World Unity/Volume 15/Issue 2/Text

[Page 64]

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Volume XV, November, 1934

Religion and World Order. ..... Christianity and Race Relations . . Why Not a Franco-German Federation?

Peace and the Present Crisis

Enduring Peace (poem).......

World Advance: A Monthly

International Review ......

George Lansbury

The Institute and the University

of International Relations... International Hymn ........ The Way Out (Book Review Essay) . .

Notes on the Current Issue World Unity Reading List (1927-1934) 2. East and West

Geneva, September, 1934 tue % & * National, International ...... Wa: ne

Horace Holley 65 . J. C. McMorries 69 . A. L. Soresi, M.D. 78 ‘ 87 . Francis H. White 89 Oscar Newfang 9] Albert D. Belden 97 Evelyn Newman 104

Comp. William P. Taylor 114 Stanton A. Coblentz 117

. Mary Hull 118 Myrtle B. Brown 121

. Horace Holley 122 126

127 �[Page 65]RELIGION AND WORLD ORDER by HoRACE HOLLEY

IV. THE PRESENT SPIRITUAL CRISIS

HEN the creative power of spirit is withdrawn from

the community as a whole, and the parts of the com-

munity engage in mutual struggle for predominance or

survival, the life cycle of that social order has run its course.

Such is the nature of the present crisis. The old order was based historically upon Christianity in the West, upon Muham- madanism and other Faiths in the East. Each Faith had, in accord- ance with the principle underlying human society, developed a characteristic civilization representing a balance between legal, cultural, economic and social factors. All these regional civiliza- tions had arrived at that stage in the cyclic process marked by the weakening of the original religious impulse, which bound the civ- ilization together in one organism, and by the assertion of the su- periority of the constituent parts over the whole.

As in Christianity a few centuries ago, so in Muhammadanism today, law, government, education and industry have thrown off the control of the religious tradition and undergone separate de- velopment, each seeking a fulfilment in terms of its own independ- ent need and without reference to the general need of the com- munity in its spiritual as well as material integrity. This develop- ment is more complete in the West, but the history of Europe since the Reformation has been paralleled in all essentials by the more recent experience of Turkey, Egypt and Persia.

The crucial point in this development is the transfer of social authority from a religious organization, by which it has been fatal-

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ly abused, to a secular organization explicitly claiming to be un- moral. At the stage of religious decay where this transfer of au- thority takes place, the secular government cannot control the en- tire area previously controlled by the religious influence. The trans- fer is characterized by the rise of several independent secular gov- ernments which divide the body of believers into separate, and potentially competitive nations. Western nationality arose from the spiritual death of Christendom, and the nations of Islam are sim- ilarly independent and exclusive.

The next step in the process, which in reality is disintegration and not “progress” except in a local and temporary degree, con- sists in the reinforcement of the secular (unmoral) authority by such laws and instruments as it deems necessary to protect itself in the rapidly augmenting struggle for national existence. Religion is replaced by patriotism of an exclusive nature, and the social duty of man becomes defense of his national state. Militarism inevitably develops. Compulsory military duty, found necessary as economic rivalry follows the original territorial competition of the states, sets mankind upon the path of death.

In the modern world this complete divorce between spiritual and material values, enmeshing human life in a fatal net as eco- nomic and social existence come to depend upon struggle and com- petition rather than upon unity and cooperation, establishes a point of crisis imperilling the race. Authority, power and initiative throughout society are identified with unmoral institutions whose fiat controls a system of destruction well-nigh universal in capacity. On the other hand, the spiritual tradition of each race has become sterile, for ecclesiasticism is the negation of faith.

Such a jungle of competitive nationalism seems to reproduce, in terms of social organizations, the era of the pre-historic mon- sters marking an early stage in the biological evolution of the world of nature. Forms of life organized almost entirely for offense and defense had little available energy for the kind of response re- quired in a changing world. Evolution left them behind. Their towering strength was their fatal weakness, and in their enormous aggressiveness they had no capacity to survive. �[Page 67]RELIGION AND WORLD ORDER 67

In the same way, the present stage of armed, competitive na- tionalism is essentially transitory and fugitive. The more aggressive it becomes, the less its capacity to meet social problems the only solution of which is non-aggression—cooperation. The states have waxed powerful upon the poverty of the people; their might is an illusion. They can destroy themselves by one final outburst of general war; or a series of revolutions, each perhaps small and al- most unnoted, will evolve from them a type of government intelli- gent enough to deal with social relationships and moral enough to summon the highest and not the lowest impulses of an evolving race. The key to future social evolution lies in the capacity for trans- formation rather than in mere progress and extension along the lines fixed by our prior history. For progress is the law of the cycle, but transformation is the sign that a cycle has run its term and a new age has dawned.

It is evolutionary progress when a form of life becomes larger, or fleeter by adaptation to its environment. This type of progress marks the biological world, where the natural environment is fun- damentally constant. Likewise, when the social environment re- mains fundamentally constant, an institution progresses by growth in ways determined by its original character and aim.

Unlike nature, the social environment is subject to profound alteration. The development of machine production was more than progress from a small tool to a larger tool; it brought about an en- tirely different kind of society. Action and re-action in an industrial- ized society are not simply enlargement of the action and re-action of an agricultural, hand-craft society—it responds in quality to a different law. The plane has been raised from physical effort to intelligence.

As long as the simple law of progress applies to human society, the evil will be multiplied along with the good, the destruction will augment by the same ratio as the construction. Along with more schools and colleges, we have more armament. Along with more ve we have more industrial struggle and a greater class con-

ict. �[Page 68]68 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

The symbol of transformation in the natural world is the or- ganism like the butterfly, which at one stage is an egg, at the next stage is a caterpillar, becomes then a chrysalis in its cocoon, thence emerging as imago, the perfect insect with beautifully colored wings. Applying the law of simple progress to this organism at any preliminary stage, we would have merely a larger egg, or a greater caterpillar or a larger and stronger cocoon. Metamorphosis is the scientific equivalent of that organic change which takes place in human society at those critical stages marked by the cycles of religion.

It is by no means necessary to contemplate a simple extension into the future of the social agencies dominating this transitional era. The progress of national government into empire is strictly limited by inter-state competition, and the progress of religion into the condition of world empire by any one creed is no less impossible. The more fluid advance of the great industrial or banking units, which a generation ago seemed in process of attaining international domination, has since then been completely checked by the closing of trade boundaries and the assumption of economic control by the national states, not to mention the influence of organized class con- flict flatly opposed to any such Napoleonic conquest.

But the obstacles to progress in that limited sense are the very conditions most favorable to that more organic progress represen- ted by transformation. The armed states are nothing else than co- coons in which the metamorphosis from competition to cooperation is being even now effected.

The degree to which human society can undergo transforma- tion, as distinct from progress by extension, depends wholly and ex- clusively upon spiritual factors. A sense of justice too long thwart- ed by a social order—a conviction of peace and brotherhood flag- rantly suppressed by the authoritative régime—these elements in the soul of man determines the character of the new order which arises from the wrecks of the old. �[Page 69]CHRISTIANITY AND RACE RELATIONS by J. C. McMorrigs

Lincoln University 1. THE PROBLEM

E are indebted to Dr. W. E. B. DuBois for the follow- Wiz definition of the central problem that commands our attention:

“The problem of the color line, particularly in America is well known. It is the question of the treatment and the place in society and in the State, of the descendants of African slaves who were freed by the Civil War. Not only are these per- sons, numbering some twelve million or more, more or less physic- ally distinct from the nation because of color and race, but also they are otherwise segregated because slavery made them poor, kept them ignorant and plunged them into such sickness and crime as poverty and ignorance always cause. For these and other reasons they form in the United States an inferior social caste.

“This is the problem of the color line as it presents itself in the United States. But, of course the color line extends beyond our own country. The majority of the people of the world are colored and belong to races more or less distinct from the white people of Europe and North America. Because, however, of imperial ag- gression and industrial exploitation, most of these colored people are under the political or commercial domination of white Europe and America, and their consequent problems of self-government, social status, and work and wages present the greatest difficulties the world over.”*

With this definition or statement of the central problem in our minds, let us now consider the subject for discussion, ‘Christ- ianity and Race Relations.” 1

• From an article in ‘“‘The Christian Century,” December 9, 1930. 6

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2. THE POPULAR VIEW REGARDING THE RACES OF MEN

“The popular view with reference to the races vf men is to think of them as mentally different and consequently different in ity. When this attitude is accompanied by a more or less strong feeling of aversion for a racial group different from one’s own it is customary to call the condition ‘race prejudice’. Some- times the feeling is not so strong and we then call it ‘race toler- ance’.””" According to Lord Bryce, “we find more of tolerance than prejudice until, strange to say, the present century, when the situa- tion has so changed that race prejudice is a real menace to human happiness.”

Perhaps, the most striking example of the popular view is found in traditional beliefs regarding the Negro. It is held that the Negro is inherently inferior—in mind, in character, even in blood. Many of the older college libraries contain volumes piously defending slavery on this ground. An intellectual justification of caste was built up that is slow to down. In order to justify the enslaving of fellow men in a country founded on the principle of personal liberty, sophistry had to be called in. Scientists offered voluminous proof that the Negro was hopelessly inferior, for his mind closes up at an early age and further learning is impossible.

A passage in the Bible—Genesis 9: 22-27—was offered to show that the Negro is the object of God’s peculiar curse, his very color a visible sign of his ordained servile status. However, the passage states that it was drunken Noah instead of God who pro- nounced the curse. And there is no indication that anyone was turned a shade darker by the curse.

‘Lue popular view refers in similar manner to the Japanese, Chinese, Mexican, Indian and other colored people. All are held to be inferior to the Nordics, who have been ordained to rule the world. We are told that, “There are those who right now wish to band together the Nordic races (the long-headed, yellow-haired, gtay-eyed peoples of northern Europe and North America) in an alliance defensive against the other and, of course, ‘inferior races of men’.”” Fear of a rising tide of color has been expressed. All

1—From ‘Race Psychology” by Thomas Russell Garth, pp. 3-4, 1931. 2—From “Race Sentiment in History,” University of London Press, 1916. %—From “Training World Christians” by Gilbert Loveland, p. 66, 19321. �[Page 71]CHRISTIANITY AND RACE RELATIONS 71

of this propaganda has resulted in evoking race prejudice and an- ism. Narrow racial consciousness has been produced not only in the Nordics but in the darker peoples as well. For instance, a few years ago, Marcus Garvey, a West Indian Negro, said, “The bloodiest of all wars is yet to come, when Europe will match its against Asia; and that will be the Negroes’ opportunity to

draw the sword for Africa’s redemption.”*

A few words of criticism may be offered just here, for the

pular view with reference to the races of men has been chal- lenged. It is held that. “Belief in inequality is a ‘science of white people’ who have set it going and seek to so maintain it. Since to begin with, they regard themselves as better than others they take such white traits as they deem desirable and vaunt them as superior traits.”* But the notion of racial inequality must either stand or fall with the scientific evidence as it is produced.

Professor Garth states that he is “convinced after an examina- tion of the literature that we have never, with all our searching found indisputable evidence for belief in mental differences which are essentially racial. Differences as found can usually be shown to be due to one of the two causes, modification (nurture) or selection, and often these are complicated by the results of careless measuring. ...And if there are no measurable differences, we are compelled to think of similarities, which would bring us to the alternative that there is only one racial mind, just human mind.”

3. THE UNPOPULAR VIEW REGARDING THE RACES OF MEN

This bring us to the unpopular view regarding the races of men. “Upon inquiry we find that the word ‘race’ with its ethnic conotation first appeared in the English language less than three hundred years ago and that it has experienced some slight changes in meaning since then. The primitive concept of race of course antedates our English word race. Prehistoric man certainly based his concept of race not so much on lineage as on similarities of anatomical feature, language, custom, and other facts evident to the senses. He violated any regard for a common lineage, it seems, by the practice of wholesale amalgamation. Consequently, if there

1—To a Negro conference in N York City. August, 19320. 2—From ‘Race Psychology” by omas Russell Garth, p. 6, 1931. “Race Psychology” by omas Russell Garth, pp. 10, 24, 1931.

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were originally primary races, these were early so blended ‘hat it would be unreasonable to think of a pure race as existing today ... Racial groups of today are combinations of the archetypes (original types) and these are to be regarded as being in a state of flux. We may say finally along with Haddon that a ‘racial type is after all an artificial concept, though long-continued geograph- ical isolation does tend to produce a general uniformity of physical appearance’. As a chief among the Dakota Indians once put it: “There are birds of many colors—red, blue, green, yellow—yet all one bird. There are horses of many colors—brown, black, yellow, white—yet—all one horse. So cattle; so all living things—animals, flowers, trees. So men; in this land where once were only Indians are men of every color—white, black, yellow, red—yet all one people.”? And of even broader significance we note the familiar statement of the Apostle Paul, “The God that made the world and all things therein... .made of one every nation of men to dwell on all the face of the eatth.”* Christ gave us the doctrine of the Divine brotherhood inevitable. “It takes a God and a man to make a Parenthood of God. And a divine fatherhood makes human religion, but it takes an ideal God—a Father—and two men— brothers—to make the Christian religion.’

