World Unity/Volume 15/Issue 6/Text
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LIGIOUS UNITY ° RACIAL UNITY
W WORLD
UNITY
LASS UNITY - INTERNATIONAL UNITY
Warez“ 1935
VOLUME FIFTEEN NUMBER SIX
RELIG|ON AND WORLD ORDER, VIII, Horace Holley. INTER-AMERICAN POSSIBILITIES, Philip leonard Green. A MODERN CREED, Erm’ Jonmn. WHAT IS SOCIETY? V. H. Krikorian. WORLD ADVANCE, A MONYHLV INTERNATIONAL REVIEW, Oscar Newfang. THE WORLD FEDERATION MANIFESTO, PRELIMINARV DRAFT, World Fedarufion Comminea. THE CRUSADES VIEWED THROUGH EASTERN EYES, John W. Kifching. THE BREAKDOWN OF AUSTRO‘MARXISM, Oscar la'szi. NEW SOCIOLOGY OF AGRICULTURE, T. Swarm Harding. BOOK NOTES, Joseph S. Raucsk, Paul Russell Anderson, Oscar Newfaflg. ANNOUNCEMENT, INDEX TO VOLUME FIFTEEN.
JUSTICE - BROTHEBHOOD ' PEACE
STATEMENT OF PURPOSE
I-m elm ol Wont) UNITY is m promote the "application of the T principle af Iedualimf’ underlying the American government ”la the relatiambipr now exim'ng belween lb: pcaplu and nation: of the warld."
This eventual world order is upheld a the only firm buis for intexmrloml peace. and the sole lnstmmentality dnough which mankind can solve its economic and other vial social prohlnns.
In in pursuit of the goal of world order, the magazine will endeavor to consu‘tute a medium for discussion of fundamental aspects of the cuttmt movement of thought from the old era to the new. and to provide a
meeting plnce for those who mud above the competitions of nee, clan and creed.
World Unity Hone: Holley, Editor l19 Wendy Plum Nell York
Contents Copyrighted 1935 by World Unity Publishing Corponu‘on
RELIGION AND WORLD ORDER
12! HORACE HOLLEY
VIII. THE DAWN or A NEW AGE
(Cutlin'nfl
CONTEMPORARY historian remarks that the old world has Adied, but a new world has not yet been born, This view is
no doubt the expression of an attitude which has come to
prevail among many thoughtful people over a wide social area It perceives that the foundation of the civilization existing prior to the European War cannot be rebuilt; it realizes to the full the present instability of conditions and the lack of agreement among aims and programs; it frankly admits that the future, both in general trend and in outline, is concealed from the rational mind. Its clarity of analysis of the past is matched by its incapacity for synthesis directed toward the future.
What emerges from consideration of this frank and sincere assertion is awareness of the artificial limitation assumed by the rational intelligence in dealing with the process of human history. By the phrase "old world" and "new world" it means civilization as fotmal institutions and established habits, and thexeby overlooks the significant fact that civilization is an effect and not primarily a cause.
For civilization, long before it emerges in formal institutions, exists as an aspiration of the heart, as an ideal to he pursued and fulfilled by every faculty of mind and soul. It is only when human aspiration and ideal, shared by a considerable group or community, has gathered force and thrust through to the plane of social action, that civilization actually begins. Without this preliminary period of spiritual action, no civilization has ever become manifest. That period is to the later formal institutions and habits and doctrines
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as the root to the visible tree. Though the entire tree is potentially present in the seed, the great trunk and the widespread branches are contingent upon a period of prior and invisible growth within the soili
So did that pre—war civilization which has in reality perished develop originally from an invisible, a mysterious inner life—a life of conscious spiritual faith within a religious community whose being was nourished from a Source outside and beyond the realm of the formal civilization into which its members were born. Side by side these two values existed, coincident for a while in time, but utterly diverse in origin and purpose. The civilization of the early Christian era prolonged itself by sheer inertia, but the civilization waned as the spiritual life and vitality steadily increased The past and the future struggled in death embrace, the past aimed with all the powers of church, state, culture and industry, the future unarmed but imbued with an irresistible energy of being.
Here, in briefest definition, is the process of history in its rounded completeness—its origin in the realm of the heart, its development outward into formal institutions improving and refining the formal institutions of the past, and its eventual withering, when the mysterious power of the inner life is withdrawn and the tree is severed from its hidden root. The sequence is: the renewal of faith by the Prophet, the rise of religion among the followers, the estab‘ lishment of a formal civilization, the corruption of the religion by worldliness under the manifold temptations of the material wealth and power which the civilization—originally the expression of the religion—offers its most powerful individuals and its most influential institutions.
To complete the thoughtful statement uttered by the historian, it is necessary to seek for the future "world" not in different pmgmms and expedients adopted by the institutions of the dead “world” but in evidences of a spiritual life intense enough, universal enough, to establish within humanity that inner power required to raise the trunk and spread forth the branches of a tree whose fruit shall be universal peace.
World order, it is clear, represents a goal which includes the
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RELIGION AND WORLD ORDER 2,13
reconciliation of two values or ideals: the spiritual value of human brotherhood, and the social value of a united, an organic civilization.
Without a firm and enduring basis in moral unity, the institutions of society, no matter how far extended, cannot alone produce peace but will remain as centers of disunity and strife. On the other hand, those instinctive anarchists who preach a "brotherhood" conceived as absence of governmental institutions are naive and immature. Society Without institutions would be a body without vital organs capable of expressing its various capacities and maintaining its existence.
These two valueSthmanity and civilization—have never been reconciled and united Within the brief historic Period known to the present age. We have had races but not mankind, cultures but not spiritual knowledge, natiens but not civilization, and religions but not a brotherhood embracing the earth. We therefore approach the vital problem of world peace without experience of what world peace really is. World order~the goal of human evolution —can not rightly be conceived as a mere truce or treaty between groups or institutions each born of past strife and discord, each cherishing a secret or avowed superiority and each committed to an ideal of sovereignty incompatible with the needs of Fermunent peace. Nor can world order be effectively upheld on terms of “non-cooperation" with existing agencies responsible for the little public order which now remains. Peace does not consist in abhorrence of war but in maintaining a steadfast conviction that the end of faith is human unity and the fulfilment of intelligence is a new social form, worldwide in scope and superior to the local forms which can no longer protect mankind and serve its highest interests.
In addition to a political world order, the attainment of universal peace involves:
I. The harmony and cooperation of races.
2. The unity of religions in a world faith.
3. An economic world order in which capital and labor are conjoined in a relationship of partners and not competitors.
4. Compulsory education throughout the world, and an edu ii , ”#1
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cation grounded in universal ethics and adapted so as to prepare every child for a useful trade, art or profession.
5. A universal secondary language
Compared to these organic aims, the peace eflotts aimed at ocusional details such :15 reduction of armaments or the signing of new treaties are insignificant. The character of this age is wholly new. It is charged with a spirit of transformation superficially violent hut in reality constructive. The whole problem of world order consists in attaining an attitude of reverence and humility to that creative spirit.
The principles briefly stated here were promulgated more than twenty years ago by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, in whom the spirit of the age found its most faithful interpreter and its noblest exemplat. He declared that humanity is entering upon its period of maturity, when powers Will be given the world to achieve an organic unity never possihle in any previous age. But 'Abdu'l—Bahá’í made the enjoyment of these Powers conditional upon purity of motive and ac. ceptance of the oneness of mankind. Not for the people of prejudice and division, not for the organized selfishness of the rich nor the organized envy of the poor, but for those Who have become truly human the day of universal peace has dawned. The way backward has become a door that is forever closed. Revolutions and was bring no lasting fruit; arbitrary social laws, divorced from human values, bring no true security not repose. The world needs a central point of inspiration raised above the clamois of history, a divine element, to supply a foundation for the latent unity within all people of good will.
"The foundations of all the divine religions are peace and agreement, but misunderstandings and ignorance have developed. If these are caused to disappear you will see that all the religious agencies will work for peace and promulgate the oneness of humankind. For the foundation of all is reality, and reality is not multiple or divisible His Holiness Moses founded it, His Holiness Jews raised its tent, and its brilliant light has shone forth in all the regions. His Holiness Bahá'u'llfih proclaimed this one reality and splat! the message of the ‘Most Great Peace.’ "
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INTER-AIVIERICAN POSSIB ILITIES
by PHILIP LEONARD GREEN
OMEWHERE between the dream and the reality lies the possible.
This is true of inter—American friendship as it is of any
other goal involving idealistic values. The great gap between
the high ideal of Bolivar and the often sordid truths of the
intepAmerican scene, appalling as it may seem, should not deter us
from gaining courage from what little has been accomplished and
from pressing on in the work of building foundations for true inter American amity.
