]THE PSYCHOLOGY OF RACE PREJUDICE 95

STUDENT RATINGS JIN DESIRABILITY OF NATIONAL GROUPS FOR CERTAIN SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS *

FRIEND SEATMATE NEIGHBOR MARRIAGE NATIONAL

ital 3{z2iilo}]3l2ililo}]3i2zlilo}3i2iijo Russian oo... 10 | 43 | 37| 10 | 11] 36 | 34) 19 | 10) 42) 34)14 | 3114/32/51 French oo....cccccceceeeeeee 44146| 8] 2 | 47|}38/11| 4 | 48/39/11] 2 | 29} 40/20) 11 CW ceccccesseccsesccesseees 12|}26|40|22 | 8|22)35|34 | 8)25|37|30 | 2) 9) 23) 66 FORTEAN -vrceccxcccsvrceecensaes 7129} 421)22 | 5|23)37135 | 5|28|40|27 | 3| 8| 23) 66 Greek ooccccccccccccceseeeeee 5117|44)34 | 4119]32)45 | 3|20|40/)37 | 0} 3/16/81 Mexican o...ccccceeeeees 5119|40|36 | 5|16]33)46 | 3|16141/40 | 2] 4/19) 75 OEE curccexncmmanams 33 | 44118) 5 | 34134)24!] 8 | 46) 38/11] 5 | 16] 32) 25) 27 SyTian oovccccccecceceeeseees 8/27 | 43! 22 | 6|21)38)35 | 4/22) 39/35 | 1] 3|23) 73 English o.....cccccccees 85/11] 3| 1 | 841/14) 2] 0185/12; 1] 2 | 78)17) 3 oo ae 60/31) 6) 3 | 48)32)14| 6 | 50/)32)14) 4 |50|32|)14| 4 Chinese oo... 5114|32)}49 | 2/12])22/64 | 2)12/30)55 | 1] 1] 8,90 SWISS veccccccsccssccsseseessees 21} 48)22) 9 | 29/35] 23) 13 | 31|38| 24) 7 | 13] 27 | 28 | 32 Japanese oo... 6|16| 34144] 4/13/26/)57 | 4)15/33/38 | 1] 1) 9/89 ME sccarnsescenaes 20 | 34| 27119 | 12} 28} 31] 29 | 14) 30|)31)25 | 3] 5| 18) 74 Danish o0...0.....cccceeeee 40} 411/15) 4] 37|39)17) 7 | 39|38)19| 4 | 24| 32) 22) 22 German .........cccececeeee 33 | 42116!) 9 | 31/38} 20/11 | 34/41/18] 7 | 17| 29) 22 | 32 PGT erccccccemscseenvenesd 41}10/}25/61 | 1] 7115177 | 2] 6|24|68 | O} 1] 4/95 Turk coccccccccsccsccsscesees 4111141/}44 | 3112|) 37/48 | 1/13/38/48 | 1] 1114) 84 Hindu oooccccceccccceeeeee. 2} 9133|56 | 2] 7/27/64 | 2/10}36)52 | 0; 1)12) 87 PMOTTIREE eccscessicsiscriess 9| 33} 38}20 | 6)|26/34/34 1 6/30] 36|28 | 3/13/23) 61 Spanish ooo... 26 | 47122) 5 | 22) 40/28) 10 | 20| 41/27/12 | 12 | 28 | 28 | 32 Hungarian oo... 7|32| 37124 | §|23|34)38 | 5|26/)35|34] 2] 8/|22)68 Bohemian. ...............0 5125139|30 | 41241)35|37 | 4/19! 42|34 1] 1] 6] 20) 73 Slovaleian ......:.....0s006 71}25|39)}29 | §|23)37135 | 5|76|41/38 | 2] 6) 22/80

• Tables have been used in the “Journal of Educational Administration and Supervision.”

While there is some evidence that race prejudice is deep-seated, there is also reason to believe that much can be done through such agencies as the schools to displace the existing prejudice with a correct understanding and an attitude of admiration for other na- tional groups. A separate study was made of the ratings of those students who were at the time studying French or Spanish for the second schoo! year. In almost every instance, these students gave these two national groups a rating of “3” for “friend,” “seat- mate,” and “neighbor,” and most of them gave a rating of “3” or “2” to them for “marriage.”

Many of the students reported an interesting problem that presented itself when the ratings were made. A number of them �[Page 96]96 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

said they did not know from just the word “Greek” or “Spanish” whether it meant the ancient “Greek” or “Spanish” or those of today. In other words, these students have been taught to admire the contributions of the many different races of generations long since past, but this admiration exists in such a contradistinction to present prejudices that it was difficult for them to believe these national groups of the past are the same races as those of today. In conclusion, we are justified in asserting that race prejudice is so commonplace among high school students that it tends to distort careful analytical thinking. The social sciences, the arts, and modern languages should be taught in such an objective way that the great national groups may each be admired for its contti- bution to the world’s welfare. Every institution of learning should whole-heartedly accept the challenge of producing unprejudiced student groups that are able to think as honestly in terms of nation- al groups or races as they would in the field of any exact science. �[Page 97]COOPERATION ABROAD THROUGH ORGANIZATION AT HOME

by

De Witt CLINTON POOLE School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University

HERE is no occasion, I believe, to consider the question,

| Shall the United States cooperate in international affairs?

In the present state of the world we cannot do anything

else. Circumstances render cooperation of one kind or an-

other inescapable. The only question which we can profitably con-

sider is, How may the United States best cooperate in international affairs?

To that question my answer is, First improve the machinery for the conduct of our foreign relations.

Possessing perhaps the greatest power of any single nation, we do not use it to the full advantage of ourselves or others; we are not masters of our own strength. Our course in international affairs is jerky and uncertain. At one moment we are generous and conciliatory, as when in 1922 we yielded, in the interest of peace, military domination of the Western Pacific to the Japanese; then suddenly—a brusque gesture, irritating others beyond our com- prehension, as when two years later we needlessly offended those same people by a perfunctory immigration law. We maintain our own interests unsteadily; we cooperate intermittently; we build up good will and destroy it recklessly. We fill the hearts of our neighbors with a mixture of hope and dread and grow our- selves bewildered as to our own purposes and our ability to give them effect.

In part, this is a consequence of our size and geographical variety. In part, it is a symptom of national adolescence, and time will be the cure. In part, it may be a concomitant of democracy; but it is also, in large measure I am convinced, the result of bad

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or inadequate organization, which we can set right as soon as we are reall minded to do so.

