World Unity/Volume 15/Issue 1/Text

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WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Volume XV, October, 1934

Religion and World Order ...... Horace Holley He G. WEHIS . ws eww ec he ew ww R. E. Wolseley The Changing East: The New Man . . . Hans Kohn The American Peace Movements. .... Smith Simpson World Advance: A Monthly

International Review....... Oscar Newfang The International Congress of

Teaching and Education. ..... Spiritual Needs in This Time

OF CYIS1IS «a ee ee Be Hw BG Edgar J. Fisher

A Discussion of Industrial Justice . ‘'Abdu'l-Baha The Way Out (Book Review Essay) . . . Horace Holley Correspondence .......2eee-. Notes on the Current Issue World Unity Reading List (1927-1934)

1. Apostles of World Unity �[Page 1]RELIGION AND WORLD ORDER by HorAcE HOLLEY

' III. THE Cycle OF RELIGION Rew: history is meaningless when conceived merely as

a time sequence without reference to the fundamental law of cycles.

We take for granted the existence of this law whenever dealing with natural phenomena: the cycle of life operating for the tree from seed to fruit, for the human being fronrbirth to death, even for the stars of immensest magnitude. But societies and social in- stitutions seldom or never admit that for their own existence there is also an allotted period, the beginning of which is their birth, the end of which is their destruction, during the course of which they rise to a climax of maturity and power, receding thereafter until eventually they are no more.

It has already been pointed out that each historical religion has in due course arrived at a condition of internal balance—that cruc- ial point at which the new, dynamic faith has spent itself in the task of creating a new point of view, a new consciousness, a new society. At this point all the elements of the social life appear to be in perfect unity and harmony. There is no conflict between reason and emo- tion, no discord between custom and public law, no sense of funda- mental uneasiness concerning the uitinate ends of life on the part of the great mass of the people. They live in a universe which has been satisfactorily explained, and in a community they believe it is not merely civil treason but even spiritual sin to attempt to over- throw. Sanctions exist for the pride and pomp of the rich not less than for the suffering and deprivation of the poor. Industry, art and science function in instinctive concord, all under the governance of authorities whose civil and religious relationships are firmly established.

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Such a condition represents the fruit of religion—the unique virtue of faith to achieve a new civilization out of the wreck and ruin of the old. But beyond that period of mature power there is only decline.

Tracing this development in Judaism we come to the civiliza- tion of Solomon, a glory that could not be retained. In Christianity we have the feudal age, when religion could be completely identi- fied with civilization, after which the Reformation destroyed the unity not only of the church but of the civilization as well. Here stands the origin of “modern” times, which actually have been the autumn and winter of faith. On one side has existed an alliance between national state, natural science, industry and militarism; on the other side the tradition of feudal aristocracy, the memory of a living unifying faith, the organization of the church.

Both phases in reality proceeded from the same prior condition. One can not be termed “Christian” and the other “pagan” or “‘non- Christian” with the slightest historical accuracy. For modern mili- tarism, justified as the necessary virtue of the national state, derives immediately from the Crusades, justified as the necessary virtue of the church. The profit motive, justified as the necessary virtue of industry, derives immediately from the practice of the sale of in- dulgences, justified as the necessary virtue of the church. If modern science is condemned as “pagan”, a vast power delivered over to the secular realm, it must be recalled that the first faint beginnings of natural science were so resisted by the church that the scientists were compelled to develop their knowledge outside the religious community.

The Reformation, then, merely marks the point at which th: historical religion has reaped its harvest, produced its richest fruit; and consequently could no longer maintain its internal unity nor its balance between ‘religion and civilization.

The law of cycles operates in the case of religions and nations no less imperatively than in the case of trees, animals, planets and human beings. This law may for a time appear inoperative where the larger social bodies are concerned, but this is merely for the reason that man has yet attained no adequate sense of historical pro- �[Page 3]RELIGION AND WORLD ORDER 3

cess, and also because even after a great social institution has died spiritually it can still survive physically for a relatively long period. But when a religidn ceases to be the motive and inspiration of civili- zation, its date of death is recorded in the annals of destiny. And once this spiritual death has taken place, the religion can never be artificially revived.

The future historian, having attained a clear perspective upon the course of European history, will doubtless establish in detail the degree to which “modern” Europe has been indebted to the religion of Muhammad for its culture and civilization since the time of the Renaissance. The influence of Muhammadan civilization upon Christendom stands as one of the remarkable phases of history the significance of which has long been neglected and overlooked. This influence directly confirms the truth of the law of cycles, and supplies one of the keys to the understanding of that law.

Those who are ardently seeking a sound basis of world order can not afford to overlook the fact that the historic period of a religion is the time between the appearance of two prophets. Juda- ism ceased to be the source and center of spiritual law when Jesus manifested as the Christ. Christianity ceased to be a living religion upon the manifestation of Muhammad. The ancient religions of the near and far East lost their spirit when the divine will expressed itself through Abraham, if indeed there had not previously appeared other prophets before Abraham.

This fact is essential because of the vital principle involved in religion. namely, that every historic faith has been the source and origin of a historic civilization. There can be no civilization in the true sense without the motive power of superhuman faith. No col- lapsing civilization can regain its inner spirit and vitality, and much less take a step forward to some higher ground, without a return of that same faith which marked its rise out of the wreckage of the

ast. , The “modern” world, striving to transform nationalism into world order, overcome the antagonism of economic classes and re- concile peoples and creeds, is nothing else than a larger example of ancient Rome striving to maintain order, justice and law after �[Page 4]4 , WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

its original impulse had ebbed and the creative power had passed from the imperial government to the weak, despised and minority body of Christians, reborn by the mystery of superhuman faith. Our social institutions are more powerful to destroy than to create; no matter how conscientiously admininstered, without transforma- tion they are vessels not built to outride this time of worldwide storm.

Civilization and religion are inseparably inter-related; the motives and energies which are released by faith project themselves outward into the thoughts and actions constituting civilization. Civ- ilization is nothing else than the religion of an era visibly expressed upon the plane of society. When a religion organizes as an end in itself, and a society is motivated and controlled by secular forces, this marks the death both of the religion and the civilization, for it is the end of the historic cycle. �[Page 5]H. G. WELLS by R. E. WOLSELEY

BRASH critic of H. G. Wells, writing in ‘The Criterion,” A dismisses the English novelist and historian thus: “...

neither an original thinker, nor even representative of the

highest intellectual level of the civilization of his time.” What wonder then if many younger men and women engaged in bringing to earth the Wellsian vision should assail these smug, patronizing dogmatists?

If Wells has had any world-wide effect upon history certain is his influence upon historians, philosophers, sociologists, anthro- pologists, biologists, and psychologists. He may not have provided such a readable and concise blueprint for a new society as has Stuart Chase, nor developed such a definite technique for revolution as has Leon Trotsky, but he has unceasingly, relentlessly, and insist- ently pointed to the need for a federated world.

Today the idea of a united world is on the tongue of thought- ful persons throughout the world. It is being given a measure of support by that most logical advocate of a world society—the Christian Church. It is becoming less and less abhorent to the ordinary citizen because he finds that it is the idea not only of those whom he has been calling visionaries but also of the so-called hard- headed practical men of business seeking, perhaps vainly, to save a jeopardized business structure. At a time such as this we are com- pelled, in all justice, to acknowledge to Mr. Wells that his educa- tional work has done much to make the idea of a federated world popular. �[Page 6]6 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Little space need be used in pointing out that Herbert George Wells has been an enormously prolific propagandist {or a good world. He is seventy, and has to his credit almost as many books as years. If he and his aides had produced only three—The Out- line of History, The Science of Life and The Work, Wealth, and Happiness of Mankind— his contribution to civilization would be tremendous. But in addition are his novels, which number almost forty. With such books as A Modern Utopia, The Dream, and The World of William Clissold, he has left an ineradicable impression on the minds of persons who would never read so serious a treatise as The Way the World is Going or The Commonsense of World Peace. Added to all this are his short stories and his various books on religious, social, and historical subjects, his articles, and his reviews.

Nor has he limited himself to writing. Van Wyck Brooks points out that as a student of the social man Wells is an extreme individualist. Nevertheless, he has engaged in organized effort to bring about the society he envisions. It is true that he has aban- doned participation in such organizations as the Fabian Society, the Labor Party, and the Socialist movement, but in the past he has been a strong influence.

Wells has been a stimulus not only to the reading public but also to specialists in the study of civilization. His knowledge, like his books, is encyclopaedic. He has voluminously put into words the ideas of the social scientists of his time, although not always have those ideas been as clearly formulated as they should be, nor have they been as coordinated or as brilliant in their statement as we might desire them. But for the casual reader of fiction this gen- eralization from The Passionate Friends is nevertheless effective in inspiring work for a better world:

“....we find ourselves in spite of ourselves, in spite of quarrels and jealousies and conflicts, helping and serving in the making of a new world city, a new greater State above our legal States, in which all human life becomes a splendid enterprise, free and beautiful.” �[Page 7]H. G. WELLS 7

So is this passage from Joan and Peter:

“The League of Free Nations of which all men are dreaming and talking, this world republic, is the rediscovered outline, the proper teaching of all real education, the necessary outline now of human life... .This idea of a world-wide commonwealth, this ideal of an everlasting world peace in which we are to live and move and have our being, has to be built up in every school, in every mind, in every lesson.”

Nor should we forget this more famous passage from Men Like Gods:

“Utopia has no parliament, no politics, no private wea, no business competition, no police, no prisons, no lunatics, no defec- tives or cripples, and it has none of these things because it has schools and teachers who are all that schools and teachers can be. Politics, trade, and competition are the methods of adjustment of a crude society. Our education is our government.”

As a believer in the Science of the Future Wells has been a most important prophet. For the student of Utopias his schemes have been (and properly) irresistible. Unlike most devisers how- ever, his Utopias are dynamic. His conception of a new world changes from 1900 to 1934. In 1900 it may have been the ideal of a Christian Socialist and in 1934 it may be the ideal of an en- lightened aristocrat advocating “Liberal Fascism.” It is not static and dogmatic, and therefore is alive and intelligent.

This variability in Wells’ nature may serve to explain the Wellsian inconsistencies. On the whole he has provided a general view of a federated world and supplied the documentation therefor. Like most of us, however, he becomes short-sighted when he leaves his library. Witness his conduct during the World War and his attitude toward the League of Nations. In spirit his war conduct was not greatly different from that of most persons purporting to be sane and intelligent members of society. He believed in crush- ing militarism with militarism. The phrase, “a war to end war’’ is credited to him. He believed, as Geoffrey West indicates in his study of Wells, that “the only alternative to the World State was the War Path, leading to the destruction of civilization” yet he was �[Page 8]8 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

narrow minded and revengeful toward the Germans. He denoun- ced the pacifists of England and helped in war propaganda activi- ties. Later he wrote, “I believed that amidst the thunder of the guns the search for Pax Mundi must begin.”

Recalling the mistakes of a valuable leader for world unity may be cruel sport, particularly since he was victim of popular passion. But few leaders who shared his error had provided the world with so clear a picture of and argument for a peaceful human society. His resort to anti-social methods was a disappointment. Had he followed the course of Bertrand Russell this could not now be held against him. The least a great prophet of a better world can do, in time of war, is to realize that the brotherhood of man cannot be achieved by unbrotherly methods. He has now come to that conclusion, for to the Peace patriots in New York he declared:

“War resistance seems to me logically justified by the Kellogg Pact. Not only international warfare, but the preparation for in- ternational war also, become criminal activities and resistance to them a plain duty for the world citizen.”

Yet despite all this and regardless of his present inclination to lose some (but not all, as his latest critics believe) of his faith in de- mocracy, more and more will our psychologists, historians, and statesmen of the next few hundred years give credit to Mr. Wells for inspiration in their work. Wells has been a factor in American life as well as English. John Chamberlain tells in his Farewell to Reform that, like Shaw and the Webbs, he inspired some of the reform movements after the turn of the century. As Wells’ books are more and more in use in our educational institutions his in- fluence in the United States will grow. More important still, for the eventual alteration of society, is the increasingly powerful in- fluence of his work among the masses of the people of the world. The various editions of his Outline of History alone have sold ap- proximately two millions of copies.