What these foundations should be, is, of course, a matter of difference, for there are about as many different kinds of Pan Americanism as there are Pan Americzmists.
The more "practical" varieties of Pan Americanisb believe that all would be well if only exchange barriers were removed and tar. ifls lowered‘ Others, more idealistically inclined, believe that spit itunl values should come before all else and that Pm Americanism should be placed far above practical considerations.
The truth probably lies between these two viewpoints. It is highly significant and indicative of a new trend, when a "hudheaded” executive of a large corporation doing business throughout the American Hemisphere writes: "The proper medium through which to promote the ideal of Pan Americanism should be one wholly divorced from coxnmexcialism. Perhaps the repercussions of the fallacies of previous policy may pound a lesson into our commercial leaders, so that they may, for the future, more closely attend to the counsel of those whom they so glibly called ‘visionaties,’ and ‘impractical dxeamers' back in the days of easy profits and empty phrases."
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If all business relations involving inter-Americzm contacts were actuated by this spirit, a different story could be written
In this connection, the trade agreements recently arrived at between several pairs of American nations augur well for the weaving of a network of treaties that may develop into a strong foundav tion for economic unity thmughout the Americas. The building up of economic relations on a scientific and neighborly basis instead of on a basis of exploitation has been the apparent purpose of the treaties so far arranged. Inter—American commerce, thus conceived and thus engaged in, can be one of the strongest pillars of interAmerican amity rather than one of its gxentest menaces.
Coupled with these evidences of progress in the more prosaic field of economic relations, are other adnievements in political re latiouships, some of them rather involved in technicalities and therefoxe not having a ready appeal to the popular imagination, Yet, they are important. A case in point is the provision made at a recent official gathering of American nations that members of the Governing Board of the Pan American Union need no longer be accredited diplomatic representatives at Washington, of their respective countries. The implications are obvious; and further steps in the same direction have gained adherents.
Many have advocated that the Pan American Union shuuld be made over into an American League of Nations, 0:, at least. be given certam political powers investing it with a status similar to that of the League of Nations at Geneva.
Still others believe that the headquarters of the Pan American Union should he at some centrally located point in a Latin American republic, where it would not be in such close proximity to our State Department.
Another possible aid to the solution of the problems that might present themselves. would be a permanent Inter-Americnn Commission in each capital of the American Hemisphere, made up of the diplomatic representatives of the other American nations at that capital. Such a commission could act in an advisory capacity on any questions involving relations of the government to which they are accredited with other American nations and could even be
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INTER-AMHRICAN POSSIBILITIES 317
called upon to act in cases of internal disturbances without incurring the danger of being accused of intervention, as would be the case if one or even a few governments were to undertake such steps alone.
Of course, in envisaging any scheme of official cooperation between the governments of America, we must frankly admit the dangers inherent in that type of cooperation, as well as the real sanity of human material properly equipped to aid in the achieve meat of the ideals set forth. The diplomats accredited by the Amerimn republics to each other have all too seldom been of the highest type. Their appointment has often been in repayment of political debts. The result has not been happy. A United States official representative Who prides himself upon the fact that he has never taken the trouble to learn Spanish although he has lived in Spanish-American countries for years and a Latin American consulgeneral in the United States who cannot accept an invitation to speak on a radio program in representation of his country because he has a previous engagement to attend a prize-fight, are not very choice instruments for furthering inter-American understanding
The government services, to be sure, have had no monopoly
on this sort of fl1ing. Business concerns have been similarly unfortunate in the choice of their representatives, until at times it has
almost seemed as if individuals of ability and understanding were
chosen for positions requiring residence among other American
peoples, by accident rather than by intention. Thus is wasted one
more great Possibility for the advancement of inter-American understanding. When we consider that there exists no organized,
popular inteI-American movement, the function that such privileged people could easily perform simply by representing through
their own conduct the best in the life of the country from which they
come, assumes an importance out of all proportion to their numerical strength. It becomes a matter of extreme significance, therefore,
that the quality of those :hosen to represent public or private interests in other American lands, be of the best. Of course, while
the absence of a popular inter-American movement invests personal
interpretation with an unusual value, the growth of such a move
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meat should not be accompanied by any weakening in the now evident urge to improve the quality of government and business representatives. Months and even years of patient and painstaking effort on behalf of iuter-Amerimn amity can often be set at naught in a relafively short time by a handful of boisterous and narrowminded people who happen to be placed in important positions abroad.
The first field for practical contribution to the muse of interAmerican understanding, then, would seem to be in the improvement of the human element responsible for directing the course of official and private inter-American relations.
The wider field, the one which will mke mudi longer to cultivate but which holds out infinite possibilities, is that of building up a popular Pan American movement imbued with the unadulterated spirit of Bolivarian principles.
The task of attaining both these ends is obviously a difficult one. Each country presents a diflerent set of problems.
In the United States, for instance, there has been a surprising amount of ignorance regarding the neighboring nations of America. Even among associations and institutions organized for the study and improvement of international telations—of which there are literally hundreds—reiatively little attention has been given to Latin American nations. Only recently, since Latin Ametica has been coming increasingly to the fore in the daily and periadical press, have these groups begun to give that portion of the globe the importance that it deserves.
In countries like England, France, Germany, Italy and Spain, there have been in existence for years, institutes for the purpose of encouraging studies in Latin American affairs. In our own country, file lack of such centers goes a long way to explain the erroneous ideas so widely held with regard to Latin American cultural, economic and political life. Here he great opportunities and great possibilities for the ptomotion of genuine friendship among the American nations. Such centers should encourage people of sincere purpose and pxeparation to continue their studies and train ing and to perfect their ability for the eventual dissemination of
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INTER-AM ERICAN POSSIBILITIES $1.9
knowledge along these lines. Too, they should constitute themselves as sources of unbiased information on matters of fact and open channels for the expression of even the most widely divergent views on matters of opinion
The functions that such institutes could perform in helping people arrive at impartial and intelligent viewpoints on matters of intcr-Amcrican policy are legion.
It would hardly be ovemphasizmg the importance of the place that that: centers could take in promoting inter-American understanding to say that through them, an entirely new direction could be given to inter-American afl'airs.
Th: taunt Ind wndufln: mm. by Mr. Green m: lb: whim of hkarAwiun umim.
A MODERN CREED [=1 ERNST JONSON
Am.» a! “med a Mm"- Cxum," m.
the spiritual bankruptcy of the modern man to the decline of
religious faith. The modem man’s conception of the universe,
he says, is not such as to accommodate a religious creed. He calls our attention to the fact that modernism has not changed human nature; people still show, upon occasion, great capacity for faith, so much so that at times we are tempted to call them credulous. The modemized mind shies from religious creeds because he mnnot find a place for them in his world-view. The sense of compulsion which has come to be associated with the idea of a creed also is uncongenial to the modem spirit. But what mostly clamps the modern man’s arduur about religious (reeds is that for the most put those who claim to know something about God give no tangible evidence of their claim.
To formulate a creed which will make a vital contact with modem thought, which will assimilate modem information, and which at the same time will have the spiritual efficacy of outgrown creeds, that is the problem which confronts all those who would guide the modern man into the more abundant life. It is hoped that some will find in the following formulation a creed which fulfills these conditions. Be it remembered that compulsory acceptance is no Part of the idea of a creed A creed is merely a brief statement of what we believe to be the fundamental truths about the universe.
This creed does assimilate modem physics, not mexely as presently developed, but it has the capacity to accommodate any possible physies whatsoever. Furthermore it provides the basic idea of a new 95°
IN his "Preface to Morals" Mr. Walter Lippmann attributes
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biology, a biology which shall be no mere appendage to physics, but which shall go deeper than physics, which shall penetrate into those deeper currents of cosmic process in which the material cosmos has its root and sustenance.
The final and conclusive certification, however, must be through practical demonstration, through an unquestionable gain of life-values. Only through personal verification can a religious creed be invested with that degree of surety which alone deserves to be called faith. From temotest antiquity it has been the experience of mankind that those who have camistly endeavored, and who have persevered in the endeavor, to live in the sense of their one—ness with the All have found their assumption abundantly verified in their life experience.
The creed here proposed is an attempt to bring this ancient tradition of the esssential one-ness of the universe into relation with modem information Let him who has found scepticism unprofitable hold this creed for tme, provisionally, tentatively, after the manner in which the scientist holds his working hypothesis, not dogmatically and with finality, and yet not without enthusiasm and expectancy, not as mere plausible theory but as most probable, real fact, and he will get results which will forever banish scepticism.