Constitutional Amendment Needed

The deepest fault is in our Constitution. Here we are bur- dened with an anachronism. The situation both at home and abroad has greatly changed since the Fathers decided to condition the treaty-making power of the Executive upon a two-thirds vote in the Senate. In the beginning the Senate was a gathering of dele- gates from “sovereign states,” which had surrendered the foreign relations function to the Federal Government with reluctance and misgiving. The Senate then comprised but twenty-six members— a body small enough, it was thought, to act as a council to the President with “perfect secrecy and immediate despatch.” The House of Representatives, which was to have about sixty-five mem- bers, or two-thirds of the present Senate, was deemed to be too numerous a body to participate in the delicate business of foreign relations.

Secondly, foreign relations have passed into an entirely new phase since the Constitution was written. The diplomacy which the Fathers knew, had mostly to do with alliances anc’ combina: tions and the direct issue of war and peace. In their minds, treaties were preéminently political treaties. Morris and Madison thought, wisely, that it should not be too easy to make them. These men could not foresee the present time, when the improvement of trans- portation and communication would draw the world into so close a neighborliness that the United States Government would be con: cluding treaties at the rate of one every two weeks, as it did in 1930. They could hardly be expected to foresee an era of intet- national legislation, when the treaty power would grow into the legislative source of a body of international statutes such as will soon, I believe, be hardly distinguishable by scope or content from the internal corpus juris of any state.

The United States Constitution embodied the first important experiment in the democratic control of foreign relations. The principle involved has in the ensuing 150 years been widely ac �[Page 99]COOPERATION ABROAD 99

cepted and much developed. The treaty-making power in the other principal democracies tends to merge in the general legislative power and the process of law making and treaty making to be assimilated. The world has moved on, while our early experiment remains fixed in verbal rigidity.

Our Constitution ought to be amended so as to condition the ratification of treaties upon a majority vote of both Houses. This would preserve every necessary control and fix the same compass of executive action and responsibility for foreign as for domestic affairs. Majority action by both Houses would assure publicity, deliberation, and conscious national obligation. It would give the Executive, in the conduct of foreign relations, assurance where there is now timidity, and long-sightedness where opportunism at present obtrudes.

The difficulty is as much psychological as real. The statistical record of the Senate is not bad. Five-sixths of all treaties laid be- fore it have been approved unconditionally. Some of the Senate’s objections of treaties have been wise, though it should be said that these rejections would usually have been voted under a ma- jority rule. The fact is that most of the cramping effect of the present Constitutional arrangement upon our international con- duct arises from mere apprehension on the part of the Executive— from the brooding sense of irrational restraint which settles upon the minds of successive Secretaries. The record does not show from what wise and helpful measures our Presidents and Secre- taries of State have been estopped by perhaps unfounded fear of what a single Senator might do, nor is it clear into what brusque and harmful actions the bogey on Capitol Hill has frightened them. I am sure that both misfortunes have befallen frequently. During the whole decade after the World War the shadow of the Senate lay across the path of the Executive and incessantly be- deviled our relations with Europe.

If you say that it is not practicable to obtain such a Constitu- tional Amendment as I suggest, I can only answer that legislative bodies have been known to pass self-denying ordinances, and that here is a practical objective to which could well be applied some �[Page 100]I00 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

of the new enthusiasm for world affairs.

The executive machinery for the conduct of our foreign re- lations has in recent years been considerably improved through legislation and practice. The so-called Foreign Service, which has replaced the earlier Diplomatic and Consular Service, is well or- ganized in the ranks below those of minister and ambassador. The Linthicum-Moses bill, passed at the last session of Congress, puts on the finishing touches for the present.

A beginning has been made toward the better maintenance of ministers and ambassadors, but much must still be done before the President will have a really free hand in selecting the ablest and most representative citizens for these high posts. At best, it is hard to find good men. Individual worth meets quicker and larger re- wards at home. The representation of the Government abroad must at the least be dissociated from great personal sacrifice before we can have agents in foreign capitals, at international conferences, or at the League, who are equal to the tremendous responsibility which our new place in the world imposes upon the United States Government.

The Department of State

What is of the greatest urgency and importance, however, is the need for an enlarged and improved State Department—our ministry of foreign affairs. Water does not rise above its source. Able representatives abroad are ineftective without wise direction from Washington. Here, at the central point of policy making and direction, our youthfulness shows itself in the most acute form. Chronologically, it is true, our State Department is as old as the British Foreign Office. The French Foreign Office antedates them both by two centuries. The British Foreign Office came into definite corporate existence only at the end of the eighteenth cen- tury, as did our Department of State; but constantly since that time the British ministry has dealt with a large volume of vitally im- portant affairs, whereas our State Department (putting aside the earliest days and perhaps the period of the Civil War) has not dealt with a large volume of vitally important affairs until very �[Page 101]COOPERATION ABROAD IOI

recently—auntil the World War. It lacks, therefor mature organi- zation, established practices, and prestige.

During the War, the Department expanded rapidly and by 1920 had begun to attain a creditable organization. Then, when economy followed as the watchword upon the War’s orgy of spending, the State Department was most unwisely subjected to the same drastic reductions as were the other executive branches. There seemed to be no one in Washington who was both wise enough to see that our ministry of foreign affairs must not at that juncture be weakened, but rather five-fold strengthened and influ- ential enough to withstand the unimaginative pressure of so-cailed efficiency. What were our internationally minded citizens doing? Apparently they were so engrossed with the new child at Geneva that they forgot their own little infant at home.

Since then, especially in the last two years, some progress has been made in strengthening the State Department; but, with all praise for splendid individual effort under difficult conditions, it must still be said that the headquarters for the conduct of our foreign relations falls far short of the amplitude and the efficiency which the dominating position of the United States in the world and our vast and delicate international interests require. What we now have is the barest minimum compatible with the hurried dis- charge of pressing daily business.

Consider that in the War and Navy Departments there are war planning divisions; but in the State Department no <erious provision as yet exists for quiet, undisturbed, forehanded planning for peace. If we are to have a smoothly running foreign policy, there must be regular contact between the State Department and the legislative branch; but no adequate provision exists for this now, nor is there adequate /iaison between the Department and the public at large. These major defects can be cured. It requires only a sufficient impulse.

The improvement of the Department within its present frame- work proceeds, it is true; but how very slowly! The deadening standardizations of the Bureau of Efficiency interfere with the development of an organization having an essentially different task �[Page 102]102 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

from that of any other executive branch. Personal loyalties within the Department have occasionally taken precedence over the pub- lic interest. The higher secondary positions do not always attract the ablest personalities. An assistant secretaryship recently went more than a year unfilled, though it is an open secret that in the course of that time it was offered to a number of good men. These are difficulties of administration which will never entirely dis- appear, but they can and should be lessened.