Wells is “bourgeois” today to certain groups with knowledge of all things and to be discarded primarily because Lenin exclaimed over him, “What a Philistine!” To the tolerant type of intellectual he is a great prophet and social analyst. To the man on the street �[Page 9]H. G. WELLS 9

who has lived two score years he is either a dangerous and subversive character or a powerful intellect difficult to comprehend because of the confusion and immensity of his work. To increasing numbers of younger persons, Wells is a stimulating source of ideas for the improvement of society. Future generations may learn the way to a good world from him, because they will place him as one of the first great teachers cognizant of technological and psychological problems. Coming generations could not better sum up his service than he himself has in his introduction to a complete edition of his works:

“The gist of it is an extraordinarily sustained and elaborated adverse criticism of the world as it is, a persistent refusal to believe that this is the best or even the most interesting of all possible worlds. There is a developing attempt culminating in The Outline of History to show that the world of men is only temporarily what it is, and might be altered to an enormous exteiut.”

Many years will pass before “World Unity” can add to its series of apostles one who surpasses H. G. Wells as (to quote Geoffrey West’s apt phrase) “The Prophet of World Organiza- tion.”

—

The forty-third article In the series “Apostles of World Unity’ begun in October, 1927. �[Page 10]THE CHANGING EAST : THE NEW MAN

by HANS KOHN

Author of “A History of Nationalism in the East,” etc.

S the character of a people fixed and unalterable, established 1 for good and all in the inmemorial past, inseparably associated

through mystic bonds with race and soil? On the answer to that

question depends the fate of all those peoples who today are being more and more rapidly subjected to the process of Western- ization that is industrializing the world and imposing on it the Nor- dic, Protestant ethic of hard work. The German theorists of ‘‘Ar- yan” racialism are all for the changelessness of the character of peoples; it is on that that they base their claim for putting the world for all time under “Aryan” dominance.

But experience shows that the character of a people is far from being unalterable, that it can, indeed, be altered relatively quickly if the general social and political conditions favor change. The Mediterranean peoples and the peoples of the Far East are steadily diminishing the advantage that the Nordic countries have over them at present in economic organization and industrial tech- nique. In his ‘‘L’Europa Giovane,” published at the end of the last century, Guglielmo Ferrero accepted the industrial and economic superiority of Teuton over Roman; he explained that the Nordic temperament was less excitable, and the Teuton accordingly a more methodical and more patient worker. But since then, especially in recent years, Italy has been steadily undergoing industrialization and ‘“‘northernizing”; even the South, twenty years ago an ‘‘Orien- tal” country, is steadily approaching the character of northern Italy, and this process of Europeanization is extending to the other Medi- terranean countries. And only a century ago the Germans were regarded as an unpractical people, unsuited to the tempo of the industrial epoch (which then was represented by Britain), and un- fitted for its methods and its efficient ways of organization.

10 �[Page 11]THE CHANGING EAST II

The man of the eastern Mediterranean is only now setting out on his new career; only in recent years have the political and in- tellectual conditions developed which are necessary to a modifica- tion of his character. The problem of the Europeanization of the indigenous population and of its trade and industry is not a problem of its intelligence, in which the southerner and the easterner are, on the average, at least the equals of the European, but of the formation of character. The indigenous populations are quick of apprehension and are adaptable though suspicious. What they lack are initiative and readiness to shoulder responsibility, endurance and the capac- ity for trustful and disciplined collaboration. Centuries of tyranny or alien rule have prevented the development of these civic quali- ties. The opportunity for general participation in public life changes the physiognomy of the individual and of society. One can feel the difference in passing from independent Baghdad to the mandated territories of the Mediterranean coast. In the former one is surrounded with an atmosphere of constructive enterprise, of the consciousness of a newly won freedom with its responsibilities; in the latter the population is divested of all responsibility by foreigners, and shackled in every constructive enterprise, so that the life of the community is consumed by political passion’ and squandered in explosive rhetoric.

The problems of the education of the Oriental are all at bottom problems of character formation. In political and industrial life alike irrational elements, sentiment, comforting gratifications, are the ruling motives of conduct instead of the cool and rational sense of duty and will to work of the modern European world. The sense of the citizen’s and official’s responsibility before the abstraction of the State or nation is readily allowed to be overridden by the desire to do a service to a relation or friend; there, clear and unmistakable, is a close and warm and living bond. Capital is no longer kept in idleness in buried hoards or in jewels in order to escape arbitrary confiscation, as was customary not so very long ago; it is invested in land and buildings; but the habit has not yet been acquired of stak- ing it in the industrial enterprises that are so much more productive from the national point of view. For this, not only the experience �[Page 12]12 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

is lacking but the courage to shoulder the risk involved in an under- taking that needs something more than the enthusiasm that starts it—the endurance to persevere in spite of difficulties, the long view that can forego small immediate gains for the sake of assured final success. Very rare is the patient and persistent detail work, whether in the political or the economic field, or the contentment with mod- est ‘beginnings that are the conditions of a sound and steady advance. The necessary capital is not to be had for enterprises of any importance, as business cooperation between the capitalist and the organizing entrepreneur is prevented by mistrust on the one side and inadequate capacity on the other for disciplined control and efficient distribution of tasks. The pioneer period has arrived, but the pioneering spirit has not shown itself. The older generation is still full of the spirit which was characteristic of the pre-war Turkey, the spirit of the leisure-loving amateur, finding expression in a search for the comfortable security of an official’s career and a lack of interest in the skilled crafts or business enterprise or the work of the technician. In the absence of an elite in the political and economic fields no higher standard is set before the general mass of the population for emulation.

Education was also in the hands of this older, “Turkish” gen- eration; and here French influence was more or less dominant, with its rigidity and emphasis on the classics and on examinations. This was the system that provided the officials, and it is entirely un- suited to the present-day situation in the East. What is needed now is to loosen the bonds of a static, aloof and self-centered culture, and to replace it by a dynamic culture, open to influences from every quarter and readily receptive in its attitude towards them; or at least to introduce a large measure of such culture alongside it— to awaken initiative and energy and readiness to undertake res- ponsibility. For all these reasons there is little to be said for the present system of education. Yet it is being further extended in Syria under French influence. In Iraq, on the other hand, the attempt has been made to strike out along other paths. Young people there, the generation that grew up during the world war or later, have acquired influence, and have secured the appointment �[Page 13]THE CHANGING EAST 13

of a mission of American educational experts, headed by Professor Paul Monroe, of the Columbia University, New York, a man who has a thorough knowledge of the East and its vital needs. The re- port of this commission, which has been published in Baghdad in Arabic and English, has done important work in indicating the educational problems of the East.

The general conclusions at which one arrives after a visit to the countries of the Near East depend largely on whom one meets there. The representatives of the older generation, who still hold most of the principal posts in business and official life, belong to the past in their opinions and prejudices, their likes and dislikes. To talk with them is to get the impression that much of the change is merely superficial. It is different with the younger folk. Tradition and paternal authority are still strong enough to secure the dom- inance in externals of the will of the father of a family. But much will go by the board before long, when the older generation departs from the scene. Not until then will it be possible to judge how far the outlook of the Easterner has really been revolutionized. Con- versations in Baghdad and Beirut alike, two centers of the Arabian world that in a certain sense are at opposite poles, have shown me the uniform development among the youth and the degree in which they speak a language that must be entirely incomprehensible to the pre-war generations.

The young people are restive; new ideas and conceptions are crowding in on them from all sides. The most that their fathers had absorbed from Europe was the ideas of Positivism and a vague Liberalism. All that belongs to the past. Fascism and Bolshevism are sending out into the countries of Asia waves of the enthusiasm with which they have filled the youth of Italy, Germany and Russia. The numbers are as yet small of the young intellectuals who follow with keen interest all that happens abroad, and are acquainted with the latest serious literature in the languages accessible to them. But it is this small body that shapes the character of the young genera- tion. Many of the young people have had their outlook determined by the countries in which their education was pursued, in American, French or British universities and colleges. In this way the most �[Page 14]14 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

various influences rub shoulders in the formation of the young; their common denominator is the nationalism that governs them all. In many cases this nationalism is no more than the natural reaction against alien domination and the feeling of being exploited and humiliated; with many, however, it is the open-eyed acceptance of a revolutionary nationalism aiming not only at political change but at change in the general conditions of life, a completely changed outlook and tradition.

The young women have their part in this. A law student, a Christian Arab girl from a mountain village of Lebanon, expressed to me her sympathy and admiration for the National Socialist ris- ing in Germany against the conditions created by the Treaty of Versailles. The nebulous humanism of the older generation led nowhere, she said, half-measures and rhetorical demands were use- less, only whole-hearted resistance counted. Her dark eyes glowed, reminding me of similar conversations with Czech women stu- dents before the world war. Talks with the younger people in Baghdad and Beirut showed me more and more clearly how in- creasingly the young generation are approaching one another in thought all the world over. Their problems are similar, they are similar in their outlook, even their outward appearance, their bear- ing and general behavior unite the younger generation across divis- ions that a few decades ago seemed beyond the hope of breaking down. In Young Europe in the nineteenth century there was formed the type of the European; today that type is advancing to the capture of opinion beyond the borders of Europe. As the Imperialism of Alexander and Rome spread the uniform type of the Hellene over East and West, so the Imperialism of Napoleon and the Anglo- Saxons has begun to spread over the world the uniformity of the European type of humanity. This is at last making it possible for fruitful discussion to begin between the various groups.of human- ity. The European intercommunion that began in the nineteenth century will broaden into a worldwide intercommunion. �[Page 15]THE AMERICAN PEACE MOVEMENTS

by SMITH SIMPSON

OMEONE asked the other day what had become of the move- S= to outlaw-war, but anyone might ask what had become

of the peace movemerit-itself. The phase it has reached in

America is admittedly an unpleasant and discouraging one. It is not only helpless, but it has reached this stage of helplessness without having achieved one of the objects which it has agitated since the World War. Four disarmament conferences have been agitated, held, and adjourned. All have failed; and the melancholy fact is that nations are arming more heavily than ever. Nor has the World Court agitation reached a more successful issue. We are not in the World Court and apparently nowhere near it. We have advocated the outlawry of war; we have outlawed: it in a treaty; and war goeson. The one thing that was not agitated has happened. We are members of the International “Labor, ‘Organization. Any intelligent person would ask whai'the trouble is.

We can best diagnose the trouble by first reviewing the history of the various peace movements which have occurred in this coun- try. Fortunately, that is no longer as difficult a task as it used to be. Several books have appeared in recent months which give us a more or less connected story;* and while the story can be told only sketchily in these pages, some story is necessary to an understanding of the failure of the peace movement in our own time.

David Low Dodge organized the first peace society in America, but Noah Worcester founded the first peace movement. The dis- tinction, which is overlooked in these volumes, is important. Dodge was a pacifist. He did not indict some wars: he indicted all wars; and his highly rationalized doctrine was deduced logically from

• The American Peace Society: A Centennial History, E. L. Whitney

The Americaé Peace Crusade. M. E. Curti

The Anglo-American Peace Movement in rhe Mid-Nineteenth Century. Christina Phelps

The International Labor Organisation of the League of Nations. National fadustriat Conference

Board. New York. The United States and the League of Nations, 1918-1920. D. F. Fleming. T5 �[Page 16]16 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Christian theology. Worcester, on the other hand, was an emotiona- list. He was no intellectual. He never stopped to think clearly or systemmatically about anything. He was a sort of Billy Sunday or an Aimie Semple McPherson. All he wanted was an audience and a following. Like the “outlawry of war” group which is with us today, or rather was with us until recently, his conversion to the cause of peace took place in the course of a war. Worcester’s wat was the War of 1812.

David Low Dodge founded the New York Peace Society in 1810. It was disrupted by the War of 1812 and re-founded in 1816. As far as the principles of the Society were concerned, the war might a well not have occurred. They were just as stiff, just as doctrinaire, just as theological as before. The consequence was the Society never spread. There were not enough people interested in what it undertook. But as it was wasting the fragrance of its theo- logical reflections on desert air, a Massachusetts divine, having suffered a revulsion against the horrors of war during the sieges of 1812, began an agitation against the horrors of war in a Massachu- setts Church conference. His zeal was infectious and the New England Federalists, finding in this agitation an additional vent for their feelings of animosity toward the Republican-Democratic Administration in Washington, added lawyers, educators, and pub- lic officials to the movement.

But Worcester never got farther than the feeling that war should be “abolished.” He never examined the causes of war or the details of any organization of peace. It was natural, then, that his movement should suffer an early eclipse, As the horrors of the War of 1812 had given rise to it, so, as the years of the War re- treated, its horrors became less distinguishable and memorable; by 1818 people were no longer shuddering at references to the War of 1812; they no longer remembered what they were like; they even invested such things in a sort of patriotic halo; and the light of the movement, growing fainter and fainter, became finally extinguished in the gust of national feeling over Jackson’s military exploits in Florida.