None ever felt the social unity of our race more deeply than Jesus. All through his teachings emphasis falls upon the solidarity of the human family. Rauschenbush says that, “‘Jesus was personally very sociable. He evidently enjoyed mixing with people. He liked the give-and-take of life. He had friends. A group of men and women gathered around him who gave him their devoted loyalty. He in turn needed them. The denial of Peter and the betrayal of Judas hurt him, partly because they were defections from the com- tadeship of his group. In Gethsemane he craved friendship. He prayed to God, but he reached out for Peter and John. The longing for friendship and the unrest of loneliness are proof of a truly human and social nature.’

So we may see that science and the religion of Jesus unite in emphasizing the social unity of our race. Jesus declared that men belong together. He ignored all ceremonial and ecclesiastical re-

1—ibid, pp. 7-9.

2—The Indian Book by eae. Harper & Brothers.

$—The Bible, Acts 17:24-2

4—-From lectures of Dr. Walter 8S. Athearn, Boston University, 1921. 6—From ‘Principles of Jesus’, pp. 18-19. �[Page 73]CHRISTIANITY AND RACE RELATIONS 73

quirements, and put his hand on love as the central law of life, both in religion and in ethics.

Now we may contrast the popular and the unpopular views with reference to the races of men. While the popular view stresses racial difference, the unpopular view stresses racial similarity.. While the popular view, on the basis of unscientific theories and prejudice, divorces the peoples of the world, the unpopular view, on the basis of scientific facts and the Religion of Jesus, unites the peoples of the world in one family. While the popular view pro- motes haughty domineering superiority on the part of white people who constitute less than one-third of the population of the world, the unpopular view promotes equality and self-realization for all the people of the world. While the popular view makes for rivalry and the exploitation of the weaker group by the stronger, the un- popular view makes for cooperation and the “New Deal”. While the popular view leads to strife and suffering, the unpopular view leads to peace and plenty. Therefore, we shall advance toward a new social order as rapidly as we can adopt the view that there is only one race—the human race. So called races are not species based upon essential difference, but mere varieties, based upon accidental characteristics.

4. SELI-REALIZATION AS THE END

The real task confronting the Christian world today is not the discovery of a technique by which religion can assist a minority group in its struggle for justice in some particular country. This may be important and necessary. But our task must not fall short of the great objective of self-realization for all the peoples of the world. Let us now inquire into the meaning of the term self- realization. |

“Green taught that the essential element in ‘the nature of man ‘3 the rational or spititual principle within him. Man has appetite, as the animals have, and, like them, he has sensations and mental images; but these, and everything else in man’s nature, are modified by the fact that he has reason.

“The true self is what is perhaps best described as the rational �[Page 74]74 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

self. It is the universe that we occupy in our moments of deepest wisdom and insight.”

Again, the true self is the social self. “It is sufficient for our purpose to say that it is in relation to our fellow-men that we find our ideal life. ...The ‘I’ or ideal self is not realized in any one in- dividual, but finds its realization rather in the relations of persons to one another.”

Society must be regarded as an organic unity. “The parts of it are necessary to each other, as the parts of an animal organism are; and it is in all the parts in relation to one another, rather than in anyon of them singly, that the true life is to be found. “We are me<abers one of another.”* For example, “As the body can suffer no disease in any limit save at the expense of the whole, so a world bound up as one can afford no... . tyranny anywhere.”* “The ideal life of one requires others to compliment it, and it is by mutual help that the whole develops towards perfection.”* Therefore, we can realize the true self only by realizing social ends.... We must realize ourselves by sacrificing ourselves. “The more fully we so realize ourselves, the more do we reach a universal point of view—i. e. a point of view from which our own private good is no more to us than the good of any one else. This is self-realization, but it is self-realization for the sake of the whole.’” In the highest natures, the self is incarnate in nothing less than humanity.

5. THE PRESENT WORLD CRIsIsS

Today, we are living in a world of great social unrest. It is obvious that blood relationship is inadequate. It must be supple- mented by something spiritual. The bond between the peoples of the world must be a spiritual tie. Spiritual relationship is even more important than blood relationship. .

The world faces a crisis today, due mainly to the fact that while we are related mechanically, we are unrelated spiritually. “The world is today one body. Cable and wires and wireless are its nerves, transmitting the messages that are impulses to action. Ships and railways and air routes are its arteries, carrying the pul- sating blood of humanity”... . Surely, “the world is one vast whis-

— of Ethics” by John 8. Mackenzie, pp. 248, 261. DP p. 293,

“Training World Christians” by Gilbert Loveland, p. 18. — of Ethics” by John 8. Mackenzie, p. 292. DP

�[Page 75]CHRISTIANITY AND RACE RELATIONS 75

pering gallery.”* But mechanical force has been substituted for vital force. Things have become more important than persons. “The whole trend in industrialization is mechanistic and dehuman- izing.” “A dehumanized or depersonalized world is a Christless and a Godless world, for the essential characteristic of the divine nature is personal. Christ placed such high valuation on life, on the sacredness of personality, that when this valuation is lowered or debased, the very citadel of religion totters and falls. . .. Bergson, the French philosopher, has given us a remarkable description of the present world crisis and has clearly shown that the failure lies in our inability to enlarge our souls and to broaden our spiritual vision. The chief function of science has been the multiplication of man’s physical powers.

“Telescopes and microscopes have increased the power of our eyes; telephones have stretched our hearing to some three thou- sand miles; telegraphs havc made our voices sound round the earth; locomotives and steamship lines, better than seven-league boots of ancient fable, have multiplied the speed and power of our feet; the French big guns have elongated the blows of our fists from two feet to twenty-five miles. Man never had such a body since the world began. The age of the giants was nothing compared with this. But man’s soul, there the failure lies. We have not grown spirits great enough to handle our greatened bodies. The splendid new powers which science furnishes are still in the hands of the old sins, greed, selfish ambition, cruelty.”* Small wonder that the spirit of extreme nationalism stalks the earth, and with economic rivalry and race discrimination, constantly threaten the peace of the world. Small wonder that we look upon a world all bound up in one destiny, each of the several members closely re- lated to the other, yet everywhere unrest and confusion.

Greed, selfish ambition, and cruelty are obvious factors in the present undesirable situation between the so called races of men. They are factors today because the peoples of the world have failed to realize the true self—the rational self and the social self. We have grown physically and mechanically, but spiritually and socially we have stagnated and decayed. Let it be burned into your hearts

i—From “Training World Christians’ by Gilbert Loveland, p. 17. 2—The Personalist, Vol. V., No. IV. October 1924, pp. 267-368. �[Page 76]76 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

and minds that the peoples of the world must be related spiritually as well as mechanically. Then, and not until then, will the great human problems such as the Problem of the Color Line be solved and the human family find happiness.

6. Is CHRISTIANITY THE REMEDY?

But how can the peoples of the world realize this spiritual and social unity? Is Christianity the remedy? The first answer to the latter question is a categorical negative. Theoretically, Christianity makes this claim, i. e. of uniting all men with the bond of brother- hood. But from the viewpoint of practice, Christianity in its present sickly and adulterated condition is not adequate to meet the needs of race relations or to solve any of our great human problems. Surely, a religion whose history is tainted with the slave trade; whose missionaries have often served as forerunners of imperial- ism; whose churches have often allied themselves with capitalism, and have zealously preserved the color line, cannot bring about the spiritual unity of the peoples of the world.

The second answer to this question is a conditional affirmative. If Christianity becomes Christian, it can and will relate the peoples of the world in such manner as to bring happiness to mankind. “A brotherhood of men in which the principles of the Sermon on the Mount shall prevail is an ideal far away it may be, but it is an essential note in that earthly kingdom which Jesus Christ came to found.

“Other religions make the claim to be universal; the Christian claim is unique in this, that all it makes bold to proclaim is epitom- ized in the person of its Lord and Master Jesus Christ. He is the perfect personality; he made the Golden Rule live in daily practice; he is the universal man, and with all that, he is the living Saviour and Master who through his Spirit is in actual contact with men.”*

Acid TEST OF CHRISTIANITY

Race rel: , the acid test of genuine Christianity. Our Christian pr s worthless if it cannot make men of all races and nation: ive together in love and fellowship as brothers.

In address §_.ae Bantu-European Student Christian Conference,

® From “Re ,.cus of Mankind” by Hadmund D. Soper, pp. 329-330. �[Page 77]CHRISTIANITY AND RACE RELATIONS 77

Dr. Edgar H. Brookes of South ‘Africa said, ‘To the race situation Christianity must bring two things—the light of truth and the fire of love, a wise enthusiasm and an enthusiastic wisdom.”

There are hopeful signs. Selfishness is being challenged by men and women who are actually in rebellion against our present unchristian social order. “While the unchristianized Apostles of self-interest are urging the Nordic peoples to get together in a league against all the colored peoples, pitting race against race in a manner that will inevitably bring the human family to fratricide on a world

scale, Christians are teaching that all men are sons of one Father, and that races should live side by side in mutual helpfulness. The one is interracial war; the other is interracial cooperation.” *

But in the interest of efficiency and effectiveness, Christians must rid themselves of every weight or stumbling block that impedes progress. For instance, the color line must be removed from the churches of Christ in America. If Americans wish to make the world Christian, first of all they must make America Christian.

Again, ‘To save the individual, has rightly been and rightfully continues to be the chief function of the Church, but not the only function. The churches must realize as never before that they share in a common responsibility for a Christian world order. They must be convinced that the world is the subject of redemption and that the ethical principles of the Gospels aze to be applied to industry and the relations of men, races, and nations.” Recognizing the fact that the problems of race relations are largely economic of base, and that the whole trend in industrialization is mechanistic and de- humanizing, Christian people must set up competitive agencies that humanize.

In conclusion, it is necessary only to say that, “The practice of the Christian principle of brotherhood on a world scale—that is the human family’s only hope.”

• From “Training World Christians” by Gilbert Loveland, p. 67.

�[Page 78]WHY NOT A FRANCO-GERMAN FEDERATION?

by A. L. Songesi, M.D.

UROPE, notwithstanding the enormous progress made by the other continents, is still the center of the world and for years come will preserve the old supremacy. This is true even

taking into consideration the fact that some units like the United States of America and Japan have acquired world impor- tance, in some respects superior to any single European country. Whatever affects Europe affects also, to a great degree, the whole world. Japan may take a slice of China, or two South America Re- publics may be fighting each other, the world looks upon such events as annoying perhaps, but not worthy of causing any loss of sleep: two European countries look at each other crosseyed and the world becomes anxious. The peace and welfare of the whole world depend mostly on the behavior of Europe. This statement is not made with the intention of minimizing the importance of the other continents. It is made only to point to the fact that for ethical, social, religious, economical, historical reasons Europe is still and will be for some time the key continent in world affairs. If Europe could be kept at peace, the rest of the world would also be at peace; if E countries are warring between themselves, the rest of the world will also be pushed on the battlefields. From these premises we can logically draw the conclusion that lovers of peace should make every effort to eliminate the causes of friction between European countries and thus preserve world ;

Admitting that Europe is the key continent in world affairs, we have to see if there is a key country in Europe which has the same relation to European affairs as the European continent has to 78 �[Page 79]the other far flung countries; is poor, is still under-industrialized; its interest in the solution of too many extremely difficult home problems absorbs practically all its thoughts and energies.

France and Germany have each a more favorable geographi- cal position than the other three. Both have free access to important seas: France to the Atlantic and to the Mediterranean; Germany to the Atlantic and to the Baltic. Both have splendid connections with the rest of Europe. Both are rich. Both can be considered to have been developed industrially ar 1 agriculturally to the highest degree. Both possess iron and coal. Yet neither enjoys the key position. In fact, France has no access to the Baltic: Germany no access to the Mediterranean. France has direct communication with all the west- southern and a limited portion of the Northern parts of Europe and through the Mediterranean to all the European countries located along it, as well as the northern coast of Africa and the Asiatic countries through the Suez Canal. France’s communication through central and eastern Europe is very limited: bordering France we find Germany, Switzerland, Italy, the latter two countries separated by the Alps. Germany has no access to the Mediterranean and

tly no direct communication with the European countries bordering it, nor with the northern coast of Africa, nor with the �[Page 80]80 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Asiatic countries through the Suez Canal. Germany's access to the Baltic allows her direct communications with all the countries of northern Europe; by land she has direct or indirect access to prac- tically all countries located west, north, east, and south.