~

How Shall Improvement Be Effected?

It cannot any longer be fairly said that Congress is at fault. Among the Senators and Representatives who are especially con- cerned with foreign affairs there is a lively, if somewhat vague, sense of important needs. These gentlemen can be counted upon to support any well-conceived plan of expansion and improvement. Our Presidents since the War must bear some of the blame.

Successive Secretaries of States have seen the need; but the pressure of day-to-day business in the office of the Secretary is tre- mendous, and each Secretary since the War has had in the end to content himself with the discharge of his immediate, inescapable tasks, leaving, with a regretful sigh, to a possibly luckier successor the satisfaction of effecting an adequate reorganization of the De- partment’s machinery and personnel. We still await a Secretary who will do for the State Department what Lord Haldane did for the British War Office only a short time, as it tarned out, before the great test of the War.

A considerable part of the responsibility, it seems to me, must rest upon us who are gathered here, and with us the possibility of a cure partially lies. Our new awareness of world relationships has called forth generous expenditures of money and energy, most of which have been well directed and useful, but one cannot fail to remark a tendency to play with the spectacular, to gaze intently at high enterprise abroad and be blind to immediate needs at home.

At home two matters in particular—I will say by way of re- �[Page 103]COOPERATION ABROAD 103

capitulation—ought to have our active interest. We should begin an organized effort to place the Senate, by Constitutional Amend- ment, in a better relationship to the conduct of our foreign affairs. We are really not fair to the Senate. A body which has grown to nearly four times its original size and has become altogether legis- lative in spirit cannot rightly be expected to continue the attempt to fill also the réle of an executiv » council, more especially as the attempt was unsuccessful even at the outset.

Secondly, I believe it to be the duty of the informed public to insist upon the upbuilding of a fully adequate Department of State. Business interests, represented by chambers of commerce and other trade bodies, have safeguarded and fostered the Federal Department of Commerce until that department is fully abreast of the needs of the Nation. I urge upon the organizations that are concerned with foreign affairs that they profit by this example and set about systematically to obtain a Department of State commen- surate with our own vital needs and those of the world in which we bear so large a part.

What would it avail to join the League, if we are not organ- ized to take a worthy part in its activities? Indeed, more harm than good would perhaps be done. In this sense the League is a secondary issue. The first and fundamental requisite for useful cooperation abroad is adequate organization at home.

Reprinted from The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. �[Page 104]WORLD RENAISSANCE by

RAY BRIDGMAN Author of “The Star of the Renaissance,” etc.

ET us dare to answer the terrible challenge of death and dark- | ness in our time with a proud and radiant affirmation of life and light. It is the most crucial hour in the whole history of the world. There are mighty world problems to be solved by the heroic will of humanity. There are hundreds, thousands, and millions of brilliant centuries of superb and glorious life ahead of humanity. Humanity has reached the end of an era. Humanity stands face to face with the limitless promise and hope of a new era. The old era ended with the World War. The new era is now beginning in the light of a new understanding of the meaning of the past and the present. The new era is now beginning in the radiance of a new vision of the splendour of the futyre that the unconquerable spirit of man will create.

Years have passed since the Wor! aded, but the passing of the years has only revealed more co the mind of man the deeper meaning of that world trar the ruin and world crisis

that it left behind. The World ¥ ui remain for all time burned into the memory of mankind as t... .ucifixion of the universal spirit of life, the Black Death of the twentieth century, the universal Gol- gotha, the universal crucifixion of all humanity, the universal cruci- fixion of our whole planet. The agony of that crucifixion lasted for nearly sixteen hundred dawns and sunsets and midnights. In that death-darkness ten million hearts of the flower of the manhood of the world ceased to beat, and more than twenty million men were maimed and wounded. The heart of the whole world was stricken. The soul of the whole world was maimed and wounded unto death.

The only possible atonement for that death, that crucifixion, of

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humanity, is humanity’s rising from the dead, the resurrection, the rebirth, of humanity. And all that is of profound significance in the history of the world since November eleventh, nineteen hundred and eighteen, has had to do with the heroic effort of humanity to rise from that death, to be reborn, to go forward to the creation of anew world after the death of the old. Much has been achieved: the League of Nations, the Wor!d Court, the Locarno Treaties of Reconciliation, the Anti-War Pact. And yet there is still despair and pessimism across the planet; there is the blasphemy of the con- tinuation of armaments; and there is even the hideous blasphemy of the rumors of other more terrible wars to come.

The spirit of life shall triumph over death! War shall end! But it is clear that institutions and treaties of peace in themselves alone are not enough to attain enduring peace. Even the repudia- tion, the hatred, of war is not enough. Above the hatred of war, above the institutions and treaties of peace, must blaze in radiant glory the heroic spirit of creative peace, the heroic vision of the undying splendour that peace can be. Only a transfigured love of peace will bring true peace, true, universal, eternal, creative peace. Nothing less than a new dream of the future, a mighty new dream to conduct the orchestra of all the nations, the music of a mighty new dream for them to play, the affirmation of a brilliant new epoch of endiess creative peace, can truly inaugurate the new world. Only a profound change in the imagination, the inner consciousness, the emotion, the will, the spirit, of mankind, can assure the new era, the new world of the future. Only a transfigured love of life will make man too proud of life to ever fight for death. A transfigured love of life will make all men so proud of life that they will dedi- cate their supreme loyalty to the fulfillment of life’s uttermost po- tentialities everywhere and forever in a brilliant planetary future of endless, universal, creative peace.

World Renaissance Eternal is the vision of the planet reborn forever in the light of a new radiant ideal of the future. It is the affirmation of a new dream for all humanity, a new continuous con- sciousness, a new spirit of mankind, a new radiant ideal for Amer- ica and the whole planet for all the centuries and the thousands and �[Page 106]106 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

millions of years that are to come.

The philosophy of World Renaissance Eternal is that humanity has now completed three great epochs in world history, and stands at the beginning of the fourth great epoch in the quest of all the ages for the fulfillment of life. Humanity has now completed the Primitive, the Pagan, and the Middle epochs, and stands at the be- ginning of the Renaissance epoch.

The Primitive tribal era of achieving relative length of life and the other first-dimensional values of humanity’s life on this planet, began with the beginning of human history, and ended with the development of civilization in Egypt.

The Pagan imperial era of attaining relative breadth of life and the other second-dimensional values of man’s life on this planet, began in Egypt, and culminated in the Roman Empire.