Hardly had the first movement blinked out in darkness than a �[Page 17]AMERICAN PEACE MOVEMENTS 17

second one appeared. Its origin was not in a war but in a general reform agitation. Anyone who knows the period of American his- tory from 1821 to 1848 knows that it was a period of great reform agitation. There was hardly anything that somebody did not want to change. There was a veritable ferment. Papers sprang up and societies formed and multiplied like mushrooms in dank soil, all for the purpose of reforming something and changing something. Beginning with Benjamin Lundy in 1821, abolition had shortly a whole chorus of voices chanting its arguments; and in addition to the abolitionists were people who wanted reforms of prisons, of schools, of churches, of laws affecting labor, of laws affecting wo- men, of laws affecting voting privileges, and so on indefinitely. The list could not be completed; it was infinite; and it was natural that war should be attacked along with other abuses.

Indeed the career of the leader of the second movement is in- dicative of the reform fever of the time. He got interested in peace only after he had got interested in nearly everything else. This was Captain William Ladd, a retired sea captain who had taken up the pursuits of farming and consuming a cellar-full of ripe Spanish wine; and then, bored with the monotony of his existence, had afhliated with a neighborhood church; acquired a reform fever, as did so many other people of his time; became interested in missions and Sunday schools; embraced temperance; took up abolition; and finally started a crusade against war. Though this fact escapes the attention of the writers of these volumes under review, the very transition of Captain Ladd’s interests is significant; and nothing seems clearer now than that the second movement rose largely out of sympathy with the other reform agitations of the twenties and the thirties.

It musi, therefore, be always one of the singular occurrences of history that the leaders of the second peace movement attempted to isolate their agitation from all other reform agitation. This they did attempt to do. They did not like the jars of the other reforms. They did not like to “scatter their efforts.” They wanted to ‘‘con- centrate on the problem of war,” as though justice between nations could exist whether or not justice within nations existed. �[Page 18]18 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINB

This movement differed markedly from Worcester’s. There was infinitely less hysteria and infinitely more of practical argu- ment and development. Of course Ladd himself differed from Wor- cester. He was not an emotional visionary. He had a good intellect. He had graduated from Harvard with honors at the age of 16. That was no mean achievement. Furthermore, he was a man of the sea. He had had to face the world in a practical way. He knew the world. He knew what it was like and what men were like. He knew how men had to be controlled. Personal leadership counts for something—how much is arguable—but something! And it was through Ladd’s ability to organize and talk the common lan- guage that the second movement attracted people who had remained uninterested in Worcester’s movement; and the culmination and chief contribution of this movement, an essay on a “Congress of Nations,” written by Ladd from the suggestions of other essays submitted in a prize competition on the subject of peace, was really a signal contribution. It was the first systematic and practical proposal of how cooperation between Governments and between peoples, once achieved, could be carried out. But the Congress which Ladd conceived was simply a political union, and he assumed, furthermore, that the the way cooperation could be established was to create a sentimental popular desire for it. He was no economist and he never thought in the terms of economics.

But a movement which was not prepared to urge social reorgan- ization at home could not possibly succeed in urging social reor- ganization “abroad.” Though the enthusiasm of Professor Curti and Mr. Whitney for their subject leads them to suggest that the second movement spread very widely, original sources do not sustain this view, but rather the view that the movement did not get very far; and it was extinguished in the Mexican Wars as the first was ex- tinguished in the Florida events.

It is significant that one of the early questions presented to the American peace agitation was the question of “defensive war.” It is one we still have with us, and which peace agitators in our own time, more than a hundred years after the origin of the agitation, have not faced either. The earliest peace agitator of all, David �[Page 19]AMERICAN PEACE MOVEMENTS 19

Low Dodge, had had nothing to do with this question for he had accepted the logic of Christianity and condemned all war. Wor- cester had condemned only “horrible wars,” without ever defining what he meant by “horrible wars.” Ladd’s movement opposed “ag- gtessive wars” but never reached a definition of what “aggressive war” meant, and indeed deliberately evaded the question because it was vexatious and “disruptive.” Consequently, when the Mexican War came the peace movement was rent asunder. There was no accepted test of aggression and so there could be no agreement whether that war was “aggressive” or not.

Like the World War later, the Mexican War both broke and made a peace movement. The decade before the Civil War was indeed a mixed decade: very much like the decade we have just experienced: with noisy outbreaks, noisy threats of outbreaks a... of great international peace confererices. There were territorial conflicts between this country and others, culminating in such ex- travagances as the “fifty-four, forty, or fight” campaign of 1844; and Europe, recovering from the long years of exhausted treasuries and manpower succeeding the Napoleonic Wars, began that lively competition for lands in Asia and Africa which was to lead, after a succession of wars, to the greatest war of all, in 1914. In this grow- ing crisis the inadequacies of the leaders of the second movement become tragically apparent. They had never stopped to consider the economic causes of war. While they dreamed of a political Congress of Nations they never got further. They never thought how the Congress might become established: they only thought how it might work if it did get established. The consequence was that, their dream once dreamt, their constructive work was done; and the single leader of public opinion until our own time who realized the fundamental causes of conflict and never tinkered with the problem of war and capitalism, oddly enough appeared at this juncture, too late to affect the course of events. That man was Elihu Burritt.

Born in abject poverty, Burritt had been set to work at an early age at the anvil to contribute to the slender resources of his family. His education had come, as Lincoln’s, through his own �[Page 20]20 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

diligence; and an extraordinary genius for languages enabled him to master no less than a score by the time he was thirty. He taught school for awhile, then turned to salesmanship and accumulated enough to set himself in business. But his modest property was wiped out by the panic of 1837; and he returned to the anvil, got interested in slavery and began to lecture. Studies in trade and economics convinced him of the fundamental unity in the interests of all people and it was this which led him to an interest in peace. His approach to the problem of war was thus different from that of any other peace agitator before him, and his more radical, economic philosophy shortly brought him a following and influence which gave new strength to the peace movement even upon the eve of the Mexican War. When the older peace leaders refused to condemn the Mexican ‘War, but upheld the popular doctrine “which requires us to support our government, right or wrong, in any war it may choose to undertake”, Burritt and a host of other radicals who could no longer endure the inanities of a peace move- ment which could not resist becoming a war movement, withdrew and started agitation of their own, which, through their “League of Universal Brotherhood”’, attained the distinction of a third move- ment.

Though it appeared at the worst possible juncture, yet, by shifting the whole basis of peace argument from Utopian terms to terms of social well-being and economic justice and self-interest, Burritt’s League flourished for awhile. It held several large, widely noted international congresses. But imperialism at home and abroad had been too long overlooked by the peace people; and the Crimean War in Europe and slavery and imperialism at home combined to destroy the last vestige of strength of America’s third peace move- ment which had succeeded in establishing cooperation with peace groups across the Atlantic. The dawn of the decade of the fifties found the movement ineffective and the Civil War obliterated it entirely.

Of the peace movement between the Civil War and the World War little needs to be said, for while there were strenuous efforts on the part of lawyers to codify international law and a movement �[Page 21]AMERICAN PEACE MOVEMENTS 21

for arbitration, which had set up faint ripples of agitations before the Civil War, got a tremendous impulse from the settlement of the Alabama Claims controversy and culminated in the organization of great “arbitration congresses” in Washington, and a bit of sen- timental discussion of “disarmament” was injected by the proposal of the Czar Nicholas II of The Hague Disarmament Conferences, and the conferences on Lake Mohonk took a faint economic twist in the discussion of peace and war it was all, again, superficial and nothing real was accomplished. Popular interest in peace undoubtedly increased during this period, but the effectiveness of peace agitation unquestionably did not increase. With the death of Elihu Burritt and the triumph of capitalism, the necessary radicalism of the movement vanished like dew before dawn and the peace agitation of the country passed into the hands of respect- able business men and lawyers committed to a philosophy of life and property which was totally incapable of producing the necessary social readjustment required by the end desired. This fourth peace movement struggled against the odds of an established system and philosophy of society. Radicalism no more existed in it than in religion, in business, in literature or in politics. Radicals like Wen- dall Philips were ‘greasy fellows”; defenders of labor were “‘sub- versive and dangerous”; and even New England, which had teemed with abolition radicalism before the Civil War, retired into brah- mian content and looked on agitators as “unspeakable persons.” In Professor Parrington’s felicitous phrase. any “reform” of that age was a “kid glove affair”. Even the men whom we think of now as the great protestants of the era, Edwin L. Godkin and Robert M. LaFollette, were liberals of the Mill, Grote, and Bentham school. They were all individualists: they all embraced laissez-faire phi- losophy. They did not contest the underlying system: they only contested its abuses. It was true with peace as with other reform; and “arbitration”, ‘disarmament’, “codification of international law” and the Bryan treaties as preventives of war were eventually drowned in the roar of war guns in Europe.

Occasionally, in this period, had come the sharp sting of radi- cal report. Henry George’s thorough-going analysis produced the �[Page 22]23 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

effect of a rifle shot in a still room and the enlivening influence of Spencer worked quietly through the period, with John Fiske, Henry Adams, Andrew D. White, as well as John R. Commons, George and a few other radicals fertilizing the American soil which, by the century’s turn had already begun to flower into the geniuses of Stephen Crane, Charles Norris, Upton Sinclair, Charles A. Beard, James T. Shotwell and Woodrow Wilson.

The peace forces in America remained rather well united in opposition to the Spanish War, but the War had loosed all the flood- gates of imperialism in the country and united with its increasing intensity abroad to extinguish the vigor and effect of peace agita- tion everywhere. It had taken only the rise of Theodore Roosevelt to the Presidency and of Henry Cabot Lodge to the chairmanship of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to reinforce nationalism in the country so that it became virtually unbreakable. Woodrow Wilson came to the Presidency at a most unhappy time for peace agitators; and the peace mfovement came to grief in the World War as inevitably as it had in the Mexican War and the Civil War and for exactly the same reasons. Into the question whether the aims of the war as defined by President Wilson justified the support of peace groups I shall not enter here. I record only the historical fact that Mr. Wilson was able to divert the movement for peace into a movement for war by stating the aim of the war to be a very high one, namely, “to save humanity,” and that as this was the very aim of the peace movement itself for a century of time, the peace people in 1917 almost unanimously agreed to substitute the method of war for “arbitration,” “codification,” “disarmament,” the Bryan treaties, and all the other methods of peace which they had so fondly and devotedly upheld as the “right” methods. The only groups which refused to fall in line were the uncompromising Quak- ers, socialists and members of various radical industrial organiza- tions like the I. W. W. Their numbers were not many.

Dr. Fleming, in his smoothly written narrative of Wilson's fight for the League, undertakes no analysis of the League itself or of the movement which Wilson led so that he does not present the real point at all; the weakness of the world unity which Woodrow �[Page 23]AMERICAN PEACE MOVEMENTS 23

Wilson conceived. This was essentially the weakness of the Con- gress of Nations which William Ladd conceived eighty-odd years before. The League which Wilson proposed had no intrinsic, inherent, economic powers. It had no control over the power of taxation, for instance and had to operate solely by and through governments whose societies were selfish, jealous, competitive and ungovernable. Wilson may have had greater ideas in the back of his head, but the League of Nations which was actually established was simply a structure superimposed upon an uncertain, compet- titive, warring anarchy of capitalist governments; and the real ex- planation of Wilson’s defeat at home, which Professor Fleming's book does not show, is to be found not in the political manoeuvres in Congress but in the unmitigated triumph of capitalism in America in the Civil War.

Wilson’s defeat utterly demoralized the peace movement it- self and peace agitation washed back into the limits within which it had floundered before and after Burritt’s time. Consider the differ- ent agitations which have arisen since the World War. What do you find? A bit of Worcesterian sentimentalism in the “Outlawry of war” movement, with nobody knowing what ‘“‘outlawry of war” meant, and nobody having or caring about, any definition of defen- sive war. As its originator, Mr. Salmon O. Levinson, once told me, it all began from his revulsion from the horrors of the World War. It was Worcester and his movement all over again; just a case of hysteria.

There was also a bit of the old arbitration and codification agitations revived in the great World Court agitation. There have been successive waves of “disarmament” movements. There has been valiant yet futile and sentimental urging of America’s mem- bership in the “Congress of Nations,” with great petition campaigns and appeals to the memory of Woodrow Wilson. That is all: a dull, flat, repetition of all the movements which Professor Cutti, Dr. Phelps and Mr. Whitney shows have gone before, waged with more money and enjoying improvements in transportation but with no more success.