France and Germany know that they do not hold the key position of Europe. France and Germany each crave to hold such position; each knows that the other is ready and willing to pay almost any price for it, hence a deadly rivalry created and inflamed by a superpatriotism leading to mutual hatred. Socalled patriotic propaganda in both countries has created a spirit of hatred, has in- fected with anti-French or anti-German virus respectively every French and every German born. It has glorified hatred to a point of transforming it into something noble, as if a Frenchman’s mis- sion were to prevent humanity from becoming Germanized and a German's mission were to prevent the world from falling under the spell of La Belle France. The leitmotif running through European history is the antagonism between France and Germany. European and to a certain extent world history, should be studied and inter- preted taking as a basis the struggle between France and Germany. Neither France nor Germany has spared and is sparing efforts to overcome the other. The end has always seemed to justify the means no matter how objectionable, no matter how costly in men and money. Both France and Germany believe they do the right thing, neither sees that often they have done and do injustice and damage not only to others but also to themselves. The story of the diplo- matic intrigues of both countries would fill many volumes: many events still mysterious or only partly explained would be understood if such history could be written. This struggle fomented by mis- guided superpatriotism has caused untold, unnecessary suffering to two noble, most intel. jent and likable people, the French and the German, who deserve a better fate than to waste their wonder- ful energies in fighting each other. Unfortunately, neither France nor Germany seem to realize the futility of their perennial destruc- tive struggle. Frenchmen have killed thousands of Germans and Germans have killed thousands of Frenchmen. French soldiers have destroyed German cities, German villages, German bridges, �[Page 81]FRANCO-GERMAN FEDERATION? 8x

German monuments: German soldiers have destroyed French cities, French villages, French bridges, French monuments. French soldiers have raped German women: German soldiers have raped French women. “Delenda Germania” yells the —— Frenchman: “Delenda Gallia” yells the

The barbarous Roman motto: “Delenda Cartago” cannot puide the the more civilized people of today. Victorious France crushed, but did not destroy Germany: victorious Germany crushed, but did not destroy France. Neither country truly desires or would be able to destroy the other.

The conflict between France and Germany can be viewed as a game of seesaw. Look at them: France gains the top position; sees Germany down, crushed by her fall, she feels secure: her enemy is down at the bottom and she will keep her there. Fatally the board swings and France finds herself at the bottom, crushed by her fall, looking at victorious Germany on top and scheming how she can regain the upper position. France regains the upper posi- tion, to lose it again to Germany. The bloody futile game goes on for centuries, many thinking it to be an historical, geographical, biological fatality like the alternate rising and setting of the sun. It would seem that misguided superpatriotism has blinded the French and the Germans: they fail to see that the fatal rules of this seesaw game leave no choice to the country which finds itself at the bottom. There is only one way by which it will be able to gain the upper position: it must, whatever the cost, pull down the one which is on top. France and Germany should realize how danger- ous a game they are playing. They should realize that if the lower position is actually very bad, the upper is far from being desirable: by no stretch of the imagination can it be called stable or safe. Any {false movement may cause a fall, which means not only a fall, but the fatal lifting of the enemy and the beginning of a new deadly struggle to regain the top. The only alternative is the loss of balance on the part of the players: both hitting the ground violently, both being perhaps irreparably injured. Nothing but irreparable in- juty to both France and Germany can be reasonably expected, if a new war should be waged between them with the destructive �[Page 82]82 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

means already developed and in ccurse of development in the two countries.

History has proven without any doubt that the between France and Germany has caused untold misery, not only to them, but to all Europe and to the rest of the world. It has also proven that this antagonism is futile, sterile: neither country has gained permanently any real benefit from the bloody victories each won over the other. The final aim of the patriotic Frenchman, as well as of the patriotic German, has been and still is to give French- men and Germans respectively the maximum of security for the pursuit of individual happiness and progressive national endeavors. Neither the Frenchmen nor the Germans have ever gained any security. Their individual happiness consisted in feeding the mon- ster of war with the flesh of their children in the stupid illusion that “dulce est pro patria mori.” Their progressive national endeavors have been handicapped by the necessity of first thinking how each one could best defend himself from the other. So to speak, the Frenchmen and the Germans have slept with their guns under their pillows, always ready to shoot; their minds agitated, disturbed by horrible nightmares caused by a bloody antagonism that allows no rest, no peace.

The misguided superpatriotism of the French and the Germans has created a dark atmosphere of prejudice against one another. Like all prejudiced people they fail to see and interpret facts in their true light. Indeed let us ask ourselves the following ques- tions: Has the antagonism between France and Germany benefited either country, truly and permanently? The answer must be an emphatic “no.” To mention only their last two major conflicts, we see that Germany victorious in 1870 has been defeated and ap- parently crushed in 1918. Fifteen years after the crushing defeat of Germany, and the complete victory of France, is either safe, secure, happy, wealthy? Crushed Germany has gone through bankruptcy, revolutions and appears to be a volcano ready to ex- plode. Victorious France is feeling so shaky that a national loan of 10,000,000,000 francs, issued at the beginning of January, 1934, has not been supported by its citizens. The Stavisky scandal, not �[Page 83]FRANCO-GERMAN FEDERATION? 83

so terribly important if itself, involving only 200,000,000 francs, has assumed enormous importance, destroyed a ministry and may be a threat to the very existence of the political order governing the country. Can any man, whether born in France, in Germany or in any other country, feel that the lives, limbs, health, property of millions of Frenchmen, of millions of Germans, omitting the men- tion of other millions, have been sacrificed for a just cause, have been destroyed to create something worth while, something they feel proud to have paid for with their lives, limbs, health and property? If we could lift for a moment from their graves the Frenchmen and the Germans who, for their Country, lost their lives on the battlefields and show them the fruits of their sacrifice, would they look around happily and return smilingly to their graves whispering: ‘Dulce est pro patria mori?”

Can either France or Germany gain permanently the coveted key position of Europe? History gives the most emphatic answer: No. If no permanent benefit can come to either country, if neither will ever be able to gain permanently the coveted key position, why do France and Germany continue their futile bloody struggle: can anything be done to stop it? France and Germany vainly struggle against one another because a misguided superpatriotism has created a dark atmosphere of prejudices, has dimmed their vision about world and national affairs, has created a peculiar na- tional psychology in both countries. France and Germany have friends and admirers al! over the world: people who admire not one country and hate the other, but admire and love both countries. These friends of France and Germany should form an association the aim of which would be to use the moral influence created by love, admiration and friendship for both countries to dissipate the antagonism existing between them. I firmly believe that the Asso- ciation of Friends of France and Germany could accomplish pet- haps the greatest task of history: world peace. The final aim of the Association should be the promotion of a federation between France and Germany. Such a tederation would be the cornerstone on which the temple of peace and progress could be built permanently. I understand that the reader will at first think such a federation �[Page 84]84 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

utterly impossible and justify such opinion with numberless reasons, one apparently more logical than the other. These reasons were almost summarized during a discussion on the subject thus: A Federation or Union between Farnce and Germany is a physical and psychological impossibility; in fact as impossible as a union between ice and fire. The analogy between the physical incom- patibility of the French and the Germans and the physical incom- patibility of ice and fire, may be absolutely true. This fact may consequently induce the friends of France and Germany to feel that however desirable from an ideal point of view may appear a Federation between France and Germany, in practice such a Fed- etation is impossible. Taken separate ; France and Germany may be as destructive and incompatible as fire and water. However, human intelligence can put ice and fire properly together and ob- tain steam, one of the most powerful and beneficial forces known to civilized man and utilized by him in millions of ways to create living conditions for the billions. If humanity has thus succeeded in harnessing to her advantage two brutal elements, why should not she succeed in coordinating the immense intelligent, well mean- ing power of two civilized people and obtain peace, the most es- sential element for human happiness?

A federation between France and Germany must not be con- sidered just as a conception beyond realization, but as the only practical solution of the problems concerning the two countries; as the only means to assure the peace of Europe and the mightiest contributor to world peace. History teaches us that .all attempts to remove the causes of antagonism between the two countries have failed miserably; whether these attempts were the results of peace- ful friendly approaches, intrigues, or armed interventions. No- thing has happened to induce us to believe that friendly ap- proaches, intrigues or armed interventions will be more helpful in the future, than they have been in the past for the very simple reason that they cannot remove the causes of friction between the two countries. It is not beyond historical reason to state that, unless and until the causes of friction are removed, there will be friction and antagonism between France and Germany. At the present we �[Page 85]FRANCO-GERMAN FEDERATION? 85

shall only mention one fundamental cause of friction and antag- onism in order to prove the assertion made above. Germany, and I mean the Germany of the Kaiser, the Germany of Ebert and Von Hinderburg, as well as the Germany of Hitler and any possible Germany of tomorrow, feels, is convinced that she needs a direct outlet on the Mediterranean. No power in Heaven or Hell can and will stop Germany from making any imaginable attempt to secure such an outlet. France is as determined to keep Germany out of the Mediterranean as Germany is determined to get in. Ger- many needs the outlet for her trade with Africa, Asia and Southern Exrope: France is determined to keep Germany out of the Med- iterranean to protect her trade, her colonies, and her Mediterranean coast. A federation between France and Germany would instantly, completely and forever remove this fundamental cause of friction and antagonism between them. Marseilles could become the Med- iterranean port of the Franco-German Federation with tremendous advantages to both countries.

__A Franco-German Federation would not mean that either France or Germany would lose, or in the slightest degree diminish their national individuality; it would mean that France and Ger- many have recognized that the abolition of the barriers existin between them would be of immense advantage to both. It woul mean that instead of being compelled to waste the greater and better part of their resources and energies in watching, antagoniz- ing, fighting each other, they could devote them to foster the prog- ress, welfare and happiness of their citizens. It would mean that instead of intriguing against each other in a futile struggle to gain a problematic, insecure supremacy over one another and sacrificing to that unattainable end the lives, health, property, security and possibly independence of their‘titizens, they would gain peacefully and maintain without difficulty a position of undisputed supremacy” in Europe and form the most powerful, influential, progressive unit in the world.

It will be the aim of the proposed Society of Friends of France and Germany to present detailed discussions on the problems relat- ing to a Franco-Germany Federation. At the moment, we shall only �[Page 86]86 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

call the reader's attention to this fact: Along the very borders of France and Germany has prospered for many years a country, namely Switzerland, more closely knitted together than any racial unity in the world, notwithstanding the fact that the citizens of this historic republic are not homogenous as to nationality: do not speak the same language; there are no natural geographical frontiers on any side. In Switzerland, Germans, French and Italians pre- serve their national characters, and although the Germans outnum- ber the other two nationalities almost three to one, there has never been on their part any attempt to Germanize the minority or to affect it in any respect or manner. All the 4,000,000 Swiss are very proud of being Swiss citizens: they are united for the common good because they are convinced that: In union there is strength.

What 4,000,000 patriotic, independent, progressive, cultured German, French and Italian citizens of Switzerland have done for the common good, can also be done to proportionately greater ad- vantage by 110,000,000 patriotic, independent, progressive, cul- tured French and German citizens of France and.Germany. There are no two other people on earth each with such marvelous individ- ual attributes as the French and German, who could integrate one” another so thoroughly and successfully as to form an ideal union, ~ which would mean not only strength, but also progress and, for the whole world, peace. �[Page 87]PEACE AND THE PRESENT CRISIS

A Statement Adopted by The Philadelphia Yearly Meetings of The Religious Society of Friends

THIRD MONTH, 1934

HE world is menaced by another war. This war which

threatens is not inevitable. It can be prevented, but the

forces tending toward it are many and “powerful. We

should be inexcusably blind if we failed to look with open eyes and comprehending minds at the unmistakable trend of events toward the increasing danger. Europe is tense with issues. In the Far East national interests and policies are in conflict. Faith in the agencies and processes of peace has given way to discouragement. Disarmament is at a standstill. Nations, including our own coun- try, are arming more powerfully than ever. And in a deeper realm of life, sinister ideas—belief in force, exaggerated nationalism, glorification of the state, belittling of the individual—are at work like poison in the minds of men.

In the face of this menace we declare our faith in those abiding truths taught and exemplified by Jesus Christ—tuat every individ- ual of every race and nation, is of supreme wocth; that love is the highest law of life, and evil is to be overcome, not by further evil, but by good. The relationship of nation to nation, of race to race, of class to class must be based on this Divine law of love, if peace and progress are to be achieved. We believe in those prin- ciples, not as mere ideals for some future time, but as part of the eternal moral order and as a way of life to be lived here and now. War is a colossal violation of this way of life. If we are true to our

faith we can have no part in it. 87 �[Page 88]88 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

We affirm the supremacy of conscience. We recognize the privileges and obligations of citizenship; but we reject as false that philosophy which sets the state above the moral law and demands from the individual unquestioning obedience to every state com- mand. On the contrary, we assert that every individual, while owing loyalty to the state, owes a more binding loyalty to a higher author- ity—the authority of God and conscience.