The Pagan era ended after the crucifixion of the great indi- vidual, due to the lack of a vision of the rights and dignity of the individual, the lack of a clear vision of relative height of life and the other third-dimensional values in the life of man. With the decline and fall of the Roman Empire in the West and the trium- phant rise of the ideal of exalting the life of the individual, the third era of world history, the Middle era, began.

That third Middle epoch has been divided into two great parts. During the first part of that epoch the ideals of individualism, free- dom, and height of life were to be achieved in the other world. After a thousand years of the development of the consciousness and the will of man in the direction and hope of achieving height and lib- erty of life after death, man at last became determined to fulfil this hope before death. Then, during the second part of that third Middle epoch, individualism, freedom, height, and the other third- dimensional values were achieved in this world.

The Middle era of world history has been like a mighty bridge of liberty which humanity has built and crossed, a mighty bridge of liberty leading {fom the Pagan era of the past to the Renaissance era of the limitless future. This colossal bridge of the Middle era of third-dimensional values, rose from Palestine and Greece .and Rome, arched over Europe, and then continued to the Western �[Page 107]WORLD RENAISSANCE 107

Hemisphere. The first part of that great bridge was at length sym- bolically supported by the twelth and thirteenth century cathedrals of Europe pointing upward to the three-dimensional City of God in the sky. The second part of that great bridge of the Middle era was at last symbolically supported by all the nineteenth and twen- tieth century, three-dimensional, sky-towering cities of men.

The first part of that third Middle epoch, the Medieval other- worldly period of Monasticism, the Crusades, and Heaven-aspiring Cathedrals, extended from the triumph of Christianity in the fourth century to the climax of Medieval civilization in the thirteenth century, and its decline in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The first part of the great bridge of the Middle era was then com- pleted and it threatened to collapse, since it could not stand alone indefinitely.

But when that period, the first part of the Middle era, declined in the tragic events of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the fourteenth century Black Death, the Hundred Years’ War, the in- creasing chaos and disintegration in the Holy Roman Empire, the fall of the Eastern Empire, and the decline of the Medieval Church, there came the rising new vision to inspire the spirit of man. There came, in heroic defiance of the death and darkness of that time, the new life affirmation, the brilliant Renaissance prophecy of a new, universal, reborn life for humanity.

The Renaissance prophecy was the prophecy of a new, radiant, universal vision of the splendour and beauty of life beyond Black Death, of creative universal humanism beyond war, of eternal, uni- versal, creative art beyond chaos, of a new earth, a new, wondrous spherical world beyond the old, and of a new heaven, a new, ma- jestic, glorious universe. The Renaissance prophecy was the be- ginning of the brilliant vision of the promised land of World Renaissance Sternal beyond the Middle era, beyond the bridge of the Middle era. The Renaissance prgphecy was the beginning of the brilliant vision of the white radiant Star of the Renaissance that will lead man into that promised land of deathless beauty.

But the Renaissance prophecy of a new, universal, Renaissance era for humanity beyond the Middle era, could not be fulfilled �[Page 108]108 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

until the Middle era had been completed, until freedom had been attained in this world. Man could not enter the promised Renais- sance land of universal beauty until the great Middle bridge of in- dividual and national liberty had been completed. Therefore hu- manity went forward to the building and crossing of the second part of that great bridge.

And so there followed the second part of the Middle epoch, Middle times, which was called Modern times until man was able to see the essential character of that period with perspective, as he is now able to do. With clearer vision man now renames what was called Modern times, Middle times, for he understands that that was a period which completed the Middle era preparatory to hu- manity’s inauguration of the new World Renaissance era.

During that second part of the Middle era, Middle times, from the beginning of the sixteenth century to the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, from the nailing of Luther’s theses on the church door in Wittenberg in 1517 to the world cataclysm of 1914 to 1918, with the light of the Renaissance prophecy shining before him on the far horizon, man willed to achieve the ideal of freedom in this world. Thus Middle times was the mighty revolutionary age in world history. Great revolutions, religious revolution, intel- lectual revolution, political revolution, industrial revolution, social and e:vironmenta! revolutions, were heroically carried through to achieve a world of freedom for man preparatory to humanity’s go- ing beyond revolutions for freedom to an endless, creative, evolu- tionary era of using all freedoms, religious, intellectual, political, industrial, social and environmental freedom, to achieve a whole world of beauty.

So difficult, however, were the struggles for liberty, so stupen- dous was the task of building the second part of that colossal Middle bridge of liberty, that the vision of beauty beyond liberty was able to be seen continuously by only a minority of mankind. But all those who had the opportunity and the privilege of being proud heralds of man’s limitless future, dreamers, artists, poets, philoso- phers, and all known and unknown lovers of the ideal of a trans- figured humanity throughout the world, ceaselessly created the �[Page 109]WORLD RENAISSANCE TO9

vision anew for all, and heroically carried it forward unto the time, the time which has now come, when all humanity would desperate- ly need the new vision. Though not seen clearly by all during the arduous struggles for liberty, the vision of beauty beyond liberty, the Renaissance prophecy, was always there, like a sublime overtone above the tumult of the revolutionary age, like a wondrous light coming from the white radiance of the new World Renaissance Eternal era of the future.

The revolutionary age, the second part of the third Middle era of world history, Middle times, emphasizing individualism and nationalism, the attainment of height and liberty of life, the build- ing primarily of the third-dimensional values of humanity’s life on this planet, reached its climax in the civilization of the early twen- tieth century. But freedom is not enough, individualism and na- tionalism are not enough, a three-dimensional civilization of highly developed parts is not enough. Beyond the Middle bridge of the instrumental liberty of the parts is the Renaissance promised land of the symphonic harmony of the whole. But humanity failed to advance beyond the great Middle bridge of liberty in time to pre- vent the most terrible war in the history of the world, the cataclys- mic clashing of the parts in a desperate conflict in which the people of each nation believed itself to be fighting for its life and liberty,

hile all the peoples of all the nations were tragically crucified by ihe lack of loyalty to the vision of the whole of life. The revolu- tionary age, the second part of the Middle era, Middle times, ended with the World War, the universal crucifixion, which took place because of the failure of all individuals and all nations, as freedom was more and more attained, to give supreme allegiance to the ful- fillment of the Renaissance prophecy of a world of creative univer- sal beauty for the whole beyond a world of possessive freedom for the parts. The fundamental cause of the World War, the universal crucifixion, was the failure of all the parts of humanity to see clear- ly, and to give supreme loyalty to, the deep, ever-creative, Renais- sance vision of the immortal beauty of the universal whole of life.