Only one exception needs to be notec. One problem was actu- �[Page 24]24 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

ally solved which had caused infinite difficulty for, and helped to produce the ultimate destruction of, every other peace agitation in America. This was definition of aggression. An “American Com- mittee” consisting of General Tasker H. Bliss, David Hunter Miller, and Dr. James T. Shotwell in 1924 developed a definition of aggression which they carried to Geneva, but while it had some effect upon the discussion upon disarmament and security in the League of Nations, it had none on the American peace movement. No one was interested in such a “technical detail.” People were interested only in the “grand result.” The enthusiasm was for but- ton-holing Congressmen, circulating petitions (nobody knew what for), “outlawing war”, “joining the World Court’, “disarming governments”, and giving great banquets to hear “kid glove” re- formers. Nowhere, except among small bands of socialists and communists was there any serious analysis of the problem under- taken; and the peace people would not be seen in the company of socialists and communists. Like the peace people between the Civil War and the World War, they were too respectable. They did not realize that the end they desired could not be accomplished by their system of society or their methods.

That is why the peace movement 1s where it is today, and why it faces the present crisis in affairs just as every other movement, savings Burritt’s alone, faced their crises.

These books are not enough in themselves, however. Even the careful and scholarly works of Curti and Phelps isolate the various peace movements with which they deal from other move- ments and neglect their social rootages and environment. It is as though they believe, in common with peace agitators themselves, that their delicate flower is somehow unlike other flowers and does not require the common soil and the common air. Miss Phelps goes so far as to attempt to deal with an “international” peace move- ment within fixed dates and so misses entirely the essential differ- ences in the two movements which became mixed in the mid-nine- teenth century in America: the second and the third movements. We have yet to have a satisfactory history and analysis of the various peace movements in America. �[Page 25]WORLD ADVANCE A Monthly International Review by OscaR NEWFANG

Author of “The Road to World Peace,” “The Uwmited States of the World,” etc.

WorRLD RECOVERY AND THE DIMINISHING WAR DANGER

|= misery of peoples tends to drive their governments into

wars. It is a trait of human nature from which rulers are

not exempt, to put the blame for one’s troubles upon others.

Governments are very loth to admit that the wretched eco- nomic plight of their peoples is due to their own incapacity or misrule. They invariably trace the causes of the general misery to the conduct of foreign governments.

GOVERNMENTS BLAME THEIR TROUBLES UPON OTHER GOVERNMENTS

Germany, through her economic chief, Dr. Schacht, is at pres- ent loudly proclaiming to the German people and to the world at large that the plight of the nation is due to the fact that the repara- tion demands of the Allies have bled Germany white, have com- pelled her to borrow fifteen billion gold marks, have made it im- possible for the country to find sufficient foreign exchange ta purchase the necessary raw materials to keep her industries going; and that the foreign boycott of Germany’s exports and the numer- ous prohibitive tariffs raised against them have so reduced her ex- ports as to cause the enormous volume of unemployment which af- flicts the country.

Great Britain complains that the stagnation of her vitally im- portant textile industries and the consequent distress and wide- spread unemployment have been largely caused by Japan’s deprecia- tion of her currency, thus giving the latter country the added

25 �[Page 26]26 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

advantage of lower gold costs of manufacture in addition to her previous advantage of an extremely low wage scale, especially the wage scale for young girls who are boarded on the factory premises.

Russia loudly proclaims to her people that the capitalistic na- tions boycott her exports for the purpose of crushing communism; and that the outcry against Soviet dumping is merely a camo to cover this boycotting of the nation, thus crippling her plans for social progress.

The United States claims that her economic misfortunes have been largely caused by the cessation of European buying of her agricultural export surplus and the policy of autarchy, especially in vital food-stuffs, adopted by Germany and France; that the failure of European export markets for our agricultural products has so depressed rural prices that the farm population cannot buy the normal amount of urban manufactures, thus causing the large vol- ume of unemployment in this country, with its attendant distress.

And so it goes, each government blaming some other govern- ment for the misery of its people, and thus tending to stir up bad feeling, friction and danger of war.

Not only is every government apt to blame the actions of other governments for the troubles of its own people; but, if this trouble and distress become so intense as to endanger the rulers’ hold upon power, they are greatly tempted to create a diversion of the public mind from the domestic troubles by making war abroad. This temptation is doubly great, because every ruler or politician knows that the outbreak of war inevitably causes tremendous activity in almost all departments of a nation’s business, that it rapidly absorbs all unemployment by withdrawing large numbers of men from industry into the armies, that it causes an immediate rise of wages and prices, pleasing both workers and employers, and that it pro- duces a hectic and illusive prosperity throughout the country which for the moment removes the stress and keenness of competition for the employer and the fear of unemployment and meager wages for the worker.

As for the headache of the morning after the debauch,—the �[Page 27]WORLD ADVANCE “7

loss of the nation’s best manhood, the inevitable slump as the after- math of war, the enormous destruction of wealth, the creation of huge war debts to burden the coming years,—the masses of the population cannot and the ruling classes will not look that far a- head. This is the great danger of the present situation of the world, in which all the principal nations with the exception of Japan are struggling with the final aftermath of debt and depression caused by the World War.

THE PROSPECT OF ECONOMIC RECOVERY RENEWS HOPE AND STIMULATES EMPLOYMENT AND BUSINESS

After the pendulum of the business cycle has swung to the ex- treme of depression, the pressure of insatiable human needs and demands becomes so great that a movement in the direction of re- covery and returning business activity is brought about. The masses finally become convinced that the era of easy money is past, and that the only way to get out of hard times is by hard work; so they tighten their belts, roll up their sleeves and tackle whatever job they can find.

At the present time the principal commercial nations of the world have passed through the lowest trough of depression and are again slowly rising on the wave of returning prosperity. In all of these countries there are clear signs of the return toward normal business and economic welfare. Unemployment has passed its peak and is subsiding. In the United States four millions have been put back to work since the lowest point of unemployment; in Germany about two millions have been ze-employed; in Great Britain prob- ably five hundred thousand.

Statistics of business profits show an ever-increasing number of companies passing from red to black figures. In the United States corporate earnings for the first half of the current year are twice as large as those of the first half of last year. The general sentiment in Great Britain is, that the country has turned the corner and is again on the upgrade. Japan, thanks to her aggressive salesman- ship, is experiencing a large expansion of her industries and is cap- turing additional niarkets in all parts of the world. The spirit and �[Page 28]28 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

the determination to carry on have been restored in Germany by the fiery leadership of Hitler. Mussolini has dazzled the population of Italy with the vision of the restored grandeur of ancient Rome.

In Russia the reasonably complete realization of the five-year plan for the establishment of the heavy, basic industries has enabled the country to turn to = pxouuction * “onsumption goods, and thus to arouse among the general populace a lively hope of better living conditions in the years to come. This has firmly established Stalin’s view, that communism can succeed in one country alone; while a complete break-down of the Russian economic life would have restored the Trotzky faction, with its contention that commun- ism can succeed only if there is a world revolution and all countries are forced into that system. This would have meant endless agita- tion, violence and warfare in Europe and other continents.

THE WORLD QUIETS DOWN

With the progress of world recovery the danger of war is gradually diminishing. The rough seas caused by the storm of the World War are slowly subsiding. The Locarno Agreement, by which Germany voluntarily accepts her present eastern boundaries as satisfactory and permanent, has apparently put an end to the long- continued feud between her and France. With this settlement guar- anteed by Britain and Italy, the danger of war in this sore spot of Europe has been largely removed. On her eastern boundary Ger- many has concluded an agreement with Poland, that she will not seek to change the corridor arrangement by force of arms. This settlement, also, seems likely in the near future to be guaranteed by Russia and France, through an ‘Eastern Locarno”, thus removing a further serious danger of renewed warfare. The plebiscite in the Saar in January next will probably result in a German majority; and the re-annexation of this largely German-peopled district to the fatherland will remove the last source of war danger between Germany and France. The independence of Austria has been up- held by the firm attitude of Italy, backed by France and England, thus removing another danger of renewed warfare. In short, Hitler has recently exhibited a much less pugnacious attitude toward �[Page 29]WORLD ADVANCE 29

neighboring countries: and it is not beyond the range of possibilities that Germany will again be brought within the League of peace-lov- ing nations.

In the Far East the quarrel between Japan and Russia over the Chinese Eastern Railroad is in a fair way to final settlement, the difference in the figure offered by Manchukuo and that demanded by Russia being only forty million roubles. The two countries will probably get together by splitting the difference.

In the tangled and confused Chinese situation, Japan has a- roused considerable hope of a peaceful solution by a recent expres- sion of her readiness to work jointly with the other powers inter- ested in the task of pacifying that great country and re-establishing sound government among a quarter of the human race. Japan, like Germany, has recently shown a much less pugnacious attitude to other nations. Her new Premier, Admiral Keisuke Okada, is quoted by the Literary Digest as expressing the policy of his nation thus: “Peace is our uppermost ideal and our most resolute practical pur- pose. Peace, of course, stands at the head of all the world’s needs. It is the substructure of all we have and all we ever can have, busi- ness, science, the esthetic arts, happiness, life. War is simply the suicide of civilization.”

One of the most important, if not the most important, of the signs that the world is quieting down after the adjustments result- ing from the World War is the imminent entry of Russia into the League of Nations. Throughout the world the war between capi- talism and communism has been 2 most profound danger to the peace of nations. In Italy it produced the fascist regime and the corporative state; in Germany it brought about the National Social- ist revolution. Scarcely less serious have been the disturbing effects of this economic strife in Austria, in Chile, in Mexico, in Cuba and other countries. With the entry of Russia into the League of Nations it is probable that the fierce and violent fighting between capitalism and communism will be reduced to a friendly and peaceful, even though earnest and vigorous, competition and emulation between the two economic systems, in order to demonstrate which is super- ior in promoting the economic welfare of a nation. �[Page 30]30 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

THE OPPORTUNITY OF STRENGTHENING THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS DuRING THE YEARS OF QUIET

Experience with the operation of the League of Nations since its organization, especially in the undeclared Japanese-Chinese war and thy war between Paraguay and Bolivia, has fully »*oved that the Le. ie machinery as at present constituted is too weak to keep the peace of the world. France has foreseen this from the begin- ning and has, ever since the founding of the League, insisted upon the need of armed force, in order to enable the League to command respect for its decisions. War games conducted within the past few weeks have induced military leaders of both England and France to admit fully, that it would be impossible to protect either London, Paris, or any other European metropolis from destruction, if they were attacked in force from the air. One of the leading Paris dailies says: ““We would have the vold consolation that we could destroy Beilin as surely as Paris could be destroyed. In the warfare of the future there will be neither victors nor vanquished: there will be only victims.”

Would it not be a wise act on the part of the League of Nations to consider now, during the years in which Europe has in a measure gained freedom from the war fever, in what manner an effective international police force to keep the peace of the world can be established? i the four great powers, England, France, Germany and Russia, could be persuaded to pool their air forces and place them under the control of the League of Nations, its writ would run undisputed to the four corners of the earth. America and Japan would readily see that they must either come in and have a part in making the Law of Nations, or must submit to that Law without a voice in its formulation.

All history has shown that every confederation of states that has proved successful in establishing justice and maintaining peace among its member states has, after experience with this loose form of organization, been developed into an organic federation, with legislative, judicial and executive powers in all interstate relations, and with a federal force sufficient to make the general laws and the judicial decisions respected by all the states, and thus give the fed- �[Page 31]WORLD ADVANCE 31

eration full power to maintain law, order and peace among the member states. Witness the ancient Greek Federation, the Swiss Federation, the German Federation, the American Federation.

If the League of Nations is to fulfill its principal mission of establishing international justice and preserving world peace, it must be developed along the lines that these lessons of history point out. The present period of comparative quiet in Europe would seem to be an excellent time to press the study of the best method of strengthening the world organization and promoting world unity. �[Page 32]THE INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF TEACHING AND EDUCATION

From the Monthly Publication of the International Institute of Educational Cinemetography, Rome, Italy

ROM April 19, to April 25, 1934 there was held in Rome, un- ik the auspices of the International Institute of Educational

Cinemetography the Teaching and Education Congress at

which representatives of governments, corporate bodies, asso- ciations and private persons from all parts of the world met to ex- amine the present position of the cinema in connection with didac- tics and education, and to trace out the policy of the future for the motion picture in these fields.