We maintain that war is unnecessary; that justice can be better secured by pacific agencies already established, that provide the methods for settling controversies without war if only the nations have the will to use them. It is not the agencies of peace which have failed the nations, but the nations which have failed the agencies of peace. It is the part of religion and statesmanship to support these peace institutions and to perfect them as instruments of justice instead of maintaining great armies and building huge navies. We remind the nations that they have renounced war and pledged themselves to use only the machinery of peace. We appeal to them to redeem their promises.

Our own country is facing a great issue: —Shall she co-operate wholeheartedly with other nations in organizing the world to pre- vent war and provide justice, or shall she go her own way, insist

complete freedom of action, refuse all commitments and res- ponsibilities for peace, and rely upon her own armed power?

Between these courses our nation must choose. We appeal for the right choice now, before it is too late. We urge our country to abandon the policy of power, the policy of huge armaments. We

to our nation to devote her prestige, her moral force and the abilities of her statesmen to the international institutions which can prevent war, and make it possible to achieve justice by pacific means. We urge her to join the World Court. We appeal for immediate steps to find the way in which our nation can make her contribution to world peace through the League of Nations.

May we practice the Divine law of love in every relationship. This law interpreted in our economic life means cooperation for the common good rather than competition for individual suprem- acy; in our racial, class and national relations it means achieving

ae �[Page 89]PEACE AND THE PRESENT CRISIS 89

the more abundant life through understanding, justice and cooper- ative service; in our personal lives it means the surrender of special privilege and material power in order to achieve the supreme goal of a universal brotherhood. Only by achieving in our personal lives some measure of the mind of Christ can we hope to create and maintain national, international and social agencies for the building of the Kinedom of God on earth.

FRIENDS’ PEACE COMMITTEE, 304 Arch Street, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

ENDURING PEACE by FRANCIS H. WHITE

Enduring peace! For this, oh God, we cry And toward the heaven stretch out Our anguished arms; A thousand million hurl the prayer on high To be forever free From war's alarms.

The sun-crowned heights of peace we strive to gain Through night and storm and blinding Mist of tears, Yet back from echoing crags the sad refrain, “Enduring peace you cannot Here attain.”

Still fight we upward—through sleet and hail, Though buffeted and torn We shall not fail; The zeal that conquers all consumes our soul— From pain to peace we rise, Let thunders roll! �[Page 90]WORLD ADVANCE | A Monthly International Review

by OscaR NEWFANG

Author of “The Road to World Peace,” “Hermony Between Capital and Labor,” etc.

MUST CAPITAL AND LABOR FIGHT?

HE capital-labor strife presents a problem of world-wide ex-

tent. It is the fundamental cause of the establishment of

communism in Russia, of the Socialist-Fascist clash in Italy,

of the Nazi-Communist fight in Germany, of the general strike in England, of the current epidemic of strikes in America; not to mention the industrial struggles of less prominent countries, such as Spain, Chile, Mexico, Australia and Cuba.

The basic reason for capital-labor friction is, that the divi- sion of the proceeds of industry is not made on any principle of justice or by any rule of reason, but is made solely by economic force. The division of the joint fruits of capital and labor is deter- mined solely by the relative economic power of capitalists and work- ers, power enforcing its demands through threatened or actual in- dustrial warfare.

The principal method used in both camps to enforce their de- mands is organization and united action; and the principal weapons used by organized capital and organized labor are, respectively, the lockout and the strike. Greater completeness of organization, either on the pdft of employers’ associations or of trade unions, does not in any way promote a just and reasonable solution of the problem of division; it simply improves the fighting position of the two an- tagonists and makes for wider, more prolonged and more bitter economic wars. Economic force, not economic justice, remains the determining factor in distribution.

90 �[Page 91]WORLD ADVANCE gt

Only the Value Added by Manufacture Can be Divided Between Capital and Laoor

In attempting to reach a rational and just basis for the division of the proceeds of industry between capital and labor, the first question is : What can be divided? The answer is that, in the long run, only the value added by manufacture, and no more, can be divided between the capital and the labor which have jointly produced this added value. If more than the added value is dis- tributed, the capital of the enterprise is impaired; and, if this ex- cessive distribution continues, the business must finally stop for lack of working materials.

It is true that the workers and the capitalists in an industry can for a time increase the share of both by passing on to the consumer the increased wages and dividends in the form of increased prices. “Yowever, if this is done in all industries, the general increase of prices which is caused simply results in a reduced purchasing power of money, and real wages and dividends remain as before. The only method by which, in the long run, there may be a larger a- mount to divide between capital and labor is by the creation of a larger manufacturing value; that is, by increased production. There is no possible way by which more can be divided “han is produced.

It is also true that, during the period of incomplete organiza- tion of capitalists and incomplete unionization of workers, the strongly organized industries, if their product is indispensable and no substitute for it is available, can take ad\ antage of their less strongly organized brethren and can for a time maintain relatively higher wages, dividends and selling prices than the unorganized or poorly organized trades: but this advantage lasts only until the organization of all industries is completed, when it again becomes true that the only way to increase real wages and dividends is by increased value added by manufacture, by increased production.

The Business Partnership Indicates the Just Method of Division of Proceeds

When all the questions of organization, however, such as those of the famous Section 7A in the American National Recovery Act, �[Page 92]92 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

have been fought out, and organization both on the part of capital and of labor is complete, no approach whatever has been made to a solution of the problem of the just division of the proceeds of in- dustry, so that the division may be made by the rule of reason in- stead of the rule of force and industrial war. After capital and labor have cooperated loyally in the production of values, in what way can a fair and reasonable division of these values be made be- tween them? Perhaps the best guide to the solution of the problem is found in the procedure of the ordinary business partnership.

When a group of men form a partnership for the manufacture of a commodity, in what way do they divide the proceeds of their joint efforts? There are threa steps which such partners take. First, each partner has a preliminary drawing account during the year covering his necessary living expenses; next, they pay a fair and reasonable annual dividend on the capital which each partner has put into the business; and, finally they divide the remaining earn- ings among themselves as partnership profits. If the profits of the business in any year increase, the preliminary drawing account and the fixed dividend on capital employed remain the same, but the amount divided as partnership profits is correspondingly increased. If the year proves less profitable, the amount distributed as partaer- ship profits is correspondingly less.

There may be years in which there is not enough prof realized to make any distribution of partnership profits, and in such years the partners receive only their preliminary drawing accounts and their respective shares of the dividend at the agreed rate. If the year’s result is so bad that not enough profit is realized to pay the full dividend agreed upon, it is customary to consider the unpaid dividend as cumulative and payable out of the earnings of subse- quent years, before any further partnership profits are distributed. If the earnings of the business, say in a period of depression, con- tinue year after year to be insufficient to meet a moderate dividend on the capital employed, it is customary for the partners gradually to reduce their preliminary drawing accounts until at least a reason- able dividend can be paid on the investment. �[Page 93]WORLD ADVANCE 93 Application of the Partnership System to Large-Scale Industry

Can this reasonable and fair method of dividing the proceeds of industry between capital and labor be applied to large-scale cor- porate business, in which capital is represented by thousands of in- vestors, and labor by thousands of workers? I see no reason why it cannot. The only fundamental change that is necessary in our pres- ent system of industry is the limitation of dividends on capital to a reasonable, cumulative yield, as is now done with the public utili- ties and the railroads, and the distribution of any earnings in excess of such dividends among all the active workers who give their full time to the business, in proportion to their wages or salaries. The application of the partnership system would involve the determina- tion by impartial public authority of a reasonable yield upon capi- tal for each year, and the enactment of a national law limiting divi- dends or other distributions to capital to this rate. It would also involve the permission to labor to elect its own auditor, to act with the capitalists’ auditor, in seeing that the accounting methods are honest, and that no milking of the enterprise for the benefit of management or owners through subsidiar; companies, through bonuses, etc., is done.

In case of disagreement between the auditors of capital and those of labor, appeal would lie to impartial public accountants rep- resenting the government, to the courts of the land for decisions and to the national legislature for any necessary legislation. The present regulation of the accounting methods of the railroads by the Interstate Commerce Commission would serve as model and precedent in this field. It will be observed that the possible dis- putes arising under this system would be limited to questions of fact (which are justiciable) and would not involve demands (which are not justiciable).

How could a fair dividend rate under this partnership arrange- ment be determined? It is of course evident that, since the degree of risk varies in different lines of business, a single dividend rate for the whole of industry would not be just. Investments would flow to the staple lines, in which the risk is smallest, and hazardous �[Page 94]94 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

and new lines of industry would not be able to obtain sufficient capital. A fair method of determining the rate of dividend for each industry would be, to find the average annual yield on bonds rest- ing upon that industry, which is not a difficult process, and to fix the dividend rate for each year at a figure about 1 per cent or 14 per cent above that average yield. If this margin proved too large and flooded the capital market, while starving the bond market, it could be reduced; if too small, increased. The annual average bond yields could be determined by the Department of Commerce or some similar organ of the government.

If this reasonable dividend on capital was not earned by a com- pany, what procedure could be followed to regulate the preliminary drawing accounts of the workers; that is, their current wages and salaries? It is suggested that, when the limited dividend is not earned in any year during the following year the wage scale be reduced 5 per cent; on the other hand, that the wage scale be in- creased 5 per cent whenever the earnings above the current dividend amount to as much as a 20 per cent bonus distribution on the pay- roll. While it is evident that such an arrangement gives dividends a certain amount of preference over wages, this is offset by the lim- itation of dividends and the division of all surplus earnings among workers. This flexibility in the wage scales, in contrast to our pres- ent rigid wage system, in which rates can usually be altered only through strikes or lockouts. would, as we shall see later, have a great effect in making operations continuous and employment per- manent. It would also make investments more secure, reasonable dividends more certain, and would therefore greatly encourage the accumulation of capital and the establishment of new industries to absorb the increasing numbers of workers in a growing population.

Advantages of the Partnership System Over the Wage System

What advantages would the application of the partnership principle to the capital-labor relation have over our present wage system? Perhaps the greatest would be the continuous distribution of sufficient purchasing power to balance production, clear the mar- kets, and avoid the periodical breakdown and stoppage of our eco- �[Page 95]WORLD ADVANCE 95

nomic machine in crisis and depressions. In prosperous or boom periods the wages of the workers would automatically rise with the growth of production and profits and would thus afford the necessary purchasing power to keep the increasing production moving into consumption and prevent that glutting of the markets which causes the crisis of industry with the resulting crash and de- pression. Under the wage system the increase of profits in boom periods goes principally to capital and is largely used through in- vestment to increase production instead of to consume production and keep the channels of trade unclogged by surplusses. Under the partnership system production and purchasing power are tied to- gether and move up or down together.

The second advantage of the partnership system over the wage system would be the softening of the question of hours. Employers would have no motive in demanding longer hours, if they could not benefit from them; if the increased earnings would go to the workers, not to the employers. On the other hand, workers would not be so keen for shorter hours, if the reduction of earning which would result did not affect the dividend of the capitalists, but came out of the bonus distribution of the workers. The regulation of hours could therefore with much less friction be adjusted at the point which would afford continuous employment to all the work- ers. As the efficiency of machinery increased, the hours of toil for the workers could be lightened, as is now being attempted in the United States under the N.R.A. Probably an agency consisting of representatives of capital, labor and government could be formed to determine the length of the working week in accordance with the state of employment. If there should be ro per cent of unem- ployment, a 10 per cent reduction of hours would by and large ab- sorb the unemployment. This softening of the friction on the length of the working week, together with the previous advantage of an adequate distribution of purchasing power to clear the markets, would make for continuous operation in industry, full employ- ment of the workers, and regular dividends on capital.

The feeling among the workers that they were receiving the full social value of their labor under the partnership system would �[Page 96]96 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

produce a much greater friendliness and cooperative spirit between management and workers, and consequently a product much larger in amount and superior in quality. Workers would feel that any in- crease in the product would mean an additional bonus distribution _ for themselves, and that any increase in seconds and inferior prod- ucts would mean a reduction of their earnings. Furthermore, every worker would be interested in seeing that his fellow “did his part” and did not loaf on the job, which would lower the workers’ earn- ings. The elimination of strikes and lockouts which would be pos- sible under the partnership system would save many millions of dollars annually to both capital and labor, and would thus increase the earnings of both.