The proposed creed is not exclusive; it is not a sectarian creed. It can accommodate any of the current religious creeds. It can do more than that, it can put any Cieed into tenable relation with modem mought. It can do this because it provides a philosophical background which bridges the gulf which now separates our religious concepts from our every-day world-view. By so doing it offers not merely intellectual comfort, but also a not inconsiderable confirmation of religious beliefs. Philosophy and mythology do not exclude one another. They are two difi‘erent modes of interpreting reality.
No interpretation whatsoever can be regarded as a likeness of reality‘ We know reality only insofar as it becomes conscious[155. What it is before consciousness we do not immediately know. It seems probable that the most exactly scientific thought no more xesembles reality than the letters in a book resemble the ideas for which they stand. There is a correspondence, but no resemblance.
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The correspondence may be closer or less close. The test of correspondence is workability. That interpretation is truest which works best, truest for the situation in which it works best, truest for the type of person for whom it works best.
Consistenql is a virtue only so long is it relates to the different parts of a scheme of interpretation. When the demand for consistency goes beyond the limits of that scheme and seeks to bring other schemes under its sway, intellectual liberty is violated and intellectual justice infringedi Thus in our intimate personal contacts with the vital center of the universe that center may be a Per50ml God, While our contacts with other men is made on a basis of a philosophical creed. It is when we attempt to impose our vision of God upon the scientific wotld-view that trouble comes.
THE CREED I
I believe that I am alive, that I am not mere mechanism gone conscious but that I am creative force.
I believe that I am alive because I feel myself as creative potency. So insistent and Persistent is this feeling that no argument ever eradicates it. Never does mechanistic profession become more than high-sounding academic affectation.
The advocate of the mechanistic interpretation of life claims that his view is based upon observed and verifiable fact. This claim is not true. Mechanism is not based upon fact but it springs from an arbitrary and wholly unjustifiable prejudice in favor of sensible experience, and a desire to evade those subtler experiences which we call intuition and revelation.
It is not true even that the mechanistic interpretation fits the facts of sensible experience It seems to fit these facts only so long as our view of them is close and narrow. When we take a. wide: view of the facts the medwnistic interpretation breaks down. When our view comprises the whole history of organic life upon this earth mechanism fails to fit the fact. It fails because it implies a quantity
A MODERN CREED 333
of regulative mechanical potential in the early germ cell which would be utterly impossible.
The mechanistic interpretation of life presupposes that there exists in the living cell a physico-chemical structure which determines the development and behavior of the cell, and thereby also the growth, structure and functioning of the organism of which it forms part.
All material unfoldment consists in a falling into actuality of a pre‘existent potential situation. In the actuatization the potential is lost, irretrievably lost, and to recover it lies not within the realm of physical possibility. The unfoldment cannot be duplicated or repeated. Physical process cannot reverse itself; it cannot generate potential out of the unfolded actuality. The quantity of unfoldment is proportioned to the quantity of potential. For every item of unfoldment there must be a corresponding item of physical Potential. Another unfoldment is possible only if there be another germ of the requisite potential.
Life propagates by division. A cell divides into two parts, and each part becomes a Whole cell. This unfoldment presupposes, on the mechanistic hypothesis, a duplex formative mechanism in the mother-cell, one expending its potential in restoring the mothercell to its original condition, the other in the formation and development of the new cell. Every new division presupposes an additional formative mechanism in the mother-cell. It is not unreasonable to assume that the average number of egg cells produced by females of all species is at least one thousand. Each one of these egg cells must contain within itself the potential of a thousand egg cells Then if we assume that life upon this earth has passed through ten millions of generations, a not unreasonable assumption, it follows that the number of formative mechanisms contained in the first cell must, on the mechanistic hypothesis, have been one thousand raised to the ten-mjllionth power. The ten-millionth power of one thousand is a number written with thirty millions of ciphers, that is to say, a number filling a book of some ten thousand pages. This is a rather large number of formative medianisum to be contained in an egg-cell. Even an ostrich‘s egg could hardly
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contain so many. This is evident from the fact that the number of molecules contained in a pint of water is only eighteen million nine hundred thousand billions billions, a number written with but twenty-six figures. That is to say, the mechanistic interpretation of vital phenomena carries with it implications which are mechanically impossible.
II
I believe that the universe is alive.
If there be such a thing as life in the real sense, in the sense of creative force, such life must manifest itself in and through the creation of mechanical energy. Only so could Life manifest itself in the physical organisms A physical system could be altered only by adding mechanical energy to it. A force which creates mechanical energy cannot be a function of matter, but must exist prior to and independent of matter. Life, if it be real life, must be before organization, must be cosmic life.
If we hold to the idea of the priority of matter we must deny life altogether. But is the priority of matter a tenable assumption? Is it possible to conceive the universe as material? The universe must be perpetual. Mechanism eventuates in entropy, that is to say, it loses potential, runs down and peters out No mechanism can be perpetual. A perpetual universe must generate mechanical potential as fast as it loses potential, that is to say, it must be a living universe.
III
I believe that life is intellect,
that thought is the stuff of
which ail things are made.
When we approach life from without, by inference from material phenomena, we apprehend it as creative force, but we get no clue to the essential nature of this force. It is only when life becomes aware of itself in consciousness that it knows its nature; then it knows itself as thought, that is to say, thought in the wider sense, as including sensation, will and emotion. Life is thought, and
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thought is the creative force of the universe.
To the simple unreflecting mind matter appears as something very different from thought. Reflection, however, makes it very clear that the qualities attributed to matter in instinctive, sensible perception are really our own sensations—teally qualities of thought. And when we take account of that more exact knowledge of matter which modem physics makes available to us we find that our only verifiable knowledge of the material world consists of numerical relations of events. The quality of these events physics does not reveal. Physics knows nothing of material substance, nor of force, nor of motion. These are creations of our own minds, images convenient to attach our measurements to, but which from the standpoint of empiridsm have no objective validity.
There are two points, only, at which we come into actual contact with matter: these points are volition and sensation, and both of these are thought processes. In volition we see thought transmuted into physical energy, that is, into matter. In sensation we see this operation reversed, we see physical energy ttansmuted into thought. Matter comes out of thought, and to thought does it return, Then if the two accessible terminal points of material process consist in thought, it seems likely that the intervening inaccessible portion also Consists of thought. In relation to the universe as a whole matter can be clearly conceived only as a phase of the cosmic thought, as an inert mechanical phase which follows upon the creative phase which we call life.
IV
I believe that being is before life.
When the assertion is made that something comes out of nothing, thought refuses to follow. The idea of an event can be me tertained only on the mumption that something exists. Life is an event, and as such it presupposes being. The cosmic lifevmovement must be conceived as an emanation from or a dissipation of the being of the universe. And since the ljfe-movement cannot conceivably have had a beginning, the being of the universe must be an infinite, not merely a quantitative infinite, but an infinite po
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tency of form as well. The being of the universe must be undifferentiated, absolute being. In it all that exisb has its being, and yet it is not anything in the sense that it is not that which the thing is not It is matter and life and human personality, and God.
V
I believe that being is one,
that I am the universe, not
a part of it but the universe
in the undivided wholeness
of its being.
The world we live in is a plural world, but when we trace its processes Ietrogtessively we approach unity. Life grows by division of cells. It propagates by division of individuals. It evolves by division of species. Planetary systems seem to have arisen through division of stars. And this empirical indication of primal unity is supported by an insistent intuitive conviction that all plurality arises thxough the differentiation of unity; that in their inmost being all things are one.
The basic idea of all the deeper revelations experienced by mankind is this idea of the essential organic unity of primeval being. We find this idea already in the Rig Veda: "That which exists is one.” The saying of Jesus: “I and the Father are one and the same thing" means no less than that in their being all things are one.
If the being of the universe is one, then each thing in the in‘ most center of its being, is the Absolute, not a part of it, but the Absolute in the undivided wholeness of its being. The Absolute is the self of every creature and I am it.
VI
I believe that life is many in one,
one in its potency, many in its
initiative, that 1 am a person as well
as the universe.
Life is an event. Every event pxesupposes a potential out of which it arises. The potential of life is primeval, cosmic being.
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This being is one and hence life is one in its potency. I am Life, the Creator.
If life were an activity initiated from the center of the universe we should expect to find all its endeavors and achievements fully coordinated. There then should be no lack of adaptation, no conflict, no evil. The fact of evil means that life’s inflative is not cosmic but individual.