A few figures will suffice to demonstrate the importance of the Rome meetings. Either officially or semi-officially 45 nations par- ticipated; there were over 700 congressists, the majority of whom represented national or international institutions which count their members by the million. There were about 240 written reports sent to the secretary of the Congress before the sittings began and during the sittings and debates. Five days of verbal arguments led to the drafting and approval at the final general assembly of the resolutions which are published in the pages of this review. All this provides a synthesis of the real importance of the Congress, an importance which was revealed at the inaugural ceremony, when His Excellency Benito Mussolini opened the meeting with some clear incisive and expressive remarks in the course of which he pointed out that the motion picture is one of the most interesting aspects of the present movement for the progress of civilization. It is an industry, he declared, which employs a capital running into millions and gives work to millions of persons from artists to 32 �[Page 33]CONGRESS OF TEACHING AND EDUCATION 33

walkers-on and supers, and casts on the screens of the world pic- tures which are seen by scores of millions of people.

It will be well to summarize in a few lines the antecedents and consequences of the Rome conference, to examine why and how the congress met in the building of the I. I. E. C. and to see what conclusions may be drawn from the work accomplished.

The Congress must logically be considered, as was stated from the beginning in the program which the I. I. E. C. issued to explain the agenda, as a direct manifestation of the Rome Institute’s activity and as a necessary consequence of its five years of work.

The Rome Institute began, as far back as November 7928, to make systematic and critical research into all that had been attempted in various countries for utilizing the motion picture for didactic and educational ends. It organized symposia and inquiries in several countries which were used to gather opinions and contrasting views on points that were deemed and actually were full of uncertainties. It has founded a review which has gathered together some magnifi- cent material in the way of documentation, and scientific research.

From this first purely theoretical and preparatory phase, the next move was the formation of National Committees of the Edu- cational Cinema in various countries, whose work was to act as collaborators of the I. I. E. C. in their own country, and to help to spread the use of the educational motion picture. The next step was the preparation of a comparative study on world cinema legis- lation which was destined from the very beginning to furnish prac- tical results, both with regard to the fiscal treatment accorded to films and the question of the protection of children and young people from harmful spectacles. Soon after this, there followed the presentation and approval at Geneva before an international conference, of the Customs Convention. The purpose of this was to facilitate the free transit across frontiers of films having a genuine international value for didactic and educational ends. Finally we have the preparation of the Encyclopedia of the Film, a work unique of its kind and a genuine novelty, to which the leading experts and technicians of the motion picture have contributed. The encyclo- pedia will be published shortly. �[Page 34]34 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

This is a practical synthesis which shows a realization of the problems that have everywhere formed the object of study and research, and demonstrates a certainty, drawn from experience and the work of experts, that the contrasts of opinions and the doubts encountered in the section of the teaching film, including those of a methodological character, have been overcome. We have arrived at definite conclusions, and now rather than it being a question of harmonizing different tendencies, it is a case of coordinating minor forms and elements of the whole question.

It is now universally recognized that the motion picture must form an integral part of teaching; that its value is greater than that of other visual aids, even though there may be subjects where the use of the lantern slide, models or laboratory experiments are more useful. This is merely a detail of the application of a principle which is now generally accepted. It is clear that the double use of text-book and film must harmonize with scholastic programmes, or rather vice versa, since it is perhaps more logical that new cur- ricula and new methods of study should appreciate and follow the value of the motion picture in the school and conform themselves to its use and wider diffusion. No one disputes the fact that the teacher must not be driven out of the school by the film, and that the school must not run the danger of being excessively mechanized, while the teacher must always remain the master of the situation. There is another observation which arises in connection with the foregoing and has nothing to do with the motion picture and its utility but concerns didactics. This point is that programmes or curricula ought to be adapted to the necessities of the various scholastic grades and classes, and that only such film instruction is useful as is suitable for the mentality, minds and future lives of the children and young people. Thus, the more difficult forms of study are to be left to those whose intention it is to undertake regular courses of study and frequent the universities. On the other hand, the simpler forms of motion picture instruction should be reserved for the elementary grades, for the sons of agricultural laborers or operatives, who will, in all probability, not prosecute their studies after a few years at the elementary school. �[Page 35]CONGRESS OF TEACHING AND EDUCATION 35

The teachers who propose to engage in this work of film did- actics ought to be specialized and they should be encouraged to make a full use of the cinema, lantern slides and all aids in general for the advancement of culture and a knowledge of life.

To go back to the Congress, there has never been any doubt that the motion picture can be used in the best possible way for technical and trade teaching as well as for spreading agricultural notions. It has always been a case of coming down to details and particulars, of establishing the method to be followed to obtain the best results from the film.

The problem assumed a different aspect when the strict limits of teaching were left behind and one entered into the sphere of psy- chology and therefore of physiology and the applications of the motion picture to science.

In the case of both of these departments we have to face a hypothesis which is different from the didactic question. We have to consider the possible psychological and physiological damage that the cinema may cause to the minds and spirits of the youngest spectators. What damage and harm do we refer to in the case of the scholastic film? Since it is clear that proper didactic and cul- tural films can only in very exceptional cases, that is, in the case of sicl: children, be the cause of harm, it results that the problem here is entirely one of detail, of systems of production and projection, of adapting the projection to the pupils and the general surround-

ings. Thus it is not possible to lay down once and tor all certain definite rules, but a great deal must inevitably be left in this ques- tion to the prudent judgment and intelligence of the teacher him- self.

Therefore, the psychological and physiological harm must be looked for in another section. That is, in the domain of the theatri- cal or spectacular picture. This is not of immediate interest to teach- ing, but only to education in general and the principles of safe- guarding our young people which require state action.

In the matter of scientific teaching, apart from the undoubted utility of the motion picture for didactics and popularizing prin- ciples and scientific research, where it is used in laboratories under �[Page 36]36 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

the direct command and direction of the teachers, we have to face another problem, which is that of the kind of film to project. Kind can refer to the production and the projection. In the matter of creation, we must never forget that the film intended for primary school children must always be perfectly simple, clear and elemen- tary, and we may say, in a sense, of a standardized demonstrative nature.

_In the case of scientific pictures, the producer is no longer bound by the limitations which come from having to address his film to unformed and virgin minds and intelligences. He has full liberty of language and expression. He can give his comment an individual style, as if it were a conference and not only a lesson. Thus, while the teaching film for the lower grades only requires a collaboration between expert technician and teacher, so that strict adherence to the curriculum and the documentary truth are respect- ed according to the best technical canons, the scientific picture can reveal to us the individuality and personality of its creator. Teacher and expert join together and give, consequently, a characteristic touch to each picture in which the technician also to some lesser extent contributes.

In connection with the kind of film, it is clear that we must graduate projections according to the possibilities and capacities of the spectator. There are episodes of horror, disgust and terror which are useful for the scientist for purposes of study, but which are often enough dangerous for young people. Still, as we have already said, the solution of the problem is a simple one. It is, in the long run, all a question of method, common sense and good taste. There is no need to lay down laws and regulations here, but once the principle has been established, we must settle each case on its own merits.

The I. I. E. C., in devoting much of its activity to the scientific film, is seeking to carry out in connection therewith one of its most important tasks, which is the preparation, with the aid of technical commissions all over the world, of a medical-surgical encyclopedia which will be the first of its kind for the use of students and teachers in medicine and surgery. �[Page 37]CONGRESS OF TEACHING AND BDUCATION 37

The teaching world would seem, therefore, apart from some questions of method to have overcome the difficult period in the utilization of the motion picture. It has, at any rate, overcome the theoretical difficulties. It becomes therefore a good moment for the interested parties to abandon theory for practice, to place their plans of work in alignment with contingent necessities, and to make sure that the application of principles is made in conformity with what had been foreseen.

There is one section where the motion picture can develop without practically any limitations, and where the study of the whole subject is still in a rudimentary state. This is the department of technique and education in general.

A study of film technique will help us to find the best motion picture cameras and projectors for families, schools, public bodies, associations, traveling propaganda and public cinemas. Types of apparatus, format: of film, the question of non-inflammability and inflammability, systems for reducing the danger from fire in cine- mas (halls, schools, cabins) the respective didactic and educational value of the silent and talking film; the colored film; the slow motion and accelerated running off of films, micro-cinematography; X-ray cinematography, types of screens etc., are all subjects which demand our attention. The list is endless. In order to facilitate the interchange of films, the institution of cinema repositories and dis- tribution centres for films, it will be necessary to examine, as the Congress proposed, the creation of a standard type of reduced size film, which does not exclude the possibility of continuing to use normal 35 mm films for scientific and high cultural pictures. Such films can afterwards be reduced to a smaller format without losing anything of their luminous quality. Indeed, the reduction may even improve it.

If the Congress, in fact, engaged in lengthy and lively debates on the varous forms of dynamic methodology, and if it approved a large number of important resolutions in this field of activity, from which it clearly results, as we have already said, that if the decisions arrived at do not alter the situation much, and tend only rather to improve and consolidate it, it is clear that in certain fields, such as �[Page 38]38 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

those covered by the second and third section there was and is, on the contrary, much to be done.

We have referred to the question of technique. The doubts and anxieties of the Congress which, as a rule, can be perceived from the tenor of the resolutions, appear more than once in the debates and motions put forward:

— criterion of the historic, scientific and general documentary truth of the filrn not only to secure a national but also an interna- tional spread of the motion picture especially as a means of leading to a better understanding between nations;

— typical characteristics of the popular film;

— psychological and physiological effects of theatrical pro- jections on the crowd, and particularly on children and young persons;

— propaganda value of news-reels for international ends and the advisability of examining the establishment of news-reels of an international character composed of items supplied by different countries and the best means for circulating such rapidly;

— the question of the cinema press. Its rapid growth imposes responsibilities. It is therefore to be hoped that it may be able to direct the spectators’ minds towards loftier ideals rather than en- courage bad taste and doubtful expressions and ideas;

— the formation of national committees along the lines of those already existing, in all those countries where such do not exist, in order to arrive at the formation of a vast network of local centers connected with the Rome Institute;

— the characteristics of international catalogues which must necessarily follow the ratification and putting into effect of the Geneva Customs convention;

— intensification and coordination in the establishment of cinema archives or repositories, film museums of a national char- acter for fixing the criteria for making collections of the local pro- duction, and to act as liaison organs for the future formation of cinema archives; museums and repositories of an international character;

— the protection of young persons, and therefore the prepara- �[Page 39]CONGRESS OF TEACHING AND EDUCATION 39

tien of suitable legislation for this purpose, and of international

conventions which, without touching the difficult question of cen-

sorship, would consider the case of young persons and the motion icture;

. — the necessity of providing a form of censorship to be exer-

cised not only on the film, but on variety spectacles and on the

advertising and publicity portions of projections;

— in order to safeguard the position of young people, to con- sider the possibility and practical nature of preparing for them special programs of a cultural nature for one projection; such pictures to have also a recreational side to them so that the children do not feel the lack of the ordinary theatrical picture which they are accustomed to see;

— to consider the difficult questions of blind-booking or block-booking to see what the effect of this system is, and to consider the possibility of finding out through an international inquiry what form of film distribution may be arrived at to avoid the disadvan- tapes inherent in the method referred to;

— to examine the question of the different effect and value of films on peoples of different race, mentality and culture.

All these points and many others besides were debated, with- out touching the question of the numerous types of film for the various departments of education and the necessity of examining the popular picture from the artistic, musical and aesthetic points of view, etc.

It is therefore clear that if the teaching film has found its proper path, which we must improve and keep in order, there re- mains still much to be done for the educational film and the question of an international distribution and circulation of pictures of this nature. There is work here to be faced immediately.

All this requires a change in our attitude. We must face the necessity of considering fresh problems and of not running the risk of becoming stale and mechanized, repeating things said a great number of times already, even though in different words. Other- wise we shall risk becoming monotonous and pedantic. We must seek new paths for the development of the motion picture, paths �[Page 40]40 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

that no one so far has cared to seek out.

The Rome Congress has given the excellent results which were to be hoped for. Ferhaps it has even done more than was expected. This shows its usefulness from every point of view, in studying the various probiems of the hour. It has also allowed us to gather to- gether a valuable mass of documents which will appear gradually in these pages. The resolutions of the Congress « ‘ll stand like a milestone for the future of the cinema, and as an act of faith and will on the part of all the congressists, to whom we proffer our greetings and cordial thanks for their calm and profitable collabora- tion. :

The I. I. E. C. believes that it has accomplished its purpose with and through the Congress. It succeeded in assembling in Rome ex- perts and men of science from all parts of the world and enabled them to engage in useful and profitable debates. It has collected with their help a mass of valuable material which is unique. It has indicated, through the resolutions that were approved, a definite policy for the public bodies, institutes, organizations, governments, etc., represented.