And now, following the Black Death of the twentieth century, following the universal crucifixion, the universal Golgotha, now �[Page 110]II2z WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

her discovery at the time of the Renaissance prophecy in Italy and Europe, America has swiftly recapitulated in her own development the three great past eras of world history, preparatory to sweeping on to the fulfillment of her destiny in the fourth great era of the planet’s history, the new Renaissance era of the limitless future, the era of World Renaissance Eternal.

America swiftly recapitulated the Primitive era from the first settlements in the wilderness in a line along the Atlantic seaboard to the Revolution.

America swiftly recapitulated the Pagan era in her territorial expansion across the vast breadth of the surface of the continent, during which agriculture was emphasized and slavery existed, from the Revolution to the Civil War.

America swiftly recapitulated the Middle era of height, liberty, self-consciousness. industry, the machine, cubic factories, sky-tower- ing cities, capitalism, nationalism, and rugged individualism, from the Civil War to the World War.

And now America, her recapitulation ended, her eternal cre- ative maturity at hand,—now America, reborn, remembering her universal dream, rising from the universal crucifixion death-dark- ness of the World War to new, transfigured, universal life,—now America, the new, spherical, planetary world, in proud fulfilment of her destiny, becomes Renaissance America forever. Beyond Primit've America, Pagan America, and Middle America, now rises Renaissance America. America gives her allegiance at last to the fourth great era of the planet’s history, the Renaissance era, era of depth of life, era of cosmic consciousness, era of the deathless quest of universal beauty, era of World Renaissance Eternal.

And the Renaissance era, the era of World Renaissance Eter- nal, has not still to begin. It has already begun. And all that is of light and hope around us in our time is of the rising and inspiration of the new Renaissance era of the !imitless future. And all that is of darkness and despair is of the decline and inadequacy of the old Middle era of the past. With the allegiance of America and all mankind given to the creation of the new Renaissance era, the radiance of World Renaissance Eternal will flood the world.

�[Page 111]THE PARLIAMENT OF A FEDERATED WORLD by C. W. YounG

Palo Alto, California

suggests that the first step for a “Federal Union of Nations”

should be a statement of such a program of union as would

secure the serious attention of statesmen. In response, some of the factors of the problem of the Parliament of a Federated World are here presented, with the hope that many scholars and statesmen of the world will be aroused to take up the subject and bring to it all the benefit that can come from extensive study and research.

When our forefathers planned the program for our federal union, the libraries of the world had but little help to offer, but now history has recorded an endless chain of events illustrating the practical uperation of federation. The writings of men analyzing the concepts of federation and suggesting possible improvements would fill a good sized library.

No one man can write the final program. David Hume said: “To balance a large state or society . . . on general laws, is a work of so great difficulty that no human genius, however comprehen- sive, is able by mere dint of reason and reflection to effect it. The judgments of many must unite in the work.” The program must be a compromise among many conflicting considerations. In the very nature of things much disagreement as to detail must be ex- pected. The writer realizes that his readers will see improvements over his plan and he invites suggestions.

The peoples of all nations in planning a constitution for a world federation, must do as Hamilton described our forefathers doing, make the great document as a result “of a spirit of amity and that mutual deference and concession which the peculiarity of ove political situation rendered indispensable.”

|: the February 1933 issue of World Unity, Sydney L. Gulick

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While planning a great Jegal document founded on dry logic and reason, we must not forget that we are all creatures of passion and feeling. We must summon to our aid love and good will, and visualize a world flag symbolizing peace on earth, rousing emotions of devotion and world patriotism deeper and more profound than any before known in world history. Greater even than the feeling one has for the flag of his own personal homeland.

Never should we lose sight of the fact that we are striving to imprison a Monster, whose capacity to sptead fire, poison and lead and iron hail for the torture and death of earth’s millions of people has increased a hundred fold within the last two decades. Bryce, in the American Commonwealth, praises the “Philadelphia conven- tion for the achievement of so great an enterprise as the creation of a nation by means of an instrument of government.” Of how much more transcendant importance is the creation of a world fed- eration by a similar instrument!

History has shown numerous instances where contiguous na- tions reached the consciousness that they could not avoid frequent wars in the absence of a separate connecting organization. Invari- ably the first attempt made by these nations is to make the connect- ing organization a creature of the nations. Its members are paid by the nations, and its revenue and its army are derived from quotas from these nations. This style of connecting organization is called a confederation, which as a preserver of peace, has almost always been a failure. The only connecting organization that can preserve peace is a federation which derives its revenue and its army direct from the people and not through national organizations. If it is to compel nations to live at peace with each other, it must do so by its own power, and should never be left to the mercy of the nations which it must control. The world federation should control and direct the elections of its members of Parliament by the people of the world, allowing the nations the privilege of cooperation without the power of dictation.

The Parliament of the Federated World should be so con- structed as to enable its members to secure the most effective gov- ernmental accomplishments ever known. It should be required to do �[Page 113]PARLIAMENT OF A FEDERATED WORLD Its

its work in such a way that the peoples of the world can keep in- formed about it, and know who is responsible for its actions. We want the best possible government, and the best possible method of expression by the people. Walter F. Dodd, in his book on State Government, voices the opinion of many writers in saying that “complexity hides responsibility for the voter,” and that ‘The re- duction of elective officers increases the control by the voter over his government.” The rule works both ways, the less complex the government, the greater the possible efficiency, and the greater the control of the people over their government. Bryce says that the U. S. Senate, due largely to its smallness in size, ‘has certainly shown greater capacity for the managing of the public business than the House.”

The Federalist No. LVII urges that the greater the number in all legislative assemblies, the fewer will be the men directing the proceedings and the greater will be the ascendency of passion over reason.

All the people of the world should be satisfied with the ‘ewest possible total number of representatives in the World Parliament, consistent with the best workable plan, that will give any nation at least one representative. Any individual representative shali be willing that his colleagues as representatives be as few as possible, provided that the same type of representation is imposed on other nations, as few members enable him to present his views and im- press his influence more effectively toward the adoption of policies that his constituents wish carried out.

Why not plan a Parliament so as to secure the greatest possible efficiency? Is this not the great goal that every nation wishes? Should the Parliament be made bulky and cumbersome in a vain effort to secure ideally fair representation from every nation and every inte* st involved?

Som .copean countries encumber their legislature by the creation 0. two Houses, one to represent the common people and one to represent the aristocracy. But there is no world aristocracy, that requires representation in the World Parliament. The United States created the Senate so that the states might have representa- �[Page 114]116 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

tion, and the smaller states might have power to block oppressive action by the larger states. England, whose parliamentary govern- ment is one of the best in the world, has a unicameral legislature for all practical purposes, as the House of Lords has been gradually shorn of its power. In the United States, the concept of giving the states power to elect senators by the states has been repudiated by a constitutional amendment. Never since the adoption of the Con- stitution has there ever been any issue between large states and small states.