The way evolution proceeds confirms this idea, Though evo lution seems to have a goal, its advance towards its goal does not indicate a plan but merely some dimly intuitive guidance. The progress of evolution is experimental. Each species struggles towards completion in utter indifference as to the well—being of other speues.
In this essential individuality of initiative lies the root of personality. The nucleus of the person is a bundle of individually initiated acts, held together by the continuity of the organism and by the unity of consciousness It is this peripherality of the basis of out personality that constitutes its limitation» Life’s initiative is but dimly aware of Life’s potenciesi We live under a sense of con straint because it is all but impossible for us to believe in Life's potencies beyond what it has actually manifested in us. It is only now and then, in our reckless moments, that we break through the limits of the tried and safe, and plunge into the outer darkness of the possible. These are the moments in which we become the creators of the World.
VII
I believe that life is an evolution,
that it begins in a fall from static
being into non—being, and that from
thence it rises towards conscious
realization of being.
If something is before anything happens, if being is before becoming, then evolution is not a creation of something out of nothing, but it is an unfoldment of Poteucies which lie dormant in being, a dissipation of being. This, however, is not the Whole mean
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ing of evolution. Evolution is not an instantaneous explosion of the potential of being. Evolution is a gradual explosion like the explosion of a rocket. It is an explosion governed by checks. Evolution is checked by Life’s ignorance of its potencies. Evolution is Life’s discovery of its own potencies. Evolution means that the universe goes out of its being and becomes desire for being, and that through this desire being is drawn out of its eternal essence to become temporal actuality, This is the meaning of the legend of the fall.
So long as being is merely in itself it has no value. It must be out of itself and be for itself in otderto have value for itself. It is in the temporal actuality brought to focus in the consciousness of a living individual that the universe realizes the value of its being.
VIII
I believe that in his being man is
eternal, that as life he is immortal,
and that when life has learnt
to live a truly human life it will
achieve individual immortality
The universe is an essential unit. In the inmost center of his being man is the universe. And insofar as he is the universe he is eternal.
When Life individualizes itself it does not divide itself into parts In each one of us it is the undivided cosmic life that lives the individual life. That creative force which I feel as myself is the immortal cosmic life.
Whenever we think of an event as impossible we think of it as a physical event. The physical event can be only what is contained in its antecedent. That it should be anything else is physically impossible. The vital act is not determined by an antecedent. It springs from the infinite potency of absolute being. It is what it is through Life’s free initiative. It might have been anything else. For Life nothing whatsoever is impossible. Individual immortality, therefore, cannot justly be regarded as impossible.
The reason why life on this earth has not achieved individual
A MODERN CREED 339
immortality cannot lie in the impossibility of such immortality; it must lie in the fact that life is an evolution. Evolution requires that the unfit and the obsolete he discardecL Apparently the human species has not reached that high level of life where the individual is worth preserving. Life must learn how to live before individual immortality can become a valid end of its endeavor. We may assume, therefore, that the prophet's vision of individual immortality refers to a stage of human evolution where the conservation of the individual becomes an aid to Progress, and not an obstacle And surely we may expect that when human life has become, in its every moment worth living for the intrinsic value of the moment, Life will embody itself in an immortal organism;
Such is the creed which I propose to the modem man, and which I believe would form an adequate basis for an effectually religious life, and thereby provide the vital nucleus required for a modern culture. And though here stated in philosophical terms, the essential meaning of it may be stated in the terms of any of the world’s more developed religions.
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WHAT IS SOCIETY?
by
Y. H. KRIKORIAN
Culley. Cay cl Nm Yuri
one of the richest in emotional associations. We frequently
speak of social forces, social morality, social evil, (evolution ary societies, scientific societies, religious societies, high society, low society. But if in Socratic manner someone should ask, "What is society?" most of us would be at a loss for an answer.
The formulation of basic definitions is of prime importance. One of the perennial interests of Philosophers has been the analysis and definition of obvious ideas. For generations they have asked what'space is, what time is, what matter is, what life is, what mind is, and, again, what society is. Some philosophers like Parmenides, have even been troubled with such questions as what i; is, and what i: not is.
The motives for definitions are many. Biologically they are instruments in the struggle for existence; psychologically they satisfy our desire to know; logically they determine the structure of an idea. The arriving at basic definitions is a complex task. Frequently they reflect one's whole philosophy. They are also the basis for new adventures in the realms of thought and action. The quest for definitions is not merely an intellectual game, though the game aspect of thinking should never be depreciated; a definition, as in the case of society, is full of possibilities for the weal or woe of human beings.
Society as a basic idea demands, therefore, a careful amylsis. This demand has become more insistent since the origin of the new innumerable social groups that have come into being as a m 360
SOCIETY is one of the commonest words in the language and
WHAT 13 scam? 341
sult of the development of the technical sciences and of the means of communication, and as a result of the growth of industry. We all are members, by choice and force, of a great variety of social groups, from intimate associations of two to the vast impersonal institutions of politics, of industry, and of the nation.
11
What then is society? Our definition must start from empirical facts and noncrete experiential situations. If one could determine the general characteristics of the univexsally accepted and empirically verifiable traits of social groups, one could arrive at a sound interpretation,
Illustrations are many: the family, the club, the orchestra, the college, the business corporation, the political party, the pacifists' gathering, the church, the army, the state, the nation. What are the general traits common to all these groups? The first obvious fact is that they all include a number of individuals. There is no society unless there are more than one individual, and these related to one another in a specific way. The question as to what an individual is is controversial, but we shall take him to mean a unique, relatively permanent, purposive being. This view stands in contxast to that of the mechanistic psychologies, with divergent consequences to the nature of society.
The second trait of social groups is that the individuals within a group are involved together in a common Purposive activity. Different types of society are definable in terms of the plupose puzsued by the members of the group callettively. A corporation develops a business enterprise, a college promotes learning, an otchest_ta renders musical pieces, a political party carries into practice certain political policies. Distributively individuals within a social group may pursue all sorts of varied and even conflicting ulterior urposes, but collectively mey pursue a common purpose. It should also be observed that the togetherness of the members of a group has mutuality. Individuals within a social group do not only work together but they share each other's experiences; they become objects of interest to one another; they love or hate one another.
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The third aspect common to all types of society is unity or wholeness. That society has unity is accepted by all, or practically by all, but what the nature of social unity is constitutes one of the major, unsettled, metaphysical issues. Is society a person, a superminded, a superimposed individual over and above the individuals, as Fichte, Hegel, Royce, and Bosanquet claim; or is it merely a composition, a collection of individuals? Society undeniably has a certain unity, but the unity is structural rather than substantial; it is collective rather than transcendent. Social unities are not, however, merely additive, that is, the sum of the traits of the individuals that compose them; they are non-additive unities exhibiting novel properties, such as custom, government, religion, civilization, etc Social groups are not therefore merely physical, biological, or even merely psychological phenomena; they are new phenomena and demand new categories for their interpretation. We may now define society; Society ii an (mariatimz 07‘ individual: lea are involved in a [oflzmwz [Impoxive activity, and 14/120 function {LY 4 tollem'ae mmy.
III
The consequences of our definition are many. Before stating a few of them it should be mentioned that our interpretation does not claim to offer solutions of specific social problems. Specific social problems of family, education, business, industry, govern. ment, or of international relations demand specific, empirical knowledge. These problems are bewilderingly complex; their solutions may even lie beyond human powers Toward their solution, certainly, we need all the specific knowledge we can get about human nature, about social groups, and about physical nature. Yet general interpretations are indispensable to systematic thinking. Their function, as earlier pointed out, is to direct our thoughts and to regulate our actions.
The first general consequence of our analysis of society, one which stands in contrast to that of the organic theories, is that organizations or institutions are subordinate to the individuals that compose them. Society for us is not a person, not a super-mind, not
WHAT IS men? 343
a reality over and above the individuals. Society does not think, does not feel, does not fall in love, does not get angry not become playful, but the individuals in a society in their interrelations think, feel, fall in love, get angry or become Playful. Taking a current illustration, the Brain Trust has no brains, but the individuals that constitute it have brains and think. Institutions are therefore for the sake of individuals. The much used and abused expression natural right: is for us more basic than duties and responsibilities towards society. In the concrete there are, of course, no rights which belong to individuals under all circumstances. The issue raised is, however, that organizations must first and foremost consider the welfare of the individuals rather than use them as instruments for abstract loyalties.