It now becomes the task of the governments and bodies them- selves to carry into effect what they deem advisable.

The Rome Institute will always be ready to give its assistance in work, sympathy or action. If the objects aimed are not reached, it will not be the fault of the I. I. E. C., which has done its best in encouraging, in willing and in daring.

The forty-third modern movement presented in the department ‘The World We Live In.” �[Page 41]SPIRITUAL NEEDS IN THIS TIME OF CRISIS by EDGAR J. FISCHER

American University, Beirut

HERE ate few who would deny that we are now living in a

time of acute crisis. Some few years ago General Smuts de-

clared that “humanity has struck its tents and is once more

on the march”. More recently that keen observor Walter Lippmann said that this is a “very dark moment in the history of mankind” and that “the heart of the crisis is in the will and purpose of men”. We are apparently living through the passing of an old order, and man is at a turning point. How the corner is turned is of tremendous importance. What is the spirit and promise of the new order toward which we are heading? Socialized individualism, a kind of paradox, is an urgent need in helping us to turn the cor- ner sanely. The individualism of the past has been too crassly selfish and unmindful of social responsibilities. Our individualism must be teeming with spiritual content, a spirituality that uses the in- dividual for social ends. As individuals we must have a religion that beautifies and improves private and public life, that stirs to iove and refuses to degrade itself by the hatreds that are so preval- ent to-day.

This crisis is unparalleled, so different from those of the past, in that it is generally widespread throughout the world. This of course is inevitable because we now live in a completely interrelated world. One of the tragedies of our present time is that we stub- bornly refuse to accept the implications of this interrelated world, and try to live and act as if we can get along without one another. Unmistakable signs of the time show that the crisis has affected our institutions and our values. In the economic sphere the capitalist

4t �[Page 42]42 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

system has cracked in many places, and some of its institutions can hardly survive unless in greatly altered form. Unemployment has reached unprecedented proportions, and distress has deepened the class struggle. In the political field nationalism, more harshly com- petitive than ever, has been intensified on all continents. The bene- ficent idea that the State should serve the needs of man has rather given way to the theory that man is offered as a sacrifice to the oft merciless desires of the State. States demand population in- creases in order to inherit the earth. Religious institutions are suborned for political ends. A supposedly responsible executive encourages a mob to lynching by promising immunity to any appre- hended in this cruel lawlessness. Violence continues in presumably deliberative assemblies, and the populace in many lands now nor- mally takes to street demonstrations accompanied by great destruc- tion to voice their desires. Men acquitted in trial are held by the authorities themselves in ‘‘preventive arrest”. The institutions of international cooperation have experienced serious reverses. The World Economic Conference failed in its larger ends at London, and the World Disarmament Conference has all but collapsed. The “second to none” programs of the great naval Powers are again bandied about. In the hardened attitude of German nationalism of promised ruthlessness, we are reaping the failure of punitive treaties and the tardy efforts at securing equality among the nat’ ons. The values upon which the noblest philosophers and teachers of the ages set high store are being rudely attacked. Racialism is being glorified in certain quarters at a time when the scientists are proving that cultural contacts and not a grotesque sense of race superiority have made our civilization progressive. The outworn theory in international life that denies to others the rights it claims for itself is seeking to assert itself again against the newer ideal that would offer to others the rights claimed by itself. One doubts how pure in value much of modern patriotism is when one sees free institutions crippled by those who so loudly shout the word, What country is even reasonably free from graft and cor- ruption in both national and municipal life? For centuries men and women have struggled for freedom, until the Great War was sup- �[Page 43]SPIRITUAL NEEDS 43

posed to be a supreme effort for freedom. But this value seems to be all but forsaken, with a disbelief in liberalism and democracy, and valiant youth in throngs giving up the right to think or even to live.

It seems obvious that we must somehow secure effective so- cialized virtues, such as cooperation, service and social responsibil- ity. We must somehow fulfil the spiritual demands of true religion. Instead of making a religion out of nationalism and racialism, we must put religion into them, and spiritualize them, so that these aims and purposes become more worthy of our human intelligence. We are in need of learning how to evolve and not merely revolve. Modern revolution in all its innumerable phases and appeals to violence smacks too much of transitory man-made manufacture, of mere revolving, whereas God appears to be present in the evolution of our human institutions. It has been said that civilization is like a tree with dead wood. Someone says, “Don’t touch it”, which counsel is apt to lead to ultimate extinction. Another says “Cut it down”, which counsel would be apt to bring like results. The wiser way would be, “Prune it, so that we lose neither the old trunk, nor the new branches”. Too many of us are like the door on hinges, swinging back and forth in a narrow orbit, content not to bring about any change lest it prove in the least unsetting. Others are like unattached wheels bouncing hither and yon, without relation to the past, present or future, rushing to acce,t every new sugges- tion.

The validity of our thinking and our action depends on neither its oldness nor its newness, but upon its basis in spiritual values, such as truth and justice. Our selfish individualism has ignored this too much in the past, for it has lacked social utility. It has been selfishly hinged, and has not been warmly inclusive to serve the community to a sufficient extent. Our social thinking and con- duct has lagged behind that of the exact sciences. The exact scien- tist trusts the results of repeated experiments in his laboratory. When a certain combination produces negative results, he does not ignore the results or try to fool himself by expecting positive results the next time. In our social conduct, we do not so wisely �[Page 44]44 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

accept the results of past experiments. Somehow we expect to try and commit error again in the hope that wisdom will appear to justify us where formerly folly was the fruitage that appeared. Hence we keep blundering into wats, we continue to expect profit from hating our neighbors, we allow poverty to stalk about us, and we expect prosperity from competition between employer and employee. Whether it is to our liking or not, there is a wise and a foolish way of life. Too apt for this age was the description of the Psalmist when he wrote, “a generation that set not their heart a- right, and whose spirit was not steadfast with God”. To attain the wise way of life, we need to realize the presence of God, and to see him manifested in the laws of biology, of chemistry, of phys- ics, and in humanity’s struggle to attain a social order based on law and justice.

There is indeed much difference of opinion as to just what this unparalleled crisis is, even though all agree that it exists. The problem is spiritual. Of supreme importance is the spirit with which we face the crisis. It will be resolved through spiritualized individuals, through men and women who have spiritual power for their tasks. As one considers the lives of great personalities, who have been marked by spiritual power, there are discovered certain guide-posts, which they held in common, that should be of value to us in our Crisis.

One of their qualities was a personal faith in God. And their God was lord of all the earth, and not merely of a single tribe, race, or color. Bind God by geography, politics or race, and you limit Him correspondingly in His power for individual and social good. He then lacks the essence of deity. Only a universal God can rescue us from discord. Their habit of responding to God was another means of guidance. It is by obedience to His will that we can respond to the light received, and that we can sense the wisdom of God coming to dwell among us. And the barometer of your spiritual welfare, of your response to God, is the extent to which you are willing and able to help others. A third source of spiritual power is the practice of righteousness. This is indeed to partake of the spirit of prophecy. For it one needs quiet and retreat, with- �[Page 45]SPIRITUAL NEEDS 45

drawal for strength through prayer. How else could those most modern of men, the ancient Hebrew prophets, have attained their sublime heights of spiritual power. Listen to the judgment of Amos upon certain ideas current in his time. His people claimed to be the one chosen people of God. No, he thundered to them, God is a God of all mankind. They felt that ceremony and form consti- tuted the vital spark of religion. No, said the prophet again, for God demands righteousness and truth. The people praised the exaltation of the nation through wealth and prosperity. No, de- clared Amos, for they are the wedge to sin and catastrophe. All of which sounds exceedingly modern. Whence came this insight into truth so sorely needed in our present crisis? It came through a life habituated to the practice of goodness and the avoidance of evil; it came from choosing the higher and avoiding the lower.

It is this spiritual culture, practised by those who have attained spiritual power, that is needed today. He who attains intellectual and physical strength has undoubtedly schooled himself by consis- tent intellectual and physical training. Spiritual power surely can- not come without cultivation, without careful culture. For this purpose there is need of meditation, of prayer, of fellowship with sacred books, and devotional literature. But intellectual or emo- tional assent is not sufficient. Convictions must be developed, must be followed, and must be lived. The spiritual life is to do as well as to know. Religion, if it is true and undefiled, cannot be kept to oneself, bottled up as it were. Goodness, justice, faithful- ness, kindness, brotherliness—these are religious ideals. They are pervasive, and will not be bound and restricted. Through spiritual culture chasms are bridged. There is not a single political or public problem of this old tottering world—whether East, West, North or South—that spiritual culture will not bridge. There is no single personal difficulty that the cultivation of the spiritual life will not heal. The same sources are available, and yet ripened by repeated experience, as have been available for lives of spiritual power in the ages past. They are needed today, so that men and women may be freed from the monstrous obsessions that have too long prevailed.

This crisis will be surmounted when there are enough in- �[Page 46]46 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

dividuals spiritualized for the task. There have been at least two supremely significant statements to fit our need. One is that im- mortal verse from the prophet Micah: “He hath shewed thee, O man, what is good; and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God”. And second is the response that Jesus made to the Pharisee, who came and asked for a statement of the Great Commandment: “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind. This is the first and great com- mandment. And the second is like unto it, “Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. On these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets”. When the History of this time comes to be written in the years to come, will it not be found that this unparal- leled crisis was surmounted by the men and women of our time according to the extent to which the great laws were frally followed? �[Page 47]A DISCUSSION OF INDUSTRIAL JUSTICE* by ‘ABDU’L-BAHA

OU have questioned me about strikes. This question is and will be for a long time the subject of great difficulties. Strikes are due to two causes. One is the extreme sharp- ness and rapacity of the capitalists and manufacturers; the other, the excesses, the avidity and ill-will of the workmen and artisans. It is therefore necessary to remedy these two causes.

But the principal cause of these difficulties lies in the laws of the present civilization, for they lead to a small number of indi- viduais accumulating incomparable fortunes, beyond their need, whilst the greater number remains destitute, stripped, and in the

misery. This is contrary to justice, to humanity, to equity; it is the height of iniquity, the opposite to what causes divine sat- isfaction.

This contrast is peculiar to the world of man. With other creatures, that is to say with nearly all animals, there is a kind of justice and equality. Thus in a shepherd’s flock of sheep, in a troop of deer in the country, among the birds of the prairie, of the plain, of the hill or of the orchard, almost every animal receives a just share based on equality. With them such a difference in the means of existence is not to be found, so they live in the most com- plete peace and joy.

It is quite otherwise with the human species, which persists in the greatest error, and in absolute iniquity. Consider an individual who has amassed treasures by colonizing a country for his profit. He has obtained an incomparable fortune, and has secured profits and incomes which flow like a river, whilst a hundred thousand unfortunate people, weak and powerless, are in need of a mouthful of bread. There is neither equality nor brotherhood. So you see

• From notes taken at Akka in 1907 by Laura Clifford Barney.

47 �[Page 48]48 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

that general peace and joy are destroyed, the welfare of humanity is partially annihilated, and that collective life is fruitless. Indeed, fortune, honors, commerce, industry are in the hands of some indus- trialists, whilst other people are submitted to quite a series of dif- ficulties and to limitless troubles; they have neither advantages, nor profits, nor comforts, nor peace.

Then rules and laws should be established to regulate the ex- cessive fortunes of certain private individuals, and limit misery of millions of the poor masses; thus a certain moderation would be obtained. However, absolute equality is just as impossible, for ab- solute equality i in fortunes, honors, commerce, agriculture, industry would end in a want of comfort, in discouragement, in disorganiz- ation of the means of existence, and in universal disappointment: the order of the community would be quite destroyed. Thus, there is a great wisdom in the fact that equality is not imposed by law: it is therefore, preferable for moderation to do its work. The main point is, by means of laws and regulations to hinder the constitution of the excessive fortunes of certain individuals, and to protect the essential needs of the masses. For instance, the manufacturers and the industrialists heap up a treasure each day, and the poor artisans do not gain their daily sustenance: that is the height of iniquity, and no just man can accept it.