When the Constitution was adopted the largest state had a population thirteen and a half times larger than the smallest. This discrepancy has constantly increased since then. At present the largest state population is one hundred and thirty-eight times larger than the smallest. Beard (American Government and Politics, p- 239) exclaims, “The result of this equality of representation in the Senate is the most glaring violation of the democratic principle of representation with some regard to population.” What would he say to a proposition urging equal representation in one of the Chambers of the World Federation, when the largest nation has a population a thousand times more than the smallest? Another reason for not building a second chamber to secure equal repre- sentation of the small nations is that they so greatly outnumber the large nations that they will get a very fair share of representation in a single chamber, if the Parliament is limited in number to secure the greatest possible efficiency. A single chamber v ould contribute very materially to the simplicity of government, concentrating re- sponsibility and making it much more possible for the people of the world to keep informed as to what was going on.

Many writers now seriously question the necessity or advisa- bility of two chambers. David Colvin, in his booklet called the “Bi-Cameral Principle,” after a careful study of the actual opera- tions of the two houses in the New York legislature, points out many objections to the bicameral plan and asserts that the executive was a more potent check to defective legislation than the second chamber. He quotes many authors advocating the single Chamber. Ellison suggests that a small body of ‘trained mature men, con- �[Page 115]PARLIAMENT OF A FEDERATED WORLD Lif

scious that they were acting in the limelight of the public eye,” would surely avoid the passing of many undesirable acts such as have been passed by “unwieldly two-chambered legislatures.” Amos, in his Science of Politics, argues that the enormously in- creased legislative business of modern times is delayed and ham- pered by a second discussion in a second chamber far beyond bene- fits received, and he contends that the remedy for foolish or rash legislation is to build up the efficiency of the one chamber in every possible way. Walter F. Dodd, in his book on State Government, urges that this efficiency can be vastly increased by well-organized permanent reference bureaus, bill drafting commissions, efficiency experts and technical staffs.

Parliament should confine its energies to the determination of policies of government while all the details of legislation and government should be carried out by a permanent staff of skilled experts who can plan legislation, draft proposed bills, and report as to how they are related to governmental policies. There should be some experts who assist Parliament and others reporting to the President, giving him all possible assistance in exercising his veto power. A permanent body of men should be authorized under the direction of Parliament, to summon witnesses and make all necessary investigations to determine facts relating to matters of legislation. To other bodies should be delegated quasi legislative authority with power to make rules in the performance of many administrative functions throughout the world—these rules to have the sanction of law, unless abrogated by Parliament. However vast and com- vlicated may be the business of government of the whole world, it can be accomplished when its President and Parliament confine their energies to the determination of policies, and a sufficient num- ber of men are employed to execute all detail.

All operations of Parliament should be open and in the lime- light. Debate should be unrestricted except when employed for fillibuster or delay. Settlement of matters of vital public interest in secret committee meetings should be avoided. After deciding upon a small single-chambered body comes the important and difficult question of representation. Constitutional laws providing for repre-

�[Page 116]118 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

sentation like other laws must be clear-cut and free from ambiguity. This is well illustrated in the simple clear-cut rule for street car fare. Everyone, rich or poor, entering the car, irrespective of the distance traveled or the passenger’s ability to pay must pay the same fare. It is impracticable to take into account the distance traveled ot ability to pay. Just so it is impracticable to determine national importance and any effort to do so would arouse antagonism and strife. There are no clear-cut methods for satisfactory measure- ments ot wealth on which to base representation, and still less would it be possible to measure genius or military capacity. The only measurement, free from ambiguity, is population.

According to the theory that Parliament represents the people of the world, there should be a division of the world into as many representative districts as the number of members of Parliament. This would necessitate the inclusion of many nations and fractions in many districts, and it would be difficult for such districts to unite in the selection of their choice for representative. INations as such have no right to representation in Parliament, but the peoples of a nation accustomed to take united action for the selection of their own rulers, could be relied on to be the best possible unit in electing a representative and in keeping informed as to his activi- ties in Parliament, with view to re-electing him or selecting another candidate. There is 110 possible way to distribute representation without impinging on the tender sensibilities of nations. All na- tions feeling that they have unfair representation must realize the stark necessities of the situation and agree to a plan that seems workable, impelled by the awful threat of war, and caring more for the realization of an efficient Parliament than for an impossible equality of representation.

Unfortunately the world is made up of many nations of small population and a few whose aggregate population is much greater than the combined population of all the small nations, and this makes it difficult to give every nation at least one representative, with zeasonable increase for the larger nations and sti!l make the Parliament small enough to do effective work. The difficulty can be met approximately by giving every nation whose population, �[Page 117]PARLIAMENT OF A F&ADERATED WORLD IIg

including dependencies, is under twenty million one member, be- tween twenty and forty million two members and over forty million five members each.

The President and his Cabinet should be ex-officio members of Parliament, and should be known as the Ministry. Doubtless a majority of the Ministry would be selected from nations of great population. There are approximately eleven nations with a popu- lation more than forty million and fifty-five with less thar forty million. The great bulk of the world’s population are found in the eleven nations and the representation as above suggested will give them a majority of the representatives, while the small nations can content themselves in the fact that the necessities of the situa- tion brought to them an aggregate representation greatly dispro- portionate to that of the large nations. Many small nations have such affiliations with some large nation as to make it very unlikely that the small nations will ever be united in an issue against large nations.

To anyone wrestling with the problem of the details of a world federation, Woodrow Wilson’s Congressional Government is to be strongly recommended. He believed that the ministerial govern- ment of England as developed since the adoption of our Constitu- tion is superior in many respects to our government under our rigid Constitution. He contends that somebody must be trusted, and re- sponsibility and power must be placed in the hands of someone, whose conduct is before the gaze of every citizen. He believed the Constitution requires too many checks and balances, and that it goes too fax in limiting the president and cabinet in the exercise of legislative power. The people of the United States elect a president to carry out definite policies, and more often than not additional legislation is required to accomplish this, and he ought to have the best possible facilities for urging his legislative proposals to Congress.

The World Federation should allow the President to choose his Cabinet subject to approval of Parliament and the Cabinet mem- bers may or may not be chosen from among the members elected by the Federation. The President and Vice-President and all mem- �[Page 118]I20 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

bers of the Cabinet are ex-officio members of Parliament, with all the privileges of other members. The President and Vice-President and all members of Parliament hold office for six years, and those elected to Parliament are eligible to re-election. The President and Parliament aii being elected at the same time are more likely to be united in policy.