A second consequence is that as society is the action of a group of individuals for some common purpose, social organizations must reconcile the conflicting demand of different individuals. This is the justice or the health of society. What one claims is equally claimed by others. The only justification for special privileges should therefore be on the ground that the exception is necessary to the welfare of other individuals. In a collective enterprise, an individual cannot consider only his desires, but must consider as well those of his fellowbeings. With this fairness in view, great reconstructions may be effected through discussion and arguments in cases of conflict. But arguments do not always prevail. And if the privileged members of a group continue to exploit other members and refuse to abandon their privileges, the only way to establish justice or equality is through force or violence. Violence, of course, is not a substitute for reason; it is reason which demands violence at certain times. But since our claims and countez-claims are not as irreconcilable as is often supposed, it is preferable to arrive at fair agreements without resorting to violence. Through mutual agreements, the tragic results of conflicts are avoided, while at the same time the spirit of cooperation is created.
Finally, it should be pointed out that although from our point of view the welfare of the individual is fundamental, it is only through participation in common activities that one attains individ
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uality. Apart from society individuals would be dumb, barren, and brutish. Social groups, like the family, the school, the business association, the scientific or artistic organization, are necessary (0: "the growth of the individual. Individuality, in its larger sense, is not given but is gradually attained through associations. One need not idealize society as such. A great number of social groups are pernicious. One, however, does not escape moiety but a society, and this only to join other society. Even the mystic abandons the 'world in order to commune with a god. Without the aid of society individuals fade and wither. It is only through shared experiences, through common enterprises pursued with free, intelligent minds, through participation in vast historic movements that life attains exaltation.
WORLD ADVANCE A Manlbly International Review 11] Om Nmma Allin II "Th Raid '0 Wu“ Pun." "Th Una“! Sn!” 0! Ill Wall.” III.
THE WORLD MONEY PROBLEM
HE Gold-clause Cue recently before the United States Supreme Court has brought forcibly to public attmtion the Whole vast problem of the unstable and unsatisfactory money, mrenq and credit situation in all of the leading commercial countries of the world. While it is a matter of history that before the World War the almost universally adopted gold standard had operated to the general satisfaction of all the great commercial countries and that the nations had reached a degree of general Prosperity never before approached, the tremendous disturbances of trade and finance caused by the war have had disastrous eflecls upon the operation of the gold standard, and up to the present time very little real progress has been made toward overcoming the world-wide financial troubles caused by that great upheaval.
The World War caused a vastly increased demand for commodities on the part of all the belfigetents. To cover these war supplies they incurred huge foreign debts. At the close of the war an indemnity of astrom'nlcal proportions was imposed upon Germany and other Central Powers. After the war the United States persisted, although already a heavy cxeditor of Europe, in exporting havily, while restticting imports by means of a high tariE wall, thus creating huge additional debts of European countries. The net result of these three great masses of indebtedness was the drainage of the majority of the world‘s gold to the United Stats and to France. This fatal weakening of European gold reserves caused
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the collapse of the German currency, the great bank failures in Austria, the stock exchange crash in America, the default in reparations payments and in debt service by Germany, the abnormal decline in grain and cotton prices with its consequent maladjustment between agricultural and manufacturing exchanges in the United States which brought on the great depression that spread to all commercial countries.
Extem've Nationality" After the War
In addition to the great decrese of trade among nations caused by these dislocations, the principal belligerent countries after the war adopted a policy of extreme nationalism, striving for selfcontainment and self-sufliciency in all wax mterials and other essential commodities. In order to make possible the home production of commodities for which they were ill adapted, fixey placed ever increasing tariffs, preferences, quota restrictions and embargoes on imports, while at the same time seeking to increase their exports in order to re-attract the gold reserves needed as a basis for their currency and credit structures. The result of this excessive nationalism has been, on the one hand, the further reduction of world trade and the deepening of the depression, and, on the other hand, the adoption of a policy of depreciating their currencies in order to overcome foreign trade barriers and increase their exports.
Thus Japan by depreciating the yen made extensive inroads into British export markets in India1 Africa and elsewhere. Great Britain, in tum, was forced to leave the gold standard and fight for the tetention of her vitally essential export markets by means of a depreciated currency. The United States, in order to hold her export business and at the same time reduce the great discrepancy between bloated agricultural indebtedness and diminished agricultural prices, was in her turn forced to declare the inconverfibility of her currency and heavily to devalue her coinage.
The fighting of economic wars dirough currency depreciation is a dangermxs business. The advantage which a country gains in world markets through the depreciation of its currency lasts only until other nations match the depreciation in their own currencies.
WORLD ADVANCE 347
After that the trade advantage an be retaimd only by keeping the amount of ymu own currency depreciation greater than that of your competitors; and the final result of this method of economic warfare, if carried far enough, would be the total collapse of the currencies of all the competing countries.
Meanwhile the wild unsettlement of Prices caused by fluctuating and inconvertible currencies makes normal world trade impossible. And without the normal flow of world trade, that natural exchange of commodities between countries which are best suited for the production of each commodity, normal and full prosperity cannot be restored in any country. When a country produces a Commodity at two or three times the expense at which it could be bought abroad, as Germany and France, for instance, are at present doing with their wheat, the inevitable result is a reduction of the standard of living in that country.
The Tlnee Factor: in the Money Problem
Before consideting steps Whidl might be taken to stabilize the world monetary structure, it will be well to grasp clearly die factors which enter into the money problem. The medium of exchange of all modern commercial countries consists of three differ ent elements, specie, currency and bank credit Instead of merely circulating their specie in the form of specie certificates, all modern countries dilute the medium of exchange by injecting into it credit in the form of a credit Currency to an extent varying from a little more than twice the specie in the United States, about twelve or fourteen times the specie in England1 up to almost fifty times the specie holdings in Germany at the present time. Furthermore, on the basis of this watered medium of exchange the countries permit their banks to issue bank credit up to ten times or more the amount of their currency reserves.
If the full amounts legally permissible both of credit currency and of bank credit based upon it are outstanding in these countries, every international shipment of specie in settlement of trade balances causes a withdrawal of credit currency of from twice to fomteen times the shipment, if the legal reserve ratio is to be maintained,
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and a drastic curtailment of abnut ten times or more the currency shrinkage. Hence the general anxiety, the discount—rate maneuvering, the tariff and exchange restrictions and the currency depreciatious among the nations, in order to avoid an "unfavorable balance" of foreign trade. Hence the present chaos of currencies, the instability of prices, the unsettlement of business, and the failure to attain a normal degree of prosperity and employment
Step; Toward World Monetary Stabilizzzzian
Evidently the general problem of world monetary stabilization, resolves itself into the three problems of stabilizing the value of coin, stabilizing currencies, and stabilizing bank credit. The first step that is necessary would seem to be a world conference to agree upon the specie basis of the monetary system, upon the degree of fineness in the coinage, and upon the weight of the standard coinage unit of each country, so that there may be certainty and stability
in the relations of one country's coin to that of another.
The second step would be an agreement upon such metallic bases as would best meet the requirements of a good money and would at the same time be most nearly constant in intrinsic value over long periods of time. While there has been general agreement throughout the world that the precious metals best meet these requirements, it has been fairly well determined that the intrinsic value of both gold and silver vary somewhat over long periods, due to the varying ease or difficulty of mining them and the consequent changes in their cost of production. While the bimetallic use of both gold and silver is objectionable, because the differing fluctuations in the intrinsic values of the two metals tend to cause the one or the other to disappear from circulation according to the welltested Gresham's Law, the fused or symmetnllic use of the two metals removes this objection and causes the slight fluctuations in inhinsic values of gold and silver largely to offset each other, and thus to render the specie base more stable in value than either of the two predous metals would be. If to this symmetallic base there are added further metals, especially high-vnlue metals such as platinum, a specie base for world money can be achieved Which will
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for all practical purposes be constant and unchanging in intrinsic value, that is, in cost of production. This would seem to be the most practicable application of the commodity standard to the problem of stabilizing the value of money. If the world conference for stabilizing the ratios of coins of the various countries can also agree upon a symmetallic base of this nature, the first of the three problems of stabilizing money would be solved.
The second part of the problem, that of the stabilizing of cutrencies, would seem to be solved in the best manner by abolishing the watering of the circulating medium altogether, by issuing fox circulation only specie certificates, and by throwing all issue of credit in the medium of exchange upon the banking business where it belongs. This Would relieve governments entirely of the troublesome function of maintaining specie reserves against their currency issues, would eliminate the possibility of inflated currencies With their profound disturbances of business and employment, and would make possible the circulation of a single currency throughout all the commerical countries of the world. The deposit of the specie holdings of the commercial countries with the Bank for International Settlements and the issue of specie certificates against such deposits by that bank would make possible a world representative currency Which could not be inflated, could not be devalued, and which could not "go OK the specie standard", but would be always certain of free convertibility into specie.