Therefore, laws and regulations should be established which would permit the workmen to receive from the factory owner their wages and a share in the fourth or the fifth part of the profits, according to the wants of the factory; or in some other way the body of workmen and the manufacturers should share equitably the profits and advantages. Indeed, the direction and administration of affairs should come from the owner of the factory, and the work and labor, from the body of the workmen. In other words, the workmen should receive wages which assure them an adequate support, and when they cease work, becoming feeble or helpless, they should receive from the owner of the factory a sufficient pen- sion. The wages should be high enough to satisfy the workmen with the amount they receive, so that they may be able to put a little aside for days of want and helplessness. �[Page 49]%- 58450 49

INDUSTRIAL JUSTICE DISCUSSION

When matters will be thus fixed, the owner of the factory will no longer put aside daily a treasure which he has absolutely no need of—without taking into consideration (the fact that) if the fortune is disproportionate, the capitalist succumbs under a formidable burden, and gets into the greatest difficulties and troubles; the ad- ministration of an excessive fortune is very difficult and exhausts man’s natural strength. And, the workmen and artisans will no longer be in the greatest misery and want, they will no longer be submitted to the worst privations at the end of their life.

It is, then, clear and evident that the repartition of excessive fortunes amongst a small number of individuals, whilst the masses are in misery, is an iniquity and an injustice. In the same way, ab- solute equality would be an obstacle to life, to welfare, to order and to the peace of humanity. In such a question a just medium is preferable. It lies in the capitalists being moderate in the acquisi- tion of their profits, and in having a consideration for the welfare of the poor and needy; that is to say, that the workmen and artisans receive a fixed and established daily wage and have a share in the general profits of tne factory.

It would be well, with regard to the social rights of manu- facturers, workmen and artisans, that laws be established giving moderate profits to manufacturers, and to workmen the necessary means of existence and security for the future. Thus, when they become feeble and cease working, get old and helpless, and die leaving children under age, these children will not be annihilated by excess of poverty. And it is from the income of the factory it- self, to which they have a right, that they will derive a little of the means of existence.

In the same way, the workmen should no longer rebel and re- volt, nor demand beyond their rights; they should no longer go out on strike, they should be obedient and submissive, and not ask for impudent wages. But the mutual rights of both associated parties will be fixed and established according to custom by just and impartial laws. In case one of the two parties should transgress, the courts of justice would give judgment, and by the efficacious fine put an end to the transgression; thus order will be reestablished �[Page 50]5° WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

and the difficulties settled. The interference of courts of justice and of the government in difficulties pending between manufac- turers and workmen is legal, for the reason that current affairs between workmen and manufacturers cannot be compared with or- dinary affairs between private persons, which do not concern the public and with which the government should not occupy itsclf. In reality, although they appear to be matters between private per- sons, these difficulties between patrons and workmen produce a general detriment; for commerce, industry, agriculture and the general affairs of the country are all intimately linked together. If one of these suffers an abuse, the detriment affects the mass. Thus the difficulties between workmen and manufacturers become a cause of general detriment.

The court of justice and the government have therefore the rights of interference. When a difficulty occurs between two in- dividuals with reference to private rights, it is necessary for a third to settle the question. This is the part of the government: then the question of strikes—which cause troubles in the country and are often connected with the excessive vexations of the workmen, as well as with the rapacity of manufacturers—how could it remain neglected ?

Good God! Is it possible that, seeing one of his fellow-crea- tures starving, destitute of everything, a man can rest and live comfortably in his luxurious mansion? He who meets another in the greatest misery, can he enjoy his fortune? That is why, in the Religion of God, it is prescribed and established that wealthy men each year give over a certain part of their fortune for the mainten- ance of the poor and unfortunate. That is the foundation of the Re- ligion of God, and the most essential of the commandments.

Since at present man is not forced nor obliged by the govern- ment, if by the natural tendency of his good heart, with the great- est spirituality, he goes to this expense for the poor, this will be a thing very much praised, approved and pleasing. �[Page 51]THE WAY OUT*

I.

The Unseen Assassins, by Norman Angell. Harper & Bros. America Weighs Her Gold, by James Harvey Rogers. Yale Univ. Press. Recovery: The Second Effort, by Arthur Salter. Century Co. The Framework of an Ordered Society, by Arthur Salter. Mac- millan Co. The Spirit of World Politics, by William Earnest Hock- ing. Macmillan Co.

Norman Angell is one of the few authors whose pre-war re- cord qualified him to be an international spokesman for the post- war era. The evils which devastate our civilization, he holds, ate due neither to wickedness nor ignorance, but to disregard of know- ledge which we possess, though we are unaware of that disregard. We apply policies which create social and economic evils, because we fail to see the results inherent in our actions. These unperceived implications are the Unseen Assassins of peace and welfare. He wrote this book to help the ordinary man perceive the sequence of cause and effect in politics and economics. His major thesis is that in international relations we follow the method of anarchy, non- government, after centuries of experience of the need for govern- ment to order the community. Proving that separate national sov- ereignty is an illusion, he finds hope in a recent subtle change of spirit and attitude. While not developing any definite principle of world order, he makes it clear that without such an order the devastation will deepen.

Professor Rogers deals with the financial aspect of the post- war eta. He makes it clear why the War Debts are uncollectable, why a high tariff policy is disastrous to an America changed from a debtor to a creditor nation, and why there cannot be a self-con- tained economic nationalism without sacrifice of the standard of living. To American isolation he attributes a large measure of res- ponsibility for the recent economic collapse. ‘Under our Leader-

• A summary of the various principles of world development advanced in the books listed in the replies

received orld Unity Que ive oo Sree to the question: “What hook written since 1918 most clearly shows the way out from the p t international problems?”

51 �[Page 52]§2 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

ship, in the period when transportation and communication have made their most rapid advances, the world is just becoming a series of exclusive walled estates, with almost unlimited restrictions to otherwise highly beneficial trade relationships.” The imp!ications of this careful exploration of modern finance are free international trade and a world gold standard, but the framework necessary for this consummation is not mentioned. The greatest value of this work, and in fact its aim, is to bring the average citizen face to face with the realities of international finance.

Sir Arthur Salter, in addition to the knowledge of a student of international affairs, has the experience derived from respon- sibility for coordinating the shipping of the Allied Nations during the War. In this book he takes in turn the special problems of Money and Gold, Credit and Finance, Reparation and War Debts, Commercial Policies and Tariffs, Industrial Organization, Govern- mental Regulation and Control, and Political Security. “We need to construct such a framework of law, custom, institutions, and planned guidance and direction, that the thrust of individual effort and ambition can operate only to the general advantage.” The vol- ume develops the picture of the world community in all its post- war Crisis—economic, political, financial and social—and suggests certain steps which, taken altogether, reasonably promise an emer- gence from the abyss before things go to the point of complete revolution. His “First Aid Measures” include a settlement of the German indemnity problem as the basis of settlement of the entire international war debt situation; the increase of gold prices and the stabilization of the international price level; the resumption of foreign lending; steps toward international free trade; internal re- form in the great Powers; establishment of the basis of political peace and confidence. “Government can again fit itself for its ul- timate guardianship of the public good, which can not either safely or justly be intrusted to any other institution, in five ways.” These are: ridding itself of the task of giving preferential assistance to sectional interests, decentralizing its functions, simplifying its du- ties by confining its decisions to a framework of main principles, extending its own mechanism by the establishment of varying kinds �[Page 53]THE WAY OUT $3

of mixed institutions in which private management is diluted by an element of public representation, and drawing into service of the public the great private institutions (Chambers of Commerce, Banking Institutions, Industrial and Labor Organizations, etc.) which represent the organized activities of the country. “America could help Europe to make the League effective for its own mem- bers, and at the same time make her own Pact a reality, without accepting the political engagements of the Covenant, or foregoing her own liberty of independent judgment. . . If she would undertake to exert her influence to restrain a country which she herself recog- nized to have broken the Kellogg Pact, to refrain in such a case from impeding the action taken by others to do so, and to consult with other signatories of the Pact. . .in such a way as not to impair the working of the League machinery.”

“The Framework of an Ordered Society” consists of three lectures delivered a year or so later than the book “Recovery.” After reviewing the reasons why a new system is necessary, the author pleads that a planned and directed economic system must be con- trolled from within. “The economic system must develop institu- tions through which it can to the extent required regulate its own activities.” If representative government is to be saved, it must learn how to work through Economic Councils—the democratic way of getting the results of communism without the evils.

Professor Hocking’s book resulted from a special opportunity to travel in the near East during 1928. It was written after the author had prepared material for a more general book “‘of theory about the rights and duties of nations.” We have here a ricily-tex- tured and substantial review of vital international problems, not exclusively “political” or “economic” in point of view, which re- presents the effort of a man of culture and religious spirit to trace a way out from a wounded civilization to one more in conformity with man’s historic hopes. Passing by the incidental values—such as the remarkable chapter on “The Fate of Islamic Culture’—for the sake of the portions more directly concerned with the problem _of finding “the way out,” we quote the following excerpts: “An executive at Geneva does not mean a world state: it means merely an arm sufficient to carry out what the common sense of mankind �[Page 54]54 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

sees as necessary, and can do with general consent. . .These pro- posals converge upon our final judgment, that the way forward lies through the existing League of Nations, not around it; and that every state concerned to do its part in meeting problems of world- order must now act through membership in the League. Greed and national pride will not be abandoned today nor tomorrow in the policies of state: the ethical reason will not be given a free hand. But the thing is, to give it a hearing. The League is dominated to some degree by the imperial nations; yet it is the one organ in which those nations expose themselves to the considered judgment of mankind. The League has of late become more nationalistic in spirit and ‘personnel: the cynical and envious attitude of the eternal diplomat appears in its deed and also in its lack of deed. But it can never shake off this essential virtue, that it has committed itself to truth and publicity; it is dealing with issues which are our issues, and it is bringing to those issues the wider horizon than ours which they demand.” H. H. �[Page 55]CORRESPONDENCE 1. THE SITUATION IN CHINA Frank Rawlinson

NALLOYED appreciation marks, as a rule, my reading of

Oscar Newfang’s summaries of events on the world’s stage.

His article on “A Plea for Peace in China” in World Unity,

June, 1934, however, has stirred a mood of dissent: The appreciation is probably due to the fact that I see the events des- cribed from the outside; the dissent arises irs the fact that I see from the inside. His picture of China appears to me unbalanced and his main suggestion extremely dubious and anti

What he says about China being the center in which a devasta- ting war may start is correct enough. Most of his facts, too, are correct but misplaced or splashed too much all over the picture. Take the instance of corpses floating in the river at Canton. Mr. Newfang infers that anywhere at any time one may see that same indifference with the result of a terribly widespread unsanitary con- dition. He makes an unusual incident a usual condition. Over a- gainst it must be placed the more significant and widespread fact that it is customary in many places for charitable institutions to provide coffins for the burial of those who die indigent. It is quite likely that some such group made a final disposition of the corpses mentioned. Putting these facts together the picture comes out less lurid than that in the article. Mr. Newfang uses too many end- event words, i.aality-words and ultimates.

Banditry, disease, communists, chaos there are in all too many places in China. But his references to famine as being one of the fruits of these does not bring out clearly that the most calamitous famine of recent years had nothing to do with any of them. War- lords, too, are still witn us. But looking back over a period of years I

55 �[Page 56]56 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

note that they are certainly less in number than formerly though those that remain are no less fertile in ways of squeezing the where- withal from people. Referring to opium Mr. Newfang does not overdo China’s present participation therein, but says nothing about how China's narcotic problem is increased by smuggled drugs, the part the Japanese play therein, and the free development of the traffic in Manchuria. To add these points does not reduce Ciina’s responsibility but it does show that the problem cannot be solved by China alone. The anti-narcotic forces in China would have a some- what easier task if the problem were confined to China alone.

One of those end-event words comes out when he talks of the possibility of China “‘perishing”. If this means that its government might cease to be self-directing it is true that such an event would not leave the rest of the “world scathless”. But even if China should perish in a political sense she is hardly likely to perish in any gen- eral sense. The word “perish” implies too much!

Another case of a dark color being splashed all over the picture is the reference to taxes. Instances to taxes collected far ahead there are! All too many. They indicate a conscienceless attitude , to tax-payers. But this is not true everywhere. It sticks out most prominently in Szechwan, as a matter of fact. But put over against it the recent efforts of the National Government to ease off exor- bitant taxes, and a picture that appeared dead black becomes some- what gray and not quite so hopeless.

This tendency to splash black colors around too much comes out particularly in Mr. Newfang’s reference to China’s militaristic tendencies. China is becoming military-minded. There is a grow- ing movement to militarize youth. The army is numerically too big. All that is true. But twice Mr. Newfang speaks of the “whole revenue”—or the “entire revenue”—of the Government being spent for military purposes. It is bad enough as it is. Why make it worse? Actually the amount thus spent at present is 50 per cent of the plan- ned expenditure for the current year or 55 per cent of the income, since the budget shows a deficit.