It may be mentioned here, that the final solution of the capital- labor problem would require international action for the establish- ment of fair and equal terms of international competition in hours of labor, minimum age of employment, regulation of female labor, and sanitary conditions of work. It is significant of President Roosevelt's long views that he has placed the United States in the International Labor Organization.

At the bottom of the whole problem of industrial peace lies the human element. There will be no permanent peace between capital and labor until wage-slavery, the relation of master ana man, has been replaced by partnership, the relation of human brother- hood in production. The labor problem is part of the age-long struggle of mankind up from slavery, up from serfdom, up from feudalism, up from wage-slavery to freedom, equality and brother- hood. �[Page 97]GEORGE LANSBURY by . Rev. ALBERT D. BELDEN, B.D.

N honest man has been described by one of the poets as “the noblest work of God” and George Lansbury is the

honest man of the political life of Great Britain. He has a

divine simplicity of character similar to that of Henry Campbell Bannerman, the Liberal Premier who preceded Asquith, and who was extraordinarily successful as a Premier. It is the fashion in Great Britain to talk of George Lansbury as though he were an honest simpleton and to say “of course, he is not clever” but it is difficult for the honest man to obtain a reputation for cleverness. The absence of duplicity and chicanery from his char- acter appears to the worldly spirit as a hopeless handicap for effec- tive dealing with life. But this point of view fails to allow for the fact that an honest character is the finest foundation for a clear- seeing mind and that so often the Gordian knots of life’s problems are best tackled by the simple process of cutting them.

It can be safely prophesied that if George Lansbury comes to the Premiership, and it is not unlikely, it will be a Premiership of deeds rather than words and of brave, simple, heroic policies much more likely to prove a tonic to the present state of the world than the timid tortuousness of the clever people.

George Lansbury’s father was a contractor for railway con- struction and coal depot work. George was born in the year 1859 at Halesworth in Suffolk. When he was six years old the family removed to Kent for the building of the London Chatham & Dover Railway. Afterwards they removed successively to Woolwich, Bethnal Green, and finally to Whitechapel. As a result George Lansbury’s early education was very scanty. Whitechapel in those far-off days of 1865 was very different from what it is to-day. It

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abounded in dairies, piggeries, small farms and market gardens.

Our hero received his best teaching at a school attached to Whitechapel Church and for many years after his school-days he kept in touch with his schoolmaster, Michael Apted—“‘a real good sort” as Mr. Lansbury describes him, and also with the Rector, the Rev. J. F. Kitto. One of the effects of this education was that he in company with his fellow-scholars developed a keen interest in the politics of his time. He has always been a voracious reader, es- peciaJly of historical works.

It was the Rector of Whitechapel who later married him to Elizabeth Jane Brine. In their early married life Mr. & Mrs. Lans- bury were the leading lights of the Whitechapel Band of Hope, and he was the Superintendent of the Sunday School attached to the Church. Their life was one of Puritanic simplicity; they never dreamed of attending either a theatre or a music-hall, and yet while Mr. Lansbury has absorbed the strength and simplicity of the Puri- tan outlook he has fiever been the stern, lugubrious, kill-joy fanatic the Puritan may all too easily become. Indeed he has lately, at the ripe age of 75, become the champion of a brighter England and although a life-long teetotaller, always ready to defend his tee- totalism, he recently, as First Commissioner of Works to His Maj- esty’s Government, opposed absolutely the appeal of the Temper- ance Members of Parliament that he should refuse a license for the sale of strong drink at Hampton Court. His contention was that Prohibitionists must attain their ends by straight-forward constitu- tional methods and not attempt to impose teetotalism on the coun- try without a mandate. This is a striking illustration of his straight- forward honesty and his love for democratic procedure.

Mr. Lansbury served a long apprenticeship to politics in the local-government of Poplar which is closely udjacent to White- chapel.

On a certain day in the early ‘nineties, Lansbury left his job of veneer dryer in his father-in-law’s timber yard, to take his place on a relief committee of the Poplar Board of Guardians, where he sat side-by-side with Will Crooks and a few others who were the ad- vance guard of the Liberal-Laborism of the day. His very first action �[Page 99]GEORGE LANSBURY 99

was characteristic. He was asked to take tea with the Chairman of the Committee, and innocently asked who was to pay for the tea. When he was told he would be the guest of the Chairman he replied that he would rather pay for his own tea, as being a mere workman he would not be able to return the compliment. After that, every- body paid. It was a small matter but it marked him out as a man of sturdy principle.

For twenty years he was in the van of the rising Socialist attack on the Municipal bodies of London, and became the fierce oppo- nent of all who sought to exploit Municipal power for private ends, the “boodlers, jerry-builders, and body snatchers” as he called them. He used to remark with a certain grim humor on the eager- ness of undertakers to become members of the Workhouse Com- mittee from which position they might keep a watchful eye on the old people, weighing up their expectation of life, and taking their general measurements with a practised eye with a view to the time when their final demand on the community for a deal coffin would fall due.

Those years spent in fighting the battle of the destitute, sick and the aged, and of unwanted, neglected children, laid the foun- dation of that great love of Lansbury by the common people which is his supreme strength in present days.

He has always been peculiarly a man of the people. For ex- ample, he has never mastered the art of shaving himself, and al- most every morning he may be seen taking himself along the Bow Road, often in carpet slippers, to one of the local barbers’ shops where the business is not only shaving but the inevitable chit-chat of the barbers’ establishment, and no devotee of the shop is too humble for the man of the people to take an interest in, or with whom to exchange political views.

Throughout a long life, he is now half way through his seven- ties, Mr. Lansbury has served the cause of Socialism on the platform with unstinted devotion. His vitality has always been amazing. After a week of hard work in his earlier years, which would send younger men to a week-end of rest, he would devote Saturday afternoons to taking parties of school-children over the Houses of �[Page 100]100 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Parliament, always impressing them with the Liberal aspects of British politics. The Sunday would find him in some remote part of the country, proclaiming his message of Social redemption throughout the whole day. This, combined with exacting labor in local affairs, and in the development of the Labor Party, has made up a life of perpetual toil.

His passionate love for the poor, and fierce championship of their cause is well illustrated by an incident which occurred when as Members of the Royal Commission on the Poor Law, he and Lord George Hamilton were visiting the Workhouses all over the country. Lord Hamilton broke into praise of one of these Institu- tions and turning to Lansbury said: “This is all right; no complaints here; you can say nothing against this. It is really delightfully clean and comfortable.” The reply was direct and forceful enough to be shocking: ‘‘O yes, my lord, it is too damned clean, too well regu- lated. Get up with a bell, breakfast with a bell, dinner and supper likewise, then bed with a bell, and at the end heaven or hell with a bell! You would not live here an hour! You would not be found dead here by choice, neither would I. What is not good enough for you and me is neither clean nor comfortable enough for others.”

There is a most amazing instance of a retort of his to the Prince of Wales (later Edward VII) when they were discussing the conditions of the aged poor. The Prince was a Member of the Cotamission of Enquiry and asked Mr. Lansbury just what he meant by the need for a variety of food, and suggested it might mean an occasional biscuit. Lansbury’s answer caused a commotion! “Well, if you give them biscuits, you will have to supply them with teeth!” The point of the reply was that biscuits for the paupers were made by a firm supplying dog biscuits. Royalty was not at all upset by this answer and in a day or two Lansbury received a letter of con- gratulation from the Prince upon his evidence.

As His Majesty’s First Commissioner of Works in the recent Labor Government, he won the admiration of all parties by the de- votion and courage that he brought to his task. He certainly did succeed in making London brighter and that he earned the grati- tude of the people is shown by the notice his works secured from �[Page 101]GEORGE LANSBURY IOI

the Editor of ‘Time and Tide” 20th September 1929: ‘‘Mr. Lans- bury is one of those Ministers whose names should have a permanent place in history, and especially in books of history for children. He will be remembered, it may be, as the First Commissioner for Good Works.”

Mr. Lansbury like many another leader in the Labor Party in Britain has known the inside of prison. The lead that he gave in the administration of unemployment relief and public assistance in Poplar brought down upon him the vengeance of the Tory Govern- ment. Mr. Lansbury eventually led the Members of the Poplar Borough Council into prison. The idea, we are told, was that a few weeks’ sojourn away from the heat and turmoil of a heedless and unsatisfactory world might draw public attention to a great public scandal which nobody but the victims ever wanted to hear about. The result of this business visit to His Majesty’s Prison of a few Poplar councillors was that Poplar became richer by more than five hundred thousand pounds a year.

The situation arose out of the fact that the maintenance of the unemployed was strictly local, with the result that prosperous boroughs like Westminster and others had only to maintain a kind of sample of the poor of London, while populous boroughs like Poplar were simply overwhelmed. Now the Poplar Borough Council, like every other in London, had to pay away large sums of money to the London County Council, the Metropolitan Police, the Metropolitan Asylums Board, etc., every half-year, so in order to draw attention to this scandal the Councillors refused to pay these levies. They levied a rate sufficient only to pay for the Council’s local services, leaving the central bodies to get their share as best they could. When they were ordered to increase the rate so that the extra money for these Central Bodies could be found, they re- fused to do so and found themselves committed to prison.

The Government at the time made many unofhicial promises to deal with the Rates question of London on the lines of the Pop- lar demand if only these Councillors would purge their contempt of Court by levying the rate. Mr. Lansbury, however, was too honest and simple to be caught by such guile. It was up to the �[Page 102]I02 | WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Government to get him and his colleagues out of prison not by vague promises but by action. The public supported the councillors and enormous processions marched continually round the prison with bands and banners.

Eventually a satisfactory document was drawn up which en- abled the Councillors to walk out of prison in the sure knowledge that the reform which thirty years of constitutional agitation had failed to bring about would at last be effected. The result was that every poor Borough of London received many hundreds of thou- sands of pounds for the relief of their indigent poor.

In the great economic crisis of 1931 Mr. Lansbury was among those members of the Labor Cabinet who resigned rather than be responsible for cutting the benefit of the unemployed, and here is a characteristic statement of his concerning it. ‘For myself I refused to stick to the fleshpots of office and betray the poor on whose con- fidence and votes my whole public life depended. Also, as an Englishman, I refused to accept the blatant dictation of American and British bankers, led by the Bank of England and Treasury officials.

“We waited in Downing Street for telephone messages from Nev York. The Deputy-Governor of the Bank of England and some of his colleagues were in one committee room waiting, so they said, to receive the message, and a message was read to the Cabinet.”

“In a world of abundance, the money-muddlers and greedy usurers demand that masses shall starve.

“We in Britain have often led the world in peaceful, ordered change. We can do it again.”

It was the great privilege of the present writer, in the Christ- mas of 1932, to accompany Mr. George Lansbury on a visit to Lossiemouth to plead with the Prime Minister for the release of Mr. Tom Mann, an old man of some 76 years of age, a well-known agitator of advanced Left views, because he had been charged and imprisoned under the revival of some very ancient and oppressive acts of British law, one of them dating as far back as Edward III. Although our mission proved unsuccessful in its main object, it focussed tremendous public attention upon what was essentially �[Page 103]GEORGE LANSBURY 103

a travesty of the law and did a great deal of good. I refer to it particularly because of the insight it gave me into the character and personality of the man of the people. When our work was done and we were returning after a very hectic time with reporters, cinema photographers, etc., the ex-Cabinet Minister relaxed and regaled us with some of the most characteristic songs of the East End of London. It was a peep into the simple, hearty jollity of a soul possessed of a good conscience and was a revelation of his great love of the common people.

It is safe to prophesy if Mr. Lansbury comes to real power in England as is more than probable in the next Election, we shall see things happen and our expectation might well be expressed in a passage from Tennyson of which Mr. George Lansbury is par- ticularly fond:-.

“As long as we remain, we must speak free,

Tho’ all the storm of Europe on us break,

No little paltry State are we,

But the one voice in Europe; we must speak;

That if to-night our greatness were struck dead There might be left some record of the things we said. If you be fearful, then must we be bold,

Our Britain cannot salve a tyrant o’er,

Better the waste Atlantic roll’d

On her and us and ours for evermore.

What! have we fought for Freedom from our prime, At last to dodge and palter with a public crime? Shall we fear them? our own we never fear’d.

From our first Charles by force we wrung our claims, Prick’d by the Papal spur, we rear’d.

We flung the burthen of the second James.

Tho’ niggard throats of money-lords may bawl, What England was, shall her true sons forget?

We are not money-lenders all,

But some love England and her honour yet.

And these in our Thermopylae shall stand,

And hold against the world this honour of the land.” �[Page 104]GENEVA, SEPTEMBER, 1934

by

EVELYN NEWMAN Professor of English, Rollins College

met in a rather inauspicious atmosphere this September.