Before the age of extensive commerdal banking the exclusion of the credit element from the currencies of the nations was not feasible; but at the present time over ninety per cent of all payments in progressive countries are made through bank credit in the shape of checks, and as a consequence there is no further need of an elastic currenq. The elasticity of the credit element in the medium of exchange can be fully supplied by bank credit, and the maintenance of proper reserves to safeguard the convertibility of this bank credit can be Placed upon the bankers, whose proper function is dealing in credit, and taken from the governments, whose pmyex function is not dealing in credit.
The third and most difficult step in the stabilization of the
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world monetary structure is the stabilization and the safeguarding of bank credit In this third part of the world money problem it would seem necessary for a world monetary conference to agree upon some fixed ratio of bank credit to banking Capital as the limit of safety in the issue of such credit, and for each nation to agree to regulate its banks accordingly. Here there would doubtless be necessary a certain amount of elasticity, in order to meet the wide fluctuations of the business activities of the nations. The best method of securing and at the same time holding within safe limits this necessary elasticity of bank credit would probably be an agreement upon a certain ratio of untaxed bank credit against banking capital and the imposition of a steeply graded tax upon issues beyond this ratio, so as to afford a strong motive for their reduction at the earl: iest possible moment. Specie loans made through the Bank for International Settlements among the various central banks would serve to minimize the seasonal fluctuations of the specie bases of the various countries and would thus minimize the necessity of rapid changes in the volume of bank credit.
Implimtiom of a World Monetary SyJIem
The reader Who has followed this argument for a world monetary system is doubtless aware that there are certain implications in the plan. In the first place, the deposit of the world’s specie reserves in the Bank for International Settlement presupposes the organization and the continuous operation of an international police force of adequate strength to prevent the raiding of the World Bank by any nation that might run amuck in the wholesale murder and bandit business euphoniously called war. The Germans have a significant word for war,—Krieg, grab. In the absence of an effective international police to protect the specie reserves in the World Bank vaults it would be said by the international criminals of Basle, as Bluecher said of London: "What a city to sack!"
The second implication of a world monetary system is, that it postulates the existence of a World Tribunal or Court with full jurisdiction to decide the inevitable cases of litigation which would
arise between the traders of diEerent nations, between the central
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banks of the various nations, and even between the treasuries of the dififerent nations themselves.
The third implication of the suggested plan is the necessity which it would impose of organizing a World Legislative body with adequate authority to define justice in the fiscal relations arising among the nations which have joined in establishing the world monetary system. This requirement could probably be met in the most feasible manner through the development of the League Assembly, by giving the nations a fairer basis of representation in accordance With their population and importance, and by conferring upon the revised Assembly actual legislative power in all international fiscal problems.
And, finally7 the smooth and flexible operation of a world monetary system postulates free and continuous price adjustments in the various countries, in order to accelerate 0t retard the flow of merchandise and specie as necessary to keep these two factors in balance. Artificial restrictions of trade and artificial exchange and specie restrictions would have to be eliminated. It is obvious that, in the present extremely narrow-minded and selfishly nationalistic temper of the nations the fulfillment of this requirement would be extremely diflficult.
It will be observed that these implications practically mean that the solution of the world money problem demands the development of the League of Nations into a close and organic World Federation. This is the final solution not only of the comPlex money Problem, but of the world peace problem and of many another international problem as well.
WORLD FEDERATION MANIFESTO
PRELINHNARY DRAFT
Editorial Notr: The following Preliminary Ural: is published on behAIf of the World Fedexadon Conunittcc of World Unity Foundation, with the request Um
- stiom be sent the Committee for its considernion before the Manifesto is issu in final form The cooperation of radars is invited, in order to Issue a stat:mem on world kderalion thoroughly represmmtive of those most interested in
this pmject as the basis of international order and peace. Adam rommuniations on RE: subject to Smumy, World Federalion Cammiunv. n9 Waverly Piano, New Ya! .
IFFERENCES in climate, soil and sub-soil in the various Dcountries of the card: make the production of some com<
modifies easier and more abundant in one country than in
others. The exchange of goods between the regions thus specially favored is necessary for the attainment of the highest standard of life in every country.
This natural flow of commerce with its resulting high standard of living has been thwarted by the policies into which the nations have drifted. A vicious circle has been established. Fear of war has caused the nations to strive for self-sufliciency in essential com modifies, and this has been sought by placing restrictions upon both exports and imports. Such prevention of access to raw materials on the one hand, and to natural markets on the other has created a determination among nations to conquer or control territories deemed necessary to the national well-being. Fear of war thus producs strangulation of trade, and strangulation of made increases fear of war.
The only_way out of this dilemma is a world organization that will remove both fear of war and strangulation of trade The league of Nations was founded to establish this necessary peace and cooperation among flze nations. Experience has shown, however, that in its present form the League does not accomplish these purposes. The fee: of war remains, and the restrictions upon trade throughout the world have multiplied since the organization of the League. The League of Nations must, therefore, be strengthened and developed.
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World federation is the minimum amount of organization ade quate both to remove fear of war and establish free and unhampered flow of commerce
This federal development has been found necessary for peace and prosperity in every historic instance in which independent states have joined in a Confederation or alliance of governments, such as Switzerland, Australia, the United States, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Canada, Mexico and the South American Republics. Federation has proved to be the only form of op gam'zation which Provides sufficient strength, through centralized authority, to assure the security and so make Possible the disarmament of the member states, and which gives them that freedom from fear of attack alone permitting them to trade freely without thought of the necessity of self-sufficiency. At the same time, federation preserves among the member states the greatest possible degree of autonomy and independence consistent with the maintenance of justice and world peace.
We therefore urge the necessity of the development of the League of Nations into a Federation of Nations through the natural evolution of its fundamental organs; that is, through the development of the Assembly into a Legislature with proper representation and authority to act in the federal manner; the development of the Permanent Court of International Justice into a World Supreme Court with compulsory jurisdiction in all international controversies; and the development of the Council into a World Executive Cabinet commanding a police force adequate to compel the submission of such controversies to the Court and the acceptance of the Court’s decisions.
We call upon the peoples of the world to exert all possible influence for the appointment by the League of Nations of a committee of competent statesmen to consider and report upon the most feasible method of bringing about this development of the League into a World Federation with powers adequate to establish international justice, maintain world peace, and lay the foundation for the safety and welfare of mankind.
THE CRUSADES VIEWED THROUGH EASTERN EYES
A Study in Oriental-Otridenml Relation:
by
JOHN W. KrrcmNG Author :7] "Tha': Prayivfl World," 2M,
(Canduded)
THE TREACHERY 0F Fmouz, THE ARMENIAN
T last, on the third day of June {098, the Christian hosts Atook the town, not by assault but through the treachery
of one of the besieged. This was an Armenian, named
Firouz. Bohemond it is said bribed him to let in twenty men. Firouz, it is said, allowed the twenty men of the French to mount the ramparts at night by means of ropes which he let down to them. These in their tum drew up forty more after them. They thereupon opened the gates of the city and to the cry of "God wills it!" the Crusaders swarmed into the town and set themselves to massacre the inhabitanb. Thus Antioch fell and Bohemond accordingly claimed to rule the city as its capture: and so revealed that spirit of duplicity that Alexius had feared.
On account of this he fell foul not only of the Empexor but also of Count Raymond of Toulouse who upheld the authority of Alexius in this matter.
So with the citadel of Antioch behind them, the road down the valley of the Orontes toward Jesusalem now lay open to the Crusaders.
V. THE CRUSADERS BEFORE JERUSALEM
It was the first day of the month of July 1999 when the Cm saders arrived in sight of the city of Jerusalem. Three years had 554
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passed away since they had first set out upon their crusade from Europe.
How describe their transporl: of delight when they came within sight of the Holy City? "The pilgrims", writes Albert d'Aix, "forgot their fatigues, and hastened their steps. Arriving before the walls, they burst into tam."
Surrounding the town was a formidable rampart and there were no resources for a siege. The bed of the river Cedron was all dried up and the reservoirs of water were all covered over.
The most reliable account of the taking of Jerusalem is found in die “Gesm Francorum et Aliomm Hicrosoljmitmomm."
While the author tannins anonymous, it is clear that he was an eye-wimess of nearly all the evenb be related. He was probably a Norman of Italy who accompanied Bohemond to Antioch and thence to Jerusalem. His book was wdtten about the year nor.