The World Federation can adopt the best features of the Eng- lish and American system. By keeping the President in office for six years, the instability of frequent falls of Ministry can be avoided. It would be much more difficult and expensive to have as frequent elections throughout the world as is had in England. Furthermore, no one knows how wisely a world parliament would act in over- throwing a Ministry. There may arise as many divergent parties as in Germany, impairing the stability of a federation empowering Parliament to dismiss president or prime ministers. The people of the world as in the United States, can focus attention or one man and keep informed as to his policies, and vote intelligently as to the policies they wish to have adopted. The Parliament ought to have greater power to impeach a president than is given in the United States. He should be impeached for treason, physical or mental incapacity, gross incompetence and gross neglect of duty. The Ministry should make a budget, and Parliament should be pte- cluded from creating expenditures outside of the budget. This would tend to eliminate log rolling and keep a member of Parlia- ment from having the great primary object of securing appropria- tion for his district.

Until a world plebiscite becomes possible the representative districts should be apportioned into various groups according to population, and each group, between fixed limits of population, should cast as many votes for president and vice-president as the Constitution may designate. In this manner a greater proportionate representation in the selection of president and vice-president, than in the selection of members of parliament, can be secured for the larger nations. In countries where rulers are not selected by ballot the executive authority of representative districts may select mem- bers of parliament of the districts and determine the vote to be cast �[Page 119]PARLIAMENT OF A FEDERATED WORLD I2I

for president, until the federation shall be able to secure the selec- tion by a plebiscite.

The greatest simplicity of government will make practical fed- eration possible for the whole world. A world citizen is responsible in the election of three men only every six years, president, vice- president and one member of parliament. The president and mem- bers of parliament are responsible to the people of the world. They are endowed with all the power that goes with responsibility. They must perform their duties under the limelight of publicity. They determine matters of policy and are expected to organize a body of assistants to accomplish the details of government. What could be simpler? �[Page 120]WORLD ADVANCE A Monthly International Review

by

OscaR NEWFANG Author of “‘The Road to World Peace,’’ etc.

ABOLISHING THE THOUSAND-YEAR BATTLE-LINE BETWEEN THE CROSS AND THE CRESCENT

tendom and Mohammedanism has continued, with occasion-

al truces but never with a real reconciliation, on a varying

battle line in southeastern Europe and nearby Asia Minor. During the later centuries of the Roman Empire the battle line was kept beyond the Dardanelles; but as the Empire grew weaker and weaker in the final centuries before its dissolution in the Middle Ages, the Saracens pressed the warfare ever nearer and nearer to Constantinople, the capital of the Empire. For several centuries French and Teutonic arms aided the Byzantines in stemming the flood of Islam, by organized crusades whose ostensible purpose was the recovery of the holy places of Palestine as shrines for the pil- grimages of the faithful. After this fire of faith had subsided and the aid of the dying Roman Empire had been discontinued, the Turks crossed the Hellespont and finally captured Constantinople in 1453.

From that date until the beginning of the nineteenth century the battle line between the Cross and the Crescent wavered back and forth in southeastern Europe. At the height of their power the Saracens thundered at the gates of Vienna; but here their progress was halted, and during the eighteenth century the battle line was pushed back, and one Balkan country after another threw off the Turkish yoke, until at the present time the Republic of Turkey holds merely a spearhead in Europe beyond Istanbul.

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f= a whole millenium the implacable warfare between Chris- �[Page 121]WORLD ADVANCE I 23

The Peace Pact Between the Balkans and Turkey

The ending of this irreconcilable warfare between two fe- ligions totally intolerant of each other began with the alliance of Turkey and Germany in the World War. This cooperation of Christian and Mohammedan countries marked the subsidence of the fierce intolerance of the Saracen toward the Christian. At the close of the World War an event occurred, the importance of which for world peace the Western World has as yet failed to gtasp. The secularization of Turkey, the deposition of the Caliph from political power and from control of the Turkish armies, and the establishment of a Turkish Republic on modern lines were events fully as important for the peace of the Balkans, of Europe and of the whole world as was the deposition of the Pope from the political power which he wielded in the Middle Ages and with which he forced the armies of European states into warfare in the crusades and in the wars connected with the Reformation.

A further step toward the final abolition of the battle line be- tween Cross and Crescent was taken when Turkey became a mem- ber of the League of Nations, thus accepting the obligation to use the machinery of conciliation, arbitration or adjudication for the settlement of quarrels between herself and her Balkan neighbors. The final recaoval of the danger of revival of the age-long warfare between Christendom and Mohammedanism, however, was effected by the Pact of Non-Aggression and Mutual Assistance sigaed with- in recent months by Turkey, Greece, Jugoslavia and Roumiania. Especially important is this pact in its assurance that the hatchet has been buried and all plotting of revenge has been dropped by Greece for her stinging defeat at the hands of Turkey in the aftermath of the World War.

The Attempt to Form a Balkan Federation

All the countries of southeastern Europe are so fully alive to the fact that, under the economic conditions of modern large-scale manufacture and agriculture, it is practically impossible to achieve a high degree of prosperity in a small, isolated trading area, that �[Page 122]124 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

they have made numerous efforts to form a Balkan Federation, both for the purpose of obtaining a sufficiently large free trading area to insure the general economic welfare of all, and for the purpose of forming a political unit of sufficient strength to maintain its in- dependence against the influence and the machinations of the great European powers. It has, however, proved impossible to win the adhesion to this plan of the states which lost territory as a result of the World War—Bulgaria, Hungary and Austria.

In addition to this difficulty the plan of a Balkan Federation met with strong opposition from the great powers, France, Italy and Germany; and it was also disliked by Poland. The French saw in the plan a diminution of the European prestige obtained by them through pacts of alliance with the Little Entente countries by reason of which these countries looked to France for protection against attack. Should the Balkan countries form a close and powerful federation, the union would no longer require French assistance, but would be able to stand on its own feet. Italy opposed the idea of a Balkan Federation for the same reason as France. She has in a measure pledged her protection to Austria, Hungary and Albania, and she would lose the prestige and commercial advantages which she commanded in the Balkans by reason of this reliance upon her. Germany has ever since the World War cherished as an objective the absorption of Austria and possibly of part of Czechoslovakia preponderantly peopled by Germans. She is therefore very strongly opposed to a Balkan Federation which would permanently frustrate her ambitions for expansion in southeastern Europe. While the union of Austria and Germany has thus far been prevented by France and Italy, Germany has by no means resigned the hope of accomplishing her object. Poland, on her part, is opposed to a Bal- kan Federation, because it would practically mean the ending of the Little Entente and of her definite alliances with Czechoslovakia and Jugoslavia. With all these jealousies and all this cross-scheming among the countries of Europe, it has been impossible to organize the proposed Balkan Federation for the consolidation of peace and the establishment of an adequate free-trade area to achieve solid prosperity in that region of Europe. �[Page 123]WORLD ADVANCE 125