For one thing, discouragement over the seeming futility of

the disarmament committee meetings last spring remained in the Geneva consciousness. For another, directed and resolute action toward desired objectives seemed lacking. Uncertainty was everywhere apparent during the first few meetings.

For those who had attended thrilling assemblies in the old John Calvin Hall of the Reformation during the days when Briand and Stresemann talked together, when the Viking Nansen and the Scotchman Ramsey MacDonald could be seen towering over the others holding friendly converse, when the influence of Lord Robert Cecil was as pervasive as it was beneficial in the peaceful settlement of disputes, this gathering in the big barnlike Geneva parliamentary building seemed at first totally lacking in personality and interest.

But as the eye grew accustomed to the scene, one from the press gallery could pick out personalities from the delegations represent- ing the fifty-four or fifty-five nations (Germany and Japan were, of course, absent) on the floor of the house. Of the powerful as well as picturesque statesmen of former days, there remained only the large and somewhat genially explosive Titulesco, the slender Hymans, looking more like Einstein than ever with his aura of sil- ver hair, Edward Benes, slightly balder and more reserved than of yore, and the small vivid Madariaga heading their delegations of Roumania, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, and Spain. Of the more re- cent members, tall, rawboned De Valera, leader of the Irish Free

104

f | 1HE fifteenth ordinary Assembly of the League of Nations �[Page 105]GENEVA, SEPTEMBER, 1934 105

State, and heavy-set, energetic Hambro of Norway were among the most interesting.

Since the seating is arranged according to the French alpha- bet, one could easily pick out the various countries. Invariably, the greater powers were placed down the central section fronting the rostrum. The ten women delegates made conspicuous the coun- tries they represented by the mere fact that there were so few of them. Stalwart old Froéken Forchhammer was still an alternate from Denmark, and Kerstin Hesselgren was a full voting member from Sweden. The other women alternates were Mrs. Couchman from Australia, Countess Starhemberg (mother of the Prince) from Austria, Miss Horsbrugh, M. P. from Great Britain, Signorina Cam- poamor from Spain, Countess Apponyi from Hungary, Dr. Inge- borg Aas from Norway, Madame Kluyver from The Netherlands, and Mlle. Vacaresca from Roumania. This is indeed a small num- ber to represent one half the human race, but Commissar Litvinoff assured a group of American women who called upon him several days after Russia’s acceptance that it would be increased by at least one next year, when Russia would send a woman as full delegate empowered to vote.

Though the early meetings were lacking in special features of interest, the proceedings gave a thrill to an onlooker of imagina- tion; for after all there sat many of the most important govern- mental representatives of a large portion of the so-called civilized world.

The usual procedure of the opening meeting was carried out. Edouard Benes, the foreign minister of Czechoslovakia as president of the Council, presided. His speech was sane and statesmanlike. He briefly summed up the various indictments against the League made by its unfriendly critics during the past months. Foremost among them was the so-called failure concerning the conference for the Limitation and Reduction of Armaments. He declared that the responsibility for failure was not upon the League but upon the individual states who had as yet refused to allow their representa- tives to make sufficient compromise for any collective advance to- ward disarmament. The other indictments were the withdrawal �[Page 106]106 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

of Japan and Germany from the family of nations and the failure on the part of the League to handle the question of Manchukuo, to ease the prevailing tension between Japan and the Soviet Union, or to stop the war between Bolivia and Paraguay concerning the territory of the Chaco. Committees from the Council of the League, in cooperation with representatives from South American states and from the United States of America, had been vainly endeavor- ing to bring about a reconciliation for the past two years. In spite of these harrassing facts, he believed that the League had made great effort toward aiding the cause of justice and peace in each situation. On the debit side, the League had done actually con- structive peace work in its settlement, with the aid of Brazil, of the serious dispute between Peru and Colombia regarding the territory of Letticia. It had supplied machinery for the arranging of friendly pacts for special cooperation and non-aggression and for certain joint agreements of three great powers which had been made last spring to insure the independence of Austria. Added to these items in favor of the League, he believed Russia’s desire and possible ac- complishment in becoming a member would infinitely strengthen League work and give an added atmosphere of encouragement. He closed his address by warning world statesmen concerning their responsibility for war, declaring that they now possessed to a greater extent than ever before the means of preventing war. If such a catastrophe fell upon their people, they would be held responsible, not only by their respective countries but by the moral judgment of the world. “The League of Nations can become only so strong in its political position as its member nations will make it in the coming yeats.”’

After this speech, the election procedure for the new president was announced. As always, it was by secret ballot, the leading delegate of each country coming up to the rostrum box to drop in the vote of his group. Mr. Sandler, foreign minister of Sweden, was elected by a large majority. He is a lean, middle-aged, capable man who has done yeoman service for many months as a member of the disarmament conference. He made an excellent presiding officer, tactful, but alert and decisive in his judgments. At the �[Page 107]GENEVA, SEPTEMBER, 1934 107

announcement of the election returns, Mr. Sandler took the chair and dismissed the meeting with the statement that he would call the members of the general Assembly concerning the formation of the _— committees for the handling of the questions upon the agenda.

The most important of these questions, other than those of the mere xoutine of the governing machinery were, of course, the entry of Russia into the League and the dispute between Bolivia and Paraguay. Both these vital matters could not be handled in the Assembly until a way had been paved for such general discussion by resolutions upon them made in committee meetings. It was voted that the sixth, (the political section) committee was to handle the question of Russia’s entry. As for the situation between Bolivia and Paraguay, long sessions of both the sixth (political) and the fifth (social) committees were given over to it. It was also handled in the first (legal) section.

The problem of Russia’s entry was made acute because of the violent objection of many of the smaller nations. It was reported that Switzerland had even threatened to withdraw from the League, should Russia be admitted. Madariaga had been elected as chair- man for the political section. After a rather sensational speech by De Valera in the Assembly, in the course of which he impugned the statesmen for carrying on back-parlor discussions which should be held from the Assembiy floor, concerning Russia, Madariaga placed the question on the agenda of the sixth committee for Mon- day afternoon, September the 17th.

The meeting was held in one of the larger rooms of the new wing of the Secretariat, built for the meetings of the disarmament section. Into this room large enough for three hundred but packed with five hundred or more, mostly men journalists, gathezed mem- bers of the political section. Representatives from forty-eight states sat in the meeting, which was skillfully presided over by the astute Spaniard. Impassioned speeches against Russia’s entry were made by Motta of Switzerland, Jasper of Belgium, Cantilo of Argentine, De Graeff of The Netherlands, and Da Mata of Portugal. All made very much the same point, the danger of communist propa- �[Page 108]108 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

ganda aimed at the foundation of the established governments of most of the countries who were members of the League. These speeches were vociferously applauded.

M. Barthou, foreign minister of France, made the longest and best speech in favor of Russia. He declared that M. Motta’s point brought up the question of doctrine in which one system would be opposed to another; but as politicians, League members must look at actual facts. One fact was obvious, a great country of one hun- dred and seventy millions had asked to be admitted to the League. It laid down no conditions but accepted, on the contrary, those of the covenant. Article I of the covenant provided that the League should be a universal body. In welcoming Russia into the League they were acting in the spirit of the covenant. The interests of peace urged that she should be admitted. France, Great Britain, Italy, and several other European countries wished her admitted. To refuse her would throw a great responsibility on the nations making the refusal. To admit her would be in the interests of the League and of world peace. Captain Eden of Great Britain, Baron Aloisi of Italy, M. Beck of Poland, and M. Benes of Czechoslovakia all made brief speeches in favor of Russia’s entry, as did Mr. Skel- ton of Canada and Tevfik Bey of Turkey. Chairman Madariaga added his appeal in her favor, and the vote was taken by roll call, with the result of thirty-eight for, three against, and seven abstain- ing.

An Assembly meeting was called for the next afternoon at

six o’clock for the final procedure. M. Madariaga, in recognition for his service as chairman of the sixth committee was allowed to make the proposal speech before the house. In part, he said as follows:

“I was very proud, as the representative of Spain, to be called to this platform when Mexico and later when Turkey entered the League of Nations. Chance and the confidence which you have been good enough to show me, have now given me the honor of the opportunity of proposing the admission of Russia into the League.

“I confidently express the hope that the great American Repub- �[Page 109]GENEVA, SEPTEMBER, 1934 199

lic whose cooperation is so essential to us, will by its entry in due course, add to that element of universality which is the very funda- mental essential, not only of the success but of the existence of the League of Nations.”

President Sandler then called for discussion from the floor. Again Mr. Motta of Switzerland, M. Cantilo of the Argentine Republic, and M. Da Mota of Portugal spoke against Russia's entry. Mr. De Valera of the Irish Free State, though he had the week be- fore pleaded for Russia’s entry, spoke at length asking that Com- missar Litvinoff give assurances from the Russian government con- cerning its keeping faith with more than one-third of the inhabit- ants of the globe who proclaimed themselves followers of Christ that anti-Christian propaganda would not be sent out from Russia. Persia and Turkey spoke in favor. The vote was then taken for the entry with the result of thirty-nine in the affirmative. This number gave the required two-thirds for admission. The same procedure was Carried out for the election of Russia to a permanent seat on the Council with forty affirmative votes as the result. President Sandler then inquired concerning the Russian delegates’ creden- tials. When informed by the credential committee that they were satisfactory, the conclusions of that committee were adopted.

The piesident in a hearty voice declared: “I invite the delegates of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics to come and take their places in this Assembly.”

A ripple of amusement ran through the tense and crowded house since the three Russian delegates had already been seated, through a mistake on the part of the ushers. The president con- tinued: “On behalf of the Assembly I have the honor to greet the delegation of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics which will from today take its place among us .. . I do not feel called upon to attempt an estimate of the true significance of the event which is occurring today. It will be for the future to show us all its conse- quences for the destiny of humanity.

“Having said this I think it is my duty to proclaim that this day of September 18, 1934 marks a decisive point in the history of our League, which has been increased today by a member bringing �[Page 110]IIo WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

into the scale of international cooperation—organized in a defi- nite and concrete manner by the covenant—the weight of a popv- lation of one hundred seventy millions, playing an extremely im- portant part in the life of two continents.

“I ask the Soviet delegation to give us its assistance in our work for the welfare of the world, and I take this opportunity of once more expressing my faith in our League. Born of war and distress, may it insure peace in the world and may it bring happiness to the peoples. I call upon Mr. Litvinoff, first delegate of the Union of Socialist Republics.”

There was silence for a moment; then in the hushed expect- ancy of the crowded house, Mr. Litvinoff walked sturdily to the plaitorm and started reading in slow and rather stumbling English his long but powerful speech. He thanked the president and the members of the Council and the Assembly for electing Russia into their membership. He then launched into a discussion of his coun- try and its relation to the League of Nations: “The entry into the League in the fifteenth year of its existence by Russia, one of the greatest states in the world, does undoubtedly call for some ex- planation,” he declared, proudly adding that Russia represented a new state in its internal, political, and social structure, in its aspir- ations and ideas. He admitted that it was not surprising that such a state should come up against intense hostility for a time. He adroitly reminded the Allied nations of their abortive attempts toward armed intervention in the internal government of his coun- try. He criticised some of the League covenant:

“Had we taken part in the drawing up of the covenant of the League we would have contested certain of its articles. In partic- ular we would have objected to articles 12 and 15 for the legis- lation in certain instances of war. That is why I stated in my letter of the 15th to the president of the Assembly our satisfaction over the proposal to alter these articles. Further, we would have ob- jected to article 22 on the system of mandates. We also deprecate the absence in article 23 of undertakings to insure race equality.

But he explained that these objections were not important enough to keep Russia out of the League. . . “The Soviet Union is �[Page 111]GENEVA, SEPTEMBER, 1934 III

itself a League of Nations in the best sense of the word, uniting over two hundred nationalities, thirteen of which have a population of not less than one million each, and others, such as Russia and the Ukrain, a population running into the scores of millions. I will make so bold as to claim that never before have so many nations co-existed so peacefully within a single state, never before have so many nations in one state had such free cultural development and enjoyed their own national culture as a whole and the use of their own language in particular. In no other country are all manifesta- tion of race and national prejudice so resolutely put down and eradicated as in the Soviet Union . . . Before the Soviet régime, all nationalities except the dominating Russian were being stamped out by violence and oppression. At the present time the periodical press in the Soviet Union comes out in fifty languages. The na- tional policy of the Soviet Union and the results of this policy have received their due, both from friends and foes visiting the Soviet Union and studying the national question on the spot.”

Thus he went on and on enumerating the challenging points of difference in his country. Delegates, visitors, and press repre- sentatives quietly slipped away by twos and threes until the big hall was almost empty. Only Great Britain, France, and a few smaller delegations lingered. But the Commissar never faltered nor did he seem to notice his rapidly dwindling audience. He was talking for his own country’s press reports as had so many other statesmen in the days before. What better forum possible!