Thus he writes—"Exulting with joy we reached the city of Jerusalem and we besieged it in a wonderful manner. Robert of Normandy besieged it on the northern side, near the church of St. Stephen, the first martyr, who was there stoned for Christ's sake. Next to him was Robert, Count of Flanders. Duke Godfrey and Tmcred operated from the South, on Mount Sion, near the church of St. Mary, the Lord’s mother, where the Lord supped with His disciples.. ‘ “ ir‘fl‘ 1253'
"During the siege we were unable to find any bread to buy for about the space of ten days, until a messenger came from our ships; also we were afflicted by great thirst, so much so that m fear and terror we had to water our horses and other animals six miles away. The fountain of Siloam, at the foot of Mount Sion, sustained us, but the water was sold among us at a high price . . .
“We sewed up skins of oxen and buffaloes in which we brought the water six miles. The water we drank from such I tzcles was fetid, and what with foul fater and barley bread, we daily suffered great affliction and distress.
"Moreover the Saracens hid near all the springs and wells and ambushed our men, killing and mutilating them and driving of the animals into their dens and caverns. Then our leaders planned
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to attack the city in order to enter it and adore the sepulchre of our Saviour.
"They made two wooden towers and many other machines . . ‘ Day and night on the fourth and fifth days of the week (Wednesday and Thursday, July 13 and 14), we vigorously attacked the city on all sides, but before we made our assault the bishops and priests persuaded all by their prendiing and exhortation that a procession should be made round Jerusalem to God's honour, faithfully accompanied by prayers, aims and fasting.
"Early on the sixth day we attacked the city on all sides and could do nothing against it. We were all surprised and alarmed. Then, at the approach of the hour at which our Lord Jesus Christ deigned to undergo the passion of the cross for us, our knights in one of the towers fought bravely, amongst them Duke Godfrey and his brother, Count Eustace. One of our knights, Letholdus by name, climbed on to the wall of the city . . . When he reached the top, all the defenders of the city quickly fled along the walls and through the city. Our men followed and pursued them, killing and hacking, as far as the temple of Solomon, and there there was such a slaughter that our men were up to their ankles in the enemy's blood . . . The Emir who commanded the tower of David surrendered to the Count (of St Gilles) and opened the gate where pilgrims used to pay tribute.
“Entering the city. our pilgrims pursued and killed the Saracens up to the temple of Solomon. There the Saracens assembled and resisted fiercely all day, so that the whole temple flowed with their blood. At last the pagans were overcome and our men seized many men and women in the temple, killing them or keeping them alive as they saw fit. 0n the roof of the temple there was a great crowd of pagans of both sexes to whom Tancred and Gaston dc Beert (de Beam) gave their banners. (As a sign of protection.) Then the Crusaders scattered throughout the city, seizing gold and silver, horses and mules, and houses full of all sorts of goods. Afterwards our men went rejoicing and Weeping for joy to adore the sepulchre of our Saviour Jesus and there discharged their debt to Him . . . "
Foucher de Chartres recounts how the Crusaders noticed that
THE CRUSADES VIEWED THROUGH EASTERN EYES 357
some Saracens had swallowed “besans"—or to put it better Byzantine gold picces—to save them from their conquerors. They set themselves then to split open their abdomens and search among the entrails to get out the pieces of gold; then as the process proved too slow for them, they piled up the corpses on immense pytes and burned them up. The Crusaders stuoping, searched among the ashes for the golden “besans”.
The Crusaders were enabled by the indications of a Syrian to find a piece of the true cross. The French enclosed it in a case of gold and silver, and the precious relic was carried in procession to the Temple.
ARAB ACCOUNT OF THE TAKING 0F JERUSALEM
The following account is taken from ”Recueil des Histotiens des Croisades," Historians Orientaux 1, Volume I page 4.
“We have mingled our blood with our abundant tears in such manner that there is no longer room for those who would rival us in lamentations.
"Sad arms for a man to pour out tears when the trenchant blades have lit the lites of war!
“What eye could soundly sleep, indifferent to happenings which awaken all who sleep?
"You: kinsman in Syria have no place of rest save the backs of their steeds or better the stomachs of vultures.
“Their enemies cover them with shame and you, you are letting your robe trail the mire as one who had nothing to fear.
"Wm blood has been shed! How many innocent maidens have naught with which to cover themselves save their hands
“Will the Arab Chieftains resign themselves to such an injury? Will the warriors of Persia submit to such defilement?
"Would to God, since they fight no longer for zeal of their religion, they may show themselves jealous for the honor of their womenfolk."
VI. FOUNDING OF THE KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM
On the eighth day after the capture of the city they elected Duke Godfrey, prince of the city to fight the pagans and protect
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the Christians. Also on the day of St. Peter in chains, (August 151:) they elected as Patriarch a most wise and honouxable man named Amulf. The city was captured by the Christians on Friday, July 15th, 1099.
This Frankish Empire, so suddenly set up on the borders of Asia Minor, was moreover very quickly organized.
The army of Crusading Knights had not ceased to be organized after the feudal manner. This same organization was established en bloc on the slopes of Iebanon. As we have noted the new kingdom Was placed under the rule of Godfrey de Bouillon, who took the humble title of Advocate of the Holy Sepulchte. Baldwin, Godfrey's brother. was proclaimed Count of Odessa. Bohemond, the Prince of Tarento, received the principality of Antioch, and finally Bertrand, the son of Raymond of Toulouse, was before long made Count of Tripoli. It is estimated that this first crusade cost the lives of between 500,000 and 600,000 men.
In consequence of the relations established with the west, the coast towns developed a prosperous life; pilgrims to the Holy places became more and more numerous: finally the orders, half religious, half military, the Templars and the Hospitallers, were founded to defend the conquest.
During a century and a half Cnlsades are to succeed one another; but there will not be seen again that fanatical and popular enthusiasm of the Crusade of Urban II and Peter the Hermit.
St. Bernard, the eloquent Abbot of Clairvaux, will preach a new crusade no longer to the masses of the people, but to prelates and kings.
VII. THE Ckusmens THROUGH EASTERN Eyes
A book which gives a remarkable picture of the Crusaders as they appeared to the eyes of the eastern people is “Memoirs of Usimah Ihn—Munqidh (Kitab Al—I Tibar)"
Usimah was an Arab—Syrian gentleman and warrior in the period of the crusades.
The book in question has been translated from the original
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THE CRUSADES VIEWED THROUGH EASTERN EYES 339
Arabic manuscript by Philip Khuri Hitti, of Princeton University. Thus Usirnah IbnvMunqidh writes of the Frankish character“Mysterious ate the works of the creator, the author of all things!
When one comes to recount cases regarding the Franks, he cannot but glorify Allah (exalted is he!) and sanctify him, for he sees them as animals possessing the vixtues of courage and fighting, but nothing else, just as animals have only the virtues of strength and carrying loads." . i . "Everyone who is a fresh emigrant from the Frankish lands is rude: in character than those who have become acclimatized and have held long association with the Moslems.”
USAMAH SPEAKS OF THEIR RUDE MANNERS
“Here is an illustration of their rude character.
“Whenever I visited Jerusalem I always entered the Aqsa Mosque, beside which stood a small mosque which the Franks had converted into a church, When I used to enter the Aqsa Mosque which was occupied by the Templars (Al—Dawiyyah), who were my friends, the Templars would evacuate the little adjoining mosque, so that I might pray in it. One day (about 1140) I entered this mosque, repeating the first formula, "Allah is great”, and stood up in the act of praying, upon which one of the F ranks rushed on me, got hold of me and turned my face eastward, saying "This is the way thou shouldst pray!"
A group of Templars hastened to him, seized him and repelled him from me. I resumed my prayer.
The same man while the others were oflierwise busy rushed once more on me and turned my face eastward, saying "This is the way thou shouldst pray!"
The Templars again came in to him and expelled him. They apologized to me saying, “This is a stranger who has only recently arrived from the land of the Franks and he has never before seen anyone praying except eastward." Thereupon I said to myself "I have had enough prayer." So I went out and have ever been surprised at the conduct of this devil of a man, at the change in the color of his face, his trembling and his sentiment at the sight
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of one praying towards the Qiblah (The direction of the Ka‘bah in the holy city, Mecca).