My chief criticism of this article is that the over-emphasized points seem to be seleced—sub-consciously perhaps—with a view to �[Page 57]CORRESPONDENCE 57

showing China is quite unable to kick herself out of her present predicament. The fact that international kicking has helped put her in this terrible predicament is ignored. All this emphasis on China’s inability to do all the things she ought leads to his conclu- sion that international intervention is the only cure. That sounds like an echo of 1900 or thereabout. True it is admitted that this intervention must not be imposed forcibly. But how does Mr. New- fang imagine China would agree to any plan for pacification that “would doubtless involve joint occupation of the ports, the railroad centers, and the arsenals of the country”? Except in one case the chancellories of the world are silent on this matter of intervention. Tle fiery advocates thereof are much less numerous now than once they were. Yet we have here one of the crudest pleas for military intervention in China I have seen for a long time with one excep- tion. The one exception is Japan. Does not Mr. Newfang realize that the intervention he suggests the Chinese would be unwilling to submit to, and that while the suggestion falls in with Japan’s ideas it would strengthen her determination to be the sole inter- venor?

His article tends, therefore, to lead toward rather than away from the war he fears. That the powers should in every way cooperate with China, financially and otherwise, as he urges is essential to any solution of China’s difficulties. Such cooperation China has already shown eagerness to receive. But such cooperation is vastly different from any kind of intervention. And even if the powers occupied China’s strategic points, with or without her assent, that would not end chaos in China any more than the occupation of many more points in Manchuria by Japan has ended brigandage there.

In conclusion I should like to urge that World Unity should look on China in other terms than its trade possibilities, of which Mr. Newfang makes an argument. One trouble between China and the powers has long been their inabilizy to think of her in other terms than as a market. Let’s have a new approach!

Yours sincerely, Frank Rawlinson �[Page 58]58 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Oscar Newfang

I gladly comply with your request to answer the comments of Dr. Frank Rawlinson on my June article in Wortp UNITY under the title, “A Plea for Peace in China”. As he sees the Chinese problem “from the inside”, it would be extremely interesting if you could persuade him to give the readers of the magazine his own suggestions as to the course of action that would restore sound government and security of life throughout that great country.

Dr. Rawlinson’s “mood of dissent” seems to have been stirred by his feeling that my object in writing the article was tc blame China for her condition. It was not my intention to apportion blame, but simply to describe the plight of the country and to sug: gest a possible method for ending her civil wars. As for the color- ing of the picture, that is a matter of opinion, and Dr. Rawlinson is, of course, entitled to his view that I have painted the picture too darkly. —

In regard to the facts, for which I have relied largely upon Hallet Abend, for some years Chinese correspondent of the New York Times, I find only one instance in the criticism, in which my accuracy is questioned. I mentioned that practically the whole rev- enue of China is being used for military purposes. Dr. Rawlinson disputes this statement and says that the amount is 50 per cent of “planned expenditure”, or 55 per cent of the “income”. Neither of these figures is the revenue of the country. The planned expenditure of the United States during the current year is fully twice the rev- enue of the country. The income of a country consists of the rev- enue plus the loans contracted. The percentages given have, thexe- fore, no necessary relation to the revenue of China.

Coming to the main purpose of the article, the suggestion that the powers signatory to the Nine-Power Treaty should arrange with China for her consent to the joint pacification of the country, Dr. Rawlinson says it ‘sounds like an echo of 1900 or thereabout”’; yet he later admits that it is the present-day proposal of Japan,—and if any great power sees the Chinese situation “from the inside’, that power ought to be Japan. �[Page 59]CORRESPONDENCF 59

As for his assumption, that China would not agree to any such joint military assistance, does he know that, when Sun Yat Sen was still alive, he favored such action? What the attitude of Chiang Kai Sheck toward such a proposal would be I do not know: but, judging by his conciliatory attitude toward Japan, I think he would be disposed to give it every consideration, if made with the definite agreement that the intervention would be of a temporary nature only. Dr. Rawlinson pleads for ‘‘a new approach” to the Chinese problem. The approach in my article is from the standpoint, first, of humanity; secondly, of physical and moral health; thirdly, of war danger; and only in the fourth place, of commerce.

May we have an article giving Dr. Rawlinson’s views regard- ing the solution of the problem of China’s restoration to law, order and peace?

2. THE PARLIAMENT OF THE FEDERATED WORLD Sidney L. Gulick

Neither my education nor my experience, qualify me to have or to express an opinion on the plan you propose. I suspect what I have in mind is probably a Constitution. What you have written might serve well as a preliminary and general introduction. Should it not be followed by a tentative draft of framework of the pro- posed world government in a series of sections and short articles which define the structure of the government, the officers and their duties, the make up of the world legislation, the limitations of its powers, the reserved rights of the nations, etc., etc. ?

Perhaps you are planning for something of this kind in your next article. If so, I shall be interested in seeing it. In preparing such a comprehensive plan, I would suppose that you would wish to associate with yourself a dozen or a score of others—lawyers, professors of government, lecturers on international law and on international relations, and members of state and municipal govern- ments who would be willing to spend two or three evenings a month perhaps for several months in careful discussion of a draft Con- stitution for a World Federation of Peoples—a sort of miniature Constitutional Convention. �[Page 60]60 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Albert Guerard

I need not tell you I am in full agreement with your ideal. The one cause of war is Nationalism, i. e. the belief that there is nothing above the nation; the one remedy is World Unity, in the form of a federation or international government. And it is not idle to examine, far in advance of any possible realization, the details of such an international government. It focuses vour own ideas, makes people understand that the plan is workable.

In my opinion, the first thing to do is to bring America up to the level of the most jealously nationalistic countries: so far, thanks to such influences of Messrs. Hearst, Borah, Johnson, etc., we are lagging woefully behind. Even Italy, Germany, Japan, were in the League and the Court—although two of them have now drop- ped out, and the third is pretty shaky. At any rate, they made an effort. Our blank refusal to cooperate is not due to this or that im- perfection in the machinery of League or Court. It is a matter of principle. We do not want to bind ourselves to anything. We want to preserve, at all times and for all time, our absolute indepen- dence. Supposing your plan to be flawless: if it were submitted to a vote in Congress, it would be turned down as “Un-American.”

I have also my own pet scheme—not in the least incompatible with yours, as a matter of fact the natural complement and the inevitable condition of yours: the necessity of a neutral auxiliary international language. You can’t have a world-Parliament con- ducted in three hundred and thirty-seven languages; and you can not have a democracy of nations bossed by the Anglo-French group. The present privilege of English and French will have to go. Utopia? May be. But it is a choice between “Utopia or Hell.”

G. M. Stratton

I like much your thoughtful attempt to outline the government for an organized world. The endeavor you and I ate so deeply in- terested in has many sides, and the side which you have your mind upon is exceedingly important, and demands the intelligence of many minds. �[Page 61]CORRESPONDENCE 61

Let me say what I can to encourage you in your work. There is room and need for many different kinds of workers, all for the same large goal. And I am glad of your kind, even when I cannot take a hand, directly and in detail, in what you are doing. Press on, then, and all strength to you!

M. E. Bratcher

I have read your article on the “Parliament of a Federated World” with great interest and find myself quite in accord with the ideal which you have expressed.

It occurs to me that it still is an ideal and will probably not be attained very soon but with continuous emphasis upon this ideal we may be able to approach it some day.

While we may never see this ideal realized, I think you may find some satisfaction in the thought that you are making some contribution toward that end. It does seem that the time has almost arrived when we ought to be able to preclude conflicts of slaughter between nations. Keep up the good work!

Carl A. Ross

As a co-contributor to-W orld Unity I wish to commend highly your article, THE PARLIAMENT OF A FEDERATED WORLD. I believe it is the kind of constructive thinking we need today. My articles in WorLD UNITY are the series on WORLD CITIZENSHIP concluded in the April number and, as I likewise advocate a Federated World, there is nothing you say that I can differ with. I hope you will con- tinue writing along this line. So long as you stick to your text, “The only connecting organization that can preserve peace is a fed- eration which derives its revenue and its army direct from the people and not through national organizations,” we are in accord. You could well write about THE ARMY AND A FEDERATED WORLD, also TAXATION UNDER A FEDERATED WORLD, and keep on covering a wide range of governmental functions. �[Page 62]NOTES ON THE CURRENT ISSUE

Beginning with the present issue, a series of Reading Lists, based upon a careful classification of the contents of Wo.. > UNIT. since October, 1927, will be published. These Reading Lists should be of interest and importance to all students of internationalism. Incidentally they reveal in a most striking manner the variety and value of the material which WorLD UNrry has made available dur- ing the past seven years.

The first Reading List presents in index form the titles and authors of the forty-three contributions already issued in the series, Apostles of World Unity. Here is the “human” side, the dramatic struggle for peace in terms of personal vision and heroic effort, of the modern peace movement too often conceived only in terms of treaties and conventions. It is hoped that the articles can later on be published in book form, to be a source of inspiration to a genera- tion far too strongly being influenced in the direction of war.

Mr. Smith Simpson has filled a gap in current literature by his summary of the development of the American peace movement. His courageous analysis of the peace movement today, in its appar- ent momentary collapse, marks, we trust, one of those periods when outward inactivity and frustration conceals a new gathering of the forces within. What has happened to the peace movement, Wortp Unrry believes, is that it has arrived at the stage where mere effort to influence some of the decisions of the national govern- ments has definitely proved hopeless. Peace can not tag along after the great war making powers. It should mark out its own world program, totally independent of politics, and concentrate every energy upon making that program a popular issue.

Such a program already exists, in fact, in the goal of a World Federation which this publication has been promoting for several years.

In the new series, The Way Out, it is proposed to present sum- maries and analyses of the various books listed in the August, 1934 number, page 259, in connection with the World Unity Question- naire on Peace. What were considered to be the best books on peace written since 1918, by the representative people who participated in the Questionnaire, surely deserve careful consideration.

62 �[Page 63]WORLD UNITY READING LIST A Classified Index—1927-1934* 1. APOSTLES OF WorLD UNITY

Avoams, Jang, by Robert Morss Lovett, January, 1928

Norman, by John Mez, Novem-

ber, 1928

rae, _— by Joseph S. Roucek,

Bounaiots, Lzon, by Albert Léon Guérard, November, 1 987”

— Joun, by Walter Walsh, April,

Courrney, by H. M. Swanwick, December oc canstane Diterecewmzss De, bey Part

D’Estournelles De cm Constant, January,

ee ees See, by Helen Thor-

Dowave, Hwa, b by Esther Caukin, June,

Frrep, Atzert Herman, by John Mez, cig Rawr, by Dey P Meyers, Oct- Hott, ‘Hammon, Theodore Marburg, starch i908” by Charles H onpan, Davin St

Rieber, October, 1927 “ne

KAGAWA, Bei by Herbert A Mill-

er,

KYRorrF, STEPHEN, by P. M. Mathieff, July, 1929

LAMMASCH, Hernaicyu, by Joseph Red-

Levr an 7. by John Dewey,

NSON, SALMON oO

May, 1929

MacDona Lp, “ne Ramsay, by H. M. Swanwick, 1928

MADARIAGA, eae De, by R. E. Wolseley, September, 1932

MARTIN, “usa W. W., by George E. O’- Dell, July, 1934

Masaryk, Tuomas Ganricug, by Joseph S. Roucek, , 1930 “a Porgy ti D., by Lucia Ames Mead,

928 acum. Minbeiee oa by H. M. Swan- a Joun, by Walter Walsh, June, Nansen, Farryor, by Frederick Lynch, Novicow, ’ ‘oe by John R. Mez, January, 19 — Loan, by Walter Walsh, May, Roericu, Nicnowas, by Mary Siegrist, September, 1928

Ro.tLanp Pee Albert Léon Guérard, Sea 1928 Scuweizer, ALBERT

% Robert Merrill

Bartlett, November, 933

SHIBUSAWA, VISCOUNT Encuar, by Yam- ato Ichihashi, June

oe JAN, by Hamilton Fyfe, May,

Sutrner, Baroness Berroa von, by — R. Mez,

orang ge by Vijaya Tun- ovember,

THs, Ernest aso, by R. E. Wol-

seley, VERESTSHAGIN, BASIL B., by Henry Lanz, F 1929

ry, Wacner, Coaries, by Wautier d’Aygal- — and William Schwartz, August,

wae Watter, by Richard Lee, March,

Wuire, Wititam ALLEN, by David Hinshaw, een 1932

Wetts, H. G., by R. E. Wolseley, Oct-

ZAMENROF, Lupwik L., by Lidja Zam- enhof, November, 1931

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