An hour and a half had passed. He was drawing to a close: “I will only mention the active part taken by the Soviet delegation in the preparatory commission of the disarmament conference and in the conference itself. On behalf of the Soviet government the Soviet representative declared its readiness for any degree of dis- armament, taking its stand on far-reaching proposals for the in- suring of peace, some .f which have received world-wide recog- nition and even application . . . The Soviet government has never ceased working at this task throughout the whole of its existence. It has come here to combine its efforts with the efforts of other states represented in the League. I am convinced that in this, our common �[Page 112]112 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINB

work, from now on the will to peace in the Soviet Union with its hundred seventy million inhabitants—peace for itself and for other states—will make itself felt as a powerful factor.”

As the speaker left the platform, President Sandler, without more ado, pronounced the Assembly dismissed. The hour was 8:25 P. M.

After the climax of Russia’s admission, interest waned. The committees worked on steadily day by day. In the fifth committee (the social section) real progress was made in connection with traffic in women and children by the unanimous passing of a resolu- tion to recommend urgently to all governments in the civilized world the abolishment of licensed houses of prostitution. Many governments have already abolished such houses. It was encour- aging to hear representatives of states still allowing such houses make apology for their governments.

In the sixth (political) committee the chief matter of interest for the remaining time was the discussion of the war between Par- aguay and Bolivia over the Chaco district. In spite of the fact which critics are constantly citing that the war has not been stopped, attendant upon the fifth and sixth committee discussions would com- pel any fair critic to realize the efforts that have been put forth by the League Council and various committees. At several meetings of the sixth committee, the representatives from Paraguay and Bo- livia must have felt embarrassed and unhappy over the unanimous disapproval expressed. They were often appealed to and some- times severely criticised. Mr. Skelton of Canada, the chairman of the League committee of investigation, finally summed up the League’s indictment by saying that both Paraguay and Bolivia were exhausting their national strength, killing off their youth, and breaking down the whole framework of the League of Nations for world cooperation. A review of the long efforts made by South American countries in cooperation with representatives from the United States of America was given by many speakers.

At the final meetings, another committee of twenty was created by the Assembly. In that committee meeting, Alberto Guani of Uruguay compelled the appointing of a sub-committee of eight �[Page 113]GENEVA, SEPTEMBER, 1934 113

Latin-American countries to attempt conciliation. Recommenda- tions under article 15 of the League covenant are to be prepared by experts headed by M. Avenol, the executive secretary of the League.

The two other states that joined the League this fall are Af- ghanistan and Ecuador. Now among all the nations of the world, the only countries of any size outside the League are our own United States of America besides Germany, Japan, and Brazil, who have been members and will undoubtedly return to the fold in time.

All together, this September Assembly in Geneva ended on an infinitely higher note of achievement than even the best friends of the League could have hoped for at its beginning. It is agreed that the evolution of the covenant in many ways must come, that regional pacts within the League framework may be substituted for some of the cumbersome League machinery of the present mo- ment. But any fair and intelligent person who attended this year’s Assembly with its accompanying Council and various committee meetings could not fail to leave Geneva with a mind newly stretched to the grasp of world problems and a keener realization, sympathy for and understanding of the immense complex task in which are engaged men and women from all parts of the world, men and women of ability, energy, and great sincerity, whether they be members of the Secretariat or of the cooperating nations within the League. �[Page 114]NATIONAL, INTERNATIONAL ONE-LINE WISDOM

Compiled by Wm. P. TAYLOR

English laws punish vice; Chinese laws reward virtue. Goldsmith.

England, the land of scholars and the nurse of arms. Goldsmith.

I am in Germany but I can’t find the country. Gorkey.

Policy, the creed of diplomats. Greely.

He who changes country changes luck. Guicciardini.

Love of country strengthens individual and national character.

Hamilton.

Combinations of men are distasteful to tyrants. Hemans.

The French are not international egotists. Herriot.

“were is nothing nobler than humanity. Hindoo.

‘1 the noble, the whole world is one family. Hindoo.

No nation with a good home-life can be destroyed. Holland.

Combination will resist oppression. Inchiquin.

To God belong the East and the West. Islam.

Nations are ruled by expediency. Ismaeloff.

Courtiers are the moths and scarabs of states. Jonson.

Fear must rule in a despotism. Kossuth.

A fugitive must not forget the past. Kossuth.

Nations, like individuals, interest us in their growth. Landor.

Democracy is government of the people, by the people and for the people. Lincoln.

Laws, the sovereign of sovereigns. Louis XIV.

Communism means barbarism. Lowell.

Evolution, too long deferred, means revolution. Ludwig.

Maxims are the condensed sense of nations. Mackintosh.

School-houses are the republican line of fortifications. Mann.

‘Clemency is a kingdom’s best preserver. Marcus Aurelius.

Education is our only political safety. Mann.

Royalty should consist in virtue, not pomp. Marston.

I am returning to Copenhagen where there is real civilization.

! Meyer.

114 �[Page 115]NATIONAL, INTERNATIONAL II§

Not kings, alone, the people, too love their flatterers. Mirabeau. The Prussian school-master won the battle of Sadowa. Moltke. Virtue is necessary to a republic. Montesquieu. He is no king who fears to fight for his country. Montezuma. The fascist loves his neighbor—but with differences. Mussolini. Democracy—political equality—is an illusion. Mussolini. America grows on the follies of Europe. Napoleon. The European oligarchy detests me. Napoleon. The Scotch for accuracy. Nicholson. Let our last sleep be in the graves of our native land. Oceola, Dew depends not on parliament. Ofis. The majority proves that mediocry, only is approved. Pascal. The best service to the State is making citizens acquainted. Plato. A war is not to be timidly shunned or unjustly provoked. Pliny. One murder makes a villain; a million, a hero. Porteus. Subjugate the barbarians. Probus. But roo Americans think in international terms? There are not that many in Europe. Reinach. We (French) are alone in the world, as knowing how to think. Riviere. Despotism ever pleads necessity. Rynders. There is a higher law than the constitution. Seward. Like men, nations are purified and strengthened by trial. Szzéles. Let the bugles sound the truce of God to the whole world, forever. Sumner. I never hear of a Cuban election without getting goose-flesh. Taft. A national party must have a national issue. Tilton. Quell rebellion, before it spreads. Vespasian. One country, one constitution, one destiny. Webster.

ANONYMOUS African To be better off, is not necessarily, to be better.

American

In America, one always wants to be somebody. The Americans (at the Hague) were concerned only about ‘points’. �[Page 116]116 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINB

Chinese The Chinese republic requests the prayers of the Christian nations.

English An Englishman is never generous but always fair. With an Englishman, nothing is sacred but property. The English have been made by solid material success. With an Englishman—from his long experience—conventions are convictions. The English win because they understand the nature of things. Victoria longed for Christ’s coming that she might lay her crown at His feet. French The French like to leave nothing to chance. The French, in Africa, accomplished more by buttons than the Germans by bayonets.

German

From a pebble a German can construct a universe. | The invasion of Belgium was the greatest concentration of history.

Greek The Greek civilization of the 5th century, B. C. was the highest

known. Indian

We live in fellowship with the eternal.

Japanese Firm but kind. Jewish The fierce intellectuality of the Jew. The ancient Jew smelled a rose and praised God. The Canaanites proved Israel.

Scandanavian

When a Swede makes up his mind to do a thing he does it. The north wind made the Vikings. �[Page 117]NATIONAL, INTERNATIONAL 117

Scotch Scotland, the most romantic land in the world.

Swiss We teach our youngest children to do everything right or not at all.

Miscellaneous He who is obsessed with race prejudice has not learned tle bigness or glory of life. It is time for the practical application of Christianity to interna-

tional affairs. It is the destiny of the human race to grow into completeness.

IKHNATON by STANTON A..COBLENTZ

(Egyptian ruler, fourteenth century B. C.; introduced religious reforms and espoused peace; later execrated and denounced as “criminal’’)

The lips of time but rarely speak his name,

Lone Pharaoh of the forward-darting sight,

Who, peering on the towers of love and light,

Was cursed as traitor to his people’s fame.

The ears of time are full of praise and blame,

2ut not for him, whose half-forgotten might

Sleeps where the sand-dunes drift,—this king whose fight For peace was deemed a sooty mark of shame.

Yet though the silt of dynasties lies deep And dusty winds devour each colmned aisle, Hail him, the first of that long maicyred file Who sow in sorrow that the throng may reap! All kindlers of the Forlorn Torch still keep The altar-fire he lighted by the Nile! �[Page 118]THE INSTITUTE AND THE UNIVERSITY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

by Mary HULL Author of “Progress by Tilic Guidana,”’ etc.

SIGNIFICANT feature of the post-war period is the spon- taneous development of organizations for the considera-

tion of international questions in widely separated sections

of the United States. This development is obviously a tacit admission of the inadequacy of our political system and of the cur- rent method for the formation of public opinion, and it manifests a reaching out for a more rational mode of reaction to international situations. Although, for the most part, these organizations are confined to small groups of leading thinkers whose ideas are not reflected in politics, still they constitute, we may reasonably assume, the nucleus of the “international mind” in America; and with the spread of such organizations and in particular with the extension of World Unity Conferences which make a wider popular appeal, we may hope to build up the national consciousness that we are now citizens of the world.

A promising organization of the type to which I refer, the Institute of International Relations, has held annual sessions for some eight years.

The Institute was organized in 1926 under the auspices of the University of Southern California in order to furnish for the people on the West Coast an opportunity such as was enjoyed in the East at the Institute of Politics in Williamstown, Massachusetts, to study the problems of international relations, in the belief that a wider understanding of these problems conduces to “universal goodwill and world peace.”

Membership to the Institute, to quote the official bulletin, “is

118 �[Page 119]THE INSTITUTE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IIg

by invitation extended to those whose interest and experience have fitted them to take a constructive part in some of the Round Table discussions. Universities, Colleges, Learned Societies, and other selected organizations are invited to send a maximum of five dele- gates...” “An invitation can be accepted for the year only in which it is received. Friends of the Institute who desire that invitations be extended to certain persons known by them to be qualified to par- ticipate in the program will confer a favor by sending names to the Executive Office, University of Southern California, Los Angeles.”

“A registration fee of $10.00 is charged each member and dele- gate, which entitles him to attend all sessions of the conference. University student membership is $5.00.”

The program of recent conferences consisted of evening lec- tures by eminent speakers open to the public without admission charge; afternoon general conferences open to the public on pay- ment of a registration fee; morning round table discussions con- fined to members and to the delegates who represented variously Civic, social, educational, philanthropic, and religious organizations; and luncheon meetings featured by addresses on special topics. A gteat variety of subjects is covered, among them, the. Kellog Peace Pact, the renunciation of war, our Latin-American policy, interna- tional commerce and finance, the resident alien problem of the Southwest, reorganization of the Department ot State, foreign poli- cies of American political parties, Japan, the new China, the Near East, international aspects of the fine arts, etc.

The program of the last day of the 1928 conference was de- voted appropriately to the dedication of the new University of In- ternational Relations on the campus of the University of Southern California.

This university was chartered in 1924, but did not complete its organization until four years later.

“Its purpose”, explained at the dedication by Dr. von Kleins- mid who is at once Chancellor of the new University and of the Institute and President of the University of Southern California, �[Page 120]I20 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

“is to furnish opportunities for the training of statesmen for con- sular and diplomatic service, business men for commerce and for- eign business administration, politicians for world service, and teachers for departments related to world affairs in colleges and universities.

“It further aims to advance the cause of world peace by supply- ing the facilities for accurate knowledge.”

The purely academic activities of the University of Inter national Relations function through the various colleges and schools of the University of Southern California.

The more general aim is furthered by the annual and occasion- ally semi-annual sessions of the Institute of International Relations which the University maintains, by an Interparliamentary Union which meets once a week, by supervised study in foreign lands, by provision for exchange professorships, by special lectures open to the public, and by serving as a depositary and distributing center for scientific and scholarly publications of other approved organi- zations engaged in the solution of international problems.

The forty-fourth modern movement presented in the department ‘“‘The World We Live In.” �[Page 121]INTERNATIONAL HYMN by MYRTLE BASTIAN BROWN

Clearer vision lends to nations, Large and small, in earth’s domain, Love to all of God’s creations. Love, alone, is wholly gain. Broader make our hearts’ allegiance, Let no intervening sea,

Let no older, rightful regents Nullify such loyalty.

Recognizing as our brothers

All who tread this earthly ball, Faithful each unto the others, Filial sons to Ged of all.

Hatred nevermore shall govern, Gone the rule of tooth and claw, Joy and plenty shall be sovereign, Peace and liberty through law.