Briand’s Vision of the United States of Europe

The greatest continental statesman since the World War, Aris- tide Briand, was fully aware that a sound and enduring prosperity, which is the surest basis of peace, could not be achieved in Europe, if each of its small countries continued its policy of hampering to the greatest possible extent all trade across national boundaries, thus making impossible both the full and proper use of manufac- turing facilities in the industrial countries of the continent and the full use of the crop facilities in the agricultural countries. He saw clearly that the policy of confining trade within narrow national boundaries under an attempted autarchy must result in a great lowering of the standard of living throughout Europe, in a con- stantly growing friction between states whose natural channels of trade had been destroyed by tariffs, quotas, preferences and embar- goes; and that the resulting distress and general misery must finally cause renewed warfare. Briand therefore used his utmost efforts o persuade the countries of Europe to adopt a continent-wide free- dom of trade in agricultural and manufactured products; and he saw clearly that the indispensable political basis for such a free- trade area was a Federation of the states of Europe. He therefore persuaded the League of Nations to appoint a Committee for the study of the problem of establishing a United States of Europe as the necessary political groundwork for the free and unhampered flow of commodities throughout the continent and the general eco- nomic welfare of all the countries.

Briand met two unsurmountable obstacles in his efforts to fed- erate Europe. The first was the intense jealousies and the ancient enmities that existed among the various countries; and the second was the fact that England, being a part of the British Empire, was partly European and partly universal. The feud between Frank and Teuton dates from the time of Julius Caesar, when the Rhine was the border of the Roman Province of Gaul, and the Imperial armies battled in vain to effect the permanent subjugation of the wild and warlike Teutons beyond the river. The jealousy between France and Italy, while not as keen nor of as long standing, has �[Page 124]126 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

greatly increased during the present century with the growing strength and importance of Italy, and especially since Mussolini has fired the imagination of his countrymen with the dreams of Italy’s ancient glory and rallied the nation for a revival of that glory. The rivalry between England and France is of long stand- ing, has been fought out in many wars and in many opposing al- liances with other warring countries. Waterloo is still a green memory in both countries.

While these difficulties might have been overcome, the great French statesman found that a European Federation without Eng- land would not be feasible nor desirable, since that country has enormously important trade relations with every European ccuntry; and the inclusion of England in a plan for the United States of Europe he found equally impossible, for the reason that Britain is a member of the British Commonwealth of Nations, and her in- clusion in his plans would have made the proposed federation far more than a European Federation.

The Only Feasible Balkan and European Economic Unity Rests in the Development of the League of Nations into a Federation of Nations

The Balkan states have thus been frustrated in their efforts to consolidate peace in southeastern Europe by means of a large area of free trade, both when they attempted to reach this goal by a Bal- kan Federation and when they attempted it through a general fed- eration of all the countries of Europe. Furthermore, it would not have been feasible to include Turkey in their proposed federations, for the reason that only a very small portion of her territory lies in Europe, while the bulk of it is in Asia Minor. Considering these difficulties in the establishment of economic and political peace, and also the anomalous position of England previously mentioned, it would seem that the only feasible and adequate solution of the problem of a great free trading area lies in building upon the exist: ing foundation of the League of Nations. Here there is, ready to hand, an embryonic federation of all nations, with its nascent World �[Page 125]WORLD ADVANCE 127

Court, World Executive Council and World Assembly or Parlia- ment. By strengthening and evolving these budding functions and developing the League in the direction of an organic World Fed- eration which would afford the necessary basis of political security to all nations, the indispensable foundation can be laid which would permit the nations of the world to disarm economically and to make the whole world a great unrestricted area for the commerce of all countries. It is axiomatic in economics, that the wider the area of free trade, the better the various resources of different sec- tions will supplement one another, and the higher will be the general level of prosperity for the entire area.

Germany, after her post-war attempt to establish a self-con- tained autarchy, has now become convinced that the economic sal- vation of the country consists in Grossraumwirtschaft, large area economy; the Balkan countries are convinced of the same thing; France is so firmly convinced of the advantage ot a wide trading area that she has led in the attempt to establish a federation of all the European countries; England, with the same conviction, is seek- ing to make the entire territory of the British Empire a single un- restricted trading area. The prosperity of the United States is a convincing example of the advantages of a wide free-trading area.

The logical road toward peace and prosperity, therefore, not only for the dangerous border region between the Cross and the Crescent, but for all Europe and all the world lies through the de- velopment of the League of Nations, through the full discussion by an authorized commission of the method by which this world organization may afford an adequate guaranty of political safety, of economic freedom and of world unity. �[Page 126]NOTES ON THE CURRENT ISSUE

Attitudes on the peace question have altered profoundly in recent years; but precisely how? People say that we are passing through another crisis comparable to that which eventuated in the European War; but what about it?

In order to secure a representative cross section of current opinion, the World Unity Foundation has issued a Questionnaire. In reproducing it in the present issue, the magazine hopes to extend considerably the area of response. The fact that anonymous replies may be sent in should remove any possible objection and make the result a true expression of view on the part of all participants. It is hoped that every reader will do his part in contributing to an independent effort to take a sounding of the American mind.

Our valued contributor, Dr. Hans Kohn, in a letter expressing appreciation of Kelly Miller’s article in the March issue, points out that Russia includes a large colored population not subjected to prejudice. This raises the interesting question whether the condi- tion has a political basis or rests upon the absence of race prejudice among peopies of Muhammadan origin. In respect to the color question, Islam solved a problem where Christianity had failed.

The vital theme of race relations is continued this month in “The Psychology of Race Prejudice,” not the least importance of which is its indication that the subject has come seriously to concern responsible educators.

World Unity, in fact, is groping toward a conception of edu- cation in which not the mind but the emotional nature will be the focal point of organized effort.

The subject of China returns again to these pages in Frank Rawlinson’s analysis of present trends in that greatest of human laboratories. His article will mean most to those who had the priv- ilege of reading his series on ‘“China’s Changing Culture” which began in October, 1932.

“World Renaissance” is less prose than poem, less argument than the resounding chant of an international ode. Its appeal is to feeling rather than to reason, and hence brings new and inv !uable reinforcement to the struggle for peace. Ideals become truly public issues only when they have been given wings.

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