Poverty shall know dispersal, Time and distance lesser grow, Justice’s law be universal,

Each his kingly right shall know. Self dethroned, all eyes uplifted, See a planet’s flag unfurled, Symbol that the clouds have rifted Unifying this, our world.

I2I �[Page 122]THE WAY OUT" II.

Beyond Hatred, by A'bert Leon Guérard. Scribner's. World Tides in the Far East, by Basil Mathews. Friendship Press. The Road to Prosperity, by George Paish. Putnam. A New Deal, by Stuart Chase. Macmillan. A Guide Through World Chaos, by G. D. H. Cole. Knopf.

Professor Guérard has written a hearty, substantial book in vindication of his faith in the democratic ideal. By comparison of democracy in the two countries, France and the United States, his vision attains perspective. “Shirk the problem of democracy we cannot. We are on our way, and we cannot help wondering where we are going.” He presents the thesis that democracy is not a politi- cal mechanism but a social attitude capable of bringing about uni- versal reconciliation. “Beyond hatred” is the aim and the ideal, let the method followed at any one time or place be what it may. As between America and France, he points out that America looks forward, and its ideals are principles rather than traditions. “From the point of view of science, of commerce, of industry, of philos- ophy, Europe is one, and very soon the whole world, East and West, will be one. But while all the thousand streams of modern civilization are converging into one mighty river, historical culture reverses the process. It looks backward . . . it preserves and em- phasizes differences...” More fundamental than liberty, justice is made the motive of the democratic society, and justice requires that we learn how to apply to economic and other relations the prin- ciples we have learned how to apply in the political realm. The author meets squarely many of the anti-democratic theories ad- vanced during and after the war, especially the theory of racial superiority. He also makes it clear that without a universal second-

• A summary of the various principles of world development advanced in the books listed in the replies

received by World Unity Questionnaire on Peace to the question: ‘‘What book written since 1918 most clearly shows the way out from the prevalent international problems?”

122 �[Page 123]THE WAY OUT 123

ary language, there can be no real international unity and coopera- tion. This book contains no world program, but it does convey a spirit of good will and appreciation without which no program can succeed. |

“World Tides in the Far East” discloses the new character of the relationship between Orient and Occident in our own day. Professor Mathews sees with great clarity, and describes eloquently, the swift submergence of the old historical cultures of China and Japan under the waves of Communism, Nationalism and mechan- ized Industry. He understands that the revolutionary movement has already destroyed the old order and that the present crisis con- sists in attaining the goal of a new world order. Another great virtue of this book is that it holds the balance fairly between mater- ial and spiritual values—there can be no world order without world faith. “Still hidden from us, there is in keeping for man within the divine foresight a deeper principle of unity. In it we shall gather the values of both the Orient and Occident into a living conception of progress.” On the other hand: “The reason why we awake every morning to find the latest world conference, whether on disarmament or economics, in semi-paralytic exaspera- tion at the impossibility of reaching constructive agreed conclusions is that the goal in each man’s mind is national, while the facts are planetary.” Hence the vital need of a world faith to burn away these illusions of separation. “If we could have the Golden Rule established on a world scale, man could make worthy use of what he already has.” As Alfred W. Martin proved, the “Golden Rule” in one or another form was given by the founder of every great religion. What seems necessary, then, is for every creed to return to its own essential truth, rather than for any one historic faith to seek Empire. How is world order to be attained if Christians tell Muhammadans that their religion is “tragically shackled to the cruelties and grossness of the later life of its founder?” Despite this sectarian attitude, the work as a whole is exceedingly helpful. “What we are witnessing is due not simply to the decadence of worn-out systems but mainly to the upthrust of vigorous life: in a word, new creation.” �[Page 124]124 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

“In October 1926,” we are reminded by George E. Roberts in his Foreword to the book by the Governor of the London School of Economics, “appeared the joint statement upon the subject of international trade relations which has been popularly called the ‘Bankers’ Manifesto.’ . .. This plea of eminently practical business men of sixteen countries is for a policy of reciprocity which they profoundly believe will serve the common welfare . . . The Plea it- self is necessarily brief, but the book by Sir George Paish . . . is an interpretation and amplification of it . . . The emphasis of the Bankers’ Plea and of this book is upon the natural unity of modern society.” Turning to the “Manifesto” we find this statement: “There can be no recovery in Europe till politicians in all territor- ies, old and new, realize that trade is not war but a process of ex- change, that in time of peace our neighbors are our customers, and that their prosperity is a condition of our own well-being.” What the bankers foresaw came to pass— universal breakdown of credit and the worst depression of history. “The imminent danger, threatening Europe in particular and the world in general, is finan- cial. If it is not averted the consequences will be more disastrous that the failure to avert the political danger in 1914,” said this author in 1927-—Cassandra reincarnated in a larger Troy beseiged by amore formidable foe. This book is the “Locarno” spirit applied to the economic realm. It marks a hill of vision that must be re- climbed. The recovery measures advocated by Paish at that time were: removal of restrictions upon international trade, settlement of war debts and reparations, and the application of the new prin- ciple of international cooperation to all the problems now con- fronting the nations. The meeting held at London in 1932 was hoped and intended to be just such a foundation of world recovery, but the United States abruptly withdraw her cooperation.

The book by Stuart Chase and that by G. D. H. Cole, both pub- lished in 1932, may justifiably be considered together. Both sum- marize the history of Industrialism, from its rise on the ruins of Feudalism to its present crisis; and both are “collectivist’” in their economic philosophy. Stuart Chase writes, “The left road is the only road, and willy-nilly we must take it... Whatever the change, �[Page 125]THE WAY OUT 125

it is going to be in the direction of more collectivism, more social control of economic activity, niore government ‘interference,’ less freedom for private business.” He examines three alternatives for America—violent revolution, commercial dictatorship, or the press- ure of an aroused citizenship upon the government to “revise much of its business law, to institute certain powers and controls .. . ” Dismissing the first two as improbable, he suggests a program which will unify and coordinate business without Communism, at least in name. This program includes: a managed currency, re- distribution of wealth by income and inheritance taxes, higher wages, elimination of tariff boundaries, a drastic curb on specula- tion, and industrial budget of national requirements, progressive shortening of the work week, unemployment insurance, reserve and continuing programs of public works, long term government bud- getting, national and regional planning boards.

“A Guide Through World Chaos” is not so easy to summarize, because in reality it represents a complete rationalization of the Marxian attitude in relation to the post-depression era. It suggests the scrupulously written philosophy of a thoughtful man who has been converted to a religious faith. No book of the day, perhaps, is more revealing of that change which has taken place in the thoughts and feelings of a large number of conscientious people since the time, historically only yesterday, when Liberty was the watchword throughout the West. Since Socialism has become a force it must be understood, and there can be no fairer guide than G. D. H. Cole. “There are two alternatives before us—a recon- structed Capitalism or a plunge into the unknown seas of Socialist experiment . . .The reconstruction of Capitalism demands from national Governments and national capitalist groups an ability to think far more clearly, and to act with a far greater degree of promptitude and unity than they have yet shown. It involves at the least radical changes in the structure of Capitalism itself and the infusion of a large element of collectivism into the productive system and of far more equality into the system of distribution .. . . . . My own choice is for Socialism.”

H. H. �[Page 126]NOTES ON THE CURRENT ISSUE

HE article by Professor McMorries makes a vital contribu-

tion to the subject of race-relations, which has been given

special prominence in World Unity for a number of years.

There is no question but that race conflict penetrates to the heart of religion, revealing a fatal lack of reality which influence in other directions cannot counterbalance. It is good for every religion to be called to face problems which can only be solved by faith in its purity. The title of this article, in fact, might easily be reversed, to read ‘‘Race Relations and Christianity.”

Both Dr. Soresi and Mr. Newfang deal with specific prin- ciples and concrete cases which supply a much-needed tangibility to the general aims of the magazine.

The editor will follow with interest, shared no doubt by every reader, the further development of the bold appeal made to the French and German peoples to federate and thus remove the chief obstacle to peace. It is to be hoped that the article on “Why Not a Franco-German Federation?” will reach some of those in both nations who are in a position to lend authority to the scheme.

In his practical plan of capital-labor partnership, Mr. Newfang proposes a remedy not merely for the problem of immediate in- dustrial conflict but for the greater problem of depression. Every economist has agreed that the main cause of recurrent depressions is the unbalanced distribution of wealth—too much wealth for in- vestment, not enough for current consumption. It would be difh- cult to find a simpler, juster and more efficient plan than his to found industry upon a stable basis and consequently relieve the national state of the greater part of that internal social friction which prevents governments from dealing with the realities of international relations. Here is an article not merely to be read, but to be handed on and widely discussed.

126 �[Page 127]WORLD UNITY READING LIST 4 Classified Index—1927-1934* 2. EAST AND WEST

Arrer MANncHuRIA, by S

TRIAL CURRENTS, by Merton S. Yewdale, June, 1934 CHINA AND JAPAN—World Crisis, by Grover Clark, October, 1932 Cnumna As SEEN FROM THE INSIDE, by Frank Rawlinson, May, 1934 Cuina’s CHANGING CULTURE, by Frank Rawlinson, October, 1932 to May, 1933 CHINESE REVOLUTION AND CHRISTIANITY Tue, by Fran!’ Rawlinson, May, 1931 ConFucIUS AND THE War Lorps, b Herbert A. Miller, January, 1931 _ ag or ae by Herbert A. Miller,

East, By Way OF THE, by Alice A. Bailey, August, 1930

East, THE CHANGING, by Hans Kohn, October, 1934

Eastern CIVILIZATIONS, THE SIGNIFI- CANCE OF THE SCIENTIFIC SPIRIT FOR, by John J. Coss, April, 1928

ETHICAL VALUES AS THE CONFUCIANISTS Saw TuHem, by Frank Rawlinson, August, 1934

EuRopF AND ASIA, THE INTERACTION OF, cy William R. Shepherd, December, 1927 to May, 1928

Hawatt: A SOLUTION oF THE RAcE Pros- ee, by Herbert A. Miller, October,

How Orient AND Occripent Can BE CorrRELATED, by Taracknath Das, Au- gust, 1931

InpIA AND Wortp Poxrtics, by Horace Holley, August, 1930

INDIA NAISSANCE AND ItTs_ SIGNIFI- CANCE, by Daljit Singh Sadharia, Oct- tober, 1930

InptAN UNTOUCHABLES, THE, by Stanley Rice, July, 1934

InptIAN UNITY, THE VEXED PROBLEM oF, by Kenneth J. Saunders, January, 1928

Inpio-CHINA AND ANGKoR, by Herbert A. Miller, March, 1931

KorEA—LAND OF THE Morninc CALM, by Herbert A. Miller, May, 1931

MANcHuRIA, THE LEAGUE AND TREATY nw by Frank Doane, August,

Man’s THREEFOLD Wortp, by Grover Clark, April, 1931

MATERIALISM AND Sprmiruarity, by Stanley Rice, August, 1930

MEETINGPLACE OF Y*HE EAST AND THE West (book review) by Horace Hol- ley, April, 1931

MoverN MusSLIN’s Prosrem, THE, by J cy Wright Buckham, September,

NATIONALISM IN THE East, by Hans Kohn, October, 1930

OrIENT AND Occipent, by Hans October 1931 to October 1932

ORIENTAL STUDENTS’ ConGress, by Ami- yanath Sarkar, August, 1934

Pactric, UNITY IN THE, by Kenneth Scott Latourette, November, 1929

PALESTINE, by Herbert A. Miller, No- vember, 1930

Prea For PEACE InN CuINna, by Oscar Newfang, June, 1934

PoLicres OF THE POWERS IN THE Far East, by Harley Farnsworth Mac- Nair, April, 1932

QurAn, THE a Moulana Yakub Hasan, September, 1930

Race Conriicts 1n Topay’s Worip, by Hans Kohn, January,

RactaL Factor 1n INTERNATIONAL RE-

LATIONS, by Sasadhar Sinha, July, 1934

RELIGION IN AsIA, by Herbert A. Miller, December, 1930

SHAMBBALA, by Nicholas Roerich, Jan- uary, 1

Son or MotrHer Inpra Answers, A, by Dhan 1 Mukerji, July, 1928

Syrra, by Herbert A. Miller, July, 1931

TRANSFORMATION OF TURKEY, THE,

Walter Woodburn Hyde, October, 1932

TurkKEY, by Herbert A. Miller, June, 1931

West, THE Sprriruat Crisis oF THE, by Paul Richard, Augu

WHITE AND YELLOW—WHITE AND RED by Herbert A. Miller, April, 1931

Wary East anp West Are DIFFERENT, by Grover Clark, November, 1931 to February, 1932

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