USAMAH SPEAKS OF THEIR MEDICINE
"A case illustrating their curious medicine is the following:
"The lord of AlvMunaytimh wrote to my uncle asking him to dispatch a physician to treat certain sick persons among his people. My uncle sent him a Christian physician named Thibiti Thibit was absent but ten days when he returned. So we said to him, ‘How quickly hast thou healed thy patients? He said:
" ‘They brought before me a knight in whose leg an abscess had grown; and a woman afilided With imbecility. To the knight I applied a small poultice until the abscess opened and became well; and the woman I put on diet and made her humor wet. Then a Ftankish physician came to them and said 'This man knows nothing about treating them.’ He then said to the knight, ‘Which wouldst thou prefer, Living with one leg or dying with two?’ The latter replied, "Living with one leg.‘ The physician said ‘Bring me a strong knight and a sharp axe.’ And I was standing by. Then the physician laid the leg of the patient on a block of wood and bade the knight strike his leg with the axe and chop it off at one blow. Accordingly he stmck it—while I was looking on—one blow, but the leg was not severed. He dealt another blow, upon which the marrow of the Leg flowed out and the patient died on the spot. He then examined the woman and said, ‘This is a woman in whose head there is a devil which has possessed bet. Shave 06 her hair.‘ Accordingly they shaved it off and the woman began once more to eat their ordinary diet—garlic and mustard. Her imbecility took a turn for the worse. The physician then said ‘The devil has penetrated flirough her head.‘ He therefore took a mzox, made a deep cruciform incision on it, peeled off the skin at the middle of the incision until the bone of the skull was exposed and rubbed it with salt. The woman also expired instantly Thereupon I asked them whether my services were needed any longer, and when they xeplied in the negative I tetumed home, having learned of their medicine what I knew not befme’ ”
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A Cumous TRANSFORMATION
One of the most curious things to observe in this connection is the manner in which the Europeans in time succumbed to the Oriental mode of living. They laid aside religious prejudice and racial antagonism and while political enmity survived, these sentiments did not.
Pope Urban II who proclaimed the cmsade would have been dismayed if he could have known that within a generation after the captuxe of Jenualem, Mohammedan merchants ftcely traveled everywhere through the Latin Kingdom, that mosques were to be found and that the Koran was taught and recited in Islamic schools in Antioch and Tripoli.
The second generation of Crusades spoke Arabic, they dressed in eastern comnne, they emulated Axabic manners, they furnished their houses with oriental furniture, rugs, tapestries and decorated than with Arabian and Persian art motifs and designs.
This brilliant Civilization of the Orient, so new to the Christians, so different from the nanow and monotonous life which they led in the mstles of the west, soon overcame them.
In course of time a wholly new and distinct axistrocracy arose in the land, Christian yet tolerant, to whom their cousins in northern Emope seemed as strange as they to them.
THE BREAKDOWN OF AUSTRO-MARXISM AND ITS FUTURE CONSEQUENCES“
by 05cm )Asz:
Obnflu Calla]:
HE Austrian Republic, like the German Republic, and the
short-Iived Hungarian Republic, was not the fruit of a rev olutionary effort, but simply a result of the disintegration of
an old Monarchy, fostered by the impetialistic ambitions of the victor states. As the entire armed force of the Monarchy was demoralized, the police shattered, the economic structure shaken, there remained only two elements in Austria capable of leadership: the one the Social Democratic party, the other the peasantry under a strong clerical leadership.
In the first period of the Republic, Social Democracy was undoubtedly the stronger element, representing a revolutionary movement, with powerful international affiliations, and totally estranged ftom the old state which had collapsed. Furthermore, the menacing repercussions of victorious Bolshevism had terrified all the conservative elements in the state. The result was a compromise which gave uncontested supremacy to the Social Democrats. The Social Danocratic party, under very gifted and incormptible leaders, advocated a radical social policy, a complete secularization of the state, and, in foreign policy, the Amclyltm to the German Republic. It cannot be doubted that, at that time, nobody opposed the Anublzm; it represented the will of the overwhelming majority of the population.
The Socialist victory, however, was a doubtful gain for the proletariat The Socialist leaders were compelled to sign the peace treaty which dismembered the country. What remained from the world empire was a territory of about 52,000 square miles, with a
«thhmeSmtkka-dlru tIWWKVm‘ numb Ina- Danuhian mum. mudyilu Me'rurnm'gll Indumdninmnu.
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THE BREAKDOWN OF AUb'TRO-MARXISM 363
population of only 6,500,000. The people stood on the verge of starvation; bankruptcy came, and an army of unscrupulous foreign profiteers lived off the marrow and bone of the country. Entire provinces expressed the desire to secede from Austria because they felt themselves exploited by the Viennese centralization. Civil war became endemic. The antagonism between Socialist Vienna, atheistic and materialistic, and the provinces, inhabited by a traditional and bigoted population, grew tense. At the same time, the Communist dictator of Hungary, Bela Kun, a violent adventurer, tried to foment an insurrection at Vienna for the overthrow of the socialistic government (June £919). The Socialists were in a tragic position, the consequences of which bemme an important factor in their final defeat. They faced the dilemma of either establishing a Soviet Republic, or crushing the Communist revolt They chose the latter alternative. The Communistic upheaval was put down. Twenty proletarian dead remained on the battlefield. It cannot be doubted that the Socialists were compelled to act in this way. Had they opted for the Soviet Republic, starving Austria would have been crushed in a few weeks by the surrounding bourgeois victor states. However, from a moral paint of view, their Position was extremely weak. After having preached for two generations the Marxian gospel of Social Revolution and of the Communistic state, broad masses of the party could not understand the attitude of their leaders, and the Communist demagogy was partly successful in describing them as traitors to the Revolution. Under such circumstances, it was a relief for the Socialists when at the second election the Christian Socialists and the ParrGenman party got a small majority in Parliament The Socialists refused to continue their malition with them, and were content to assume the role of the opposition. In the new Federal state, Vienna became an independent province under the strong majority rule of the Socialists. They Were unhindered in developing a Socialist policy on a grand scale in the old imperial city, and in building up a new mass ideology, the so—called Amtra-Marxism which stood between the parliamentarian tactics of western Socialism, and the revolutionary propaganda of Bolshevism, as the most radical wing of the Second International.
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This looked like a very agreeable and advantageous position for the Socialist leaders. They enjoyed real power in Vienna, and continued an active Marxist propaganda for the undermining of the bourgeois republic. However, this irresponsible position proved fatal to them. I scarcely err when I say that the final collapse of Austrian Socialism, brought about by the triumvirate: Dollfuss, the representative of the peasantry, Major Fey, the typical Austrian career officet, and Prince Starhembetg, a decadent aristocrat, was a logical consequence of the combination of its extreme theoretical intransigency with its petty compromises in municipal administration and parliamentarian haggling.
What happened was briefly this: in Vienna, still exhausted by the War, a social policy was put into effect which outdid anything ever attempted by the richest cities in Europe. Wonderful workingmen’s palaces were built which offered the proletariat nice and healthy apartments, with all the modern conveniences, for a nomL ml rent; parks were established with bathing facilities for the children; gratuitous medical care was oEered to pregnant women and babies; up-to-date hospitals and summer resorts were awaiting their proletariat) guests; a very advanced educational system was introduced into all schools of the capital. Foreign observers were amazed, and many of them delighted by this “victory of Socialism." However, those who knew the background of the splendour were somewhat disconcexted about it. The marvelous experiment was paid for not only by rich capitalists, but also, and primarily, by the middle classes, by the expropriation of house owners who, often through the work of a lifetime, had built their homes. The burden of taxation became so heavy that many enterprises were unable to continue. The effect was to weaken Austrian capitalism so that it could not compete with its mighty neighbors.
But what estranged the triumphant Socialism of Vienna even more from the other classes (with the exception of a small circle of radical intellectuals) was its provocative spirit. The Socialists attacked practically all the values upon which the former Austrian society had been basecl. Their leading organ, the Arbeiter Zeinmg, produced day by day articles which alarmed the bourgeoisie and
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the peasantry. Their impression Was that the present situation was only a respite, and that very soon the final expropriation would come. Anti-Semitism too played an important role in this moral situation, as many of the most influential and uncompromising leaders of the working class were Jews.
As a consequence the conservative and reactionary elements of the country began to organize illegal military forces, various types of Heimwehren, under the leadership of former officers, against the Private Socialist army, the so~called Republikanijc/Jer Srbuw bund. Both parties tried to show their forces on every occasion, and fostered mass demonstrations, which very often led to scuEles and minor combats. In this competitive armament, however, the forces of the reaction were soon stronger. They undoubtedly had a far better experience in organization and in the military art. And they had far more money The revolutionary ardm of the Socialist leaders exhausted itself in orations and demonstrations, whereas the whole administration of the country (with the exception of Vienna) , the whole army, and the police forces get into reactionary hands.
Unfortunately, the Proletariat took the daily inciting articles and speeches too seriously, and they developed a revolutionary ideology which had no support, neither in the political organization nor in the character of their leaders. They forgot that the Marxian ideology needs the brutality of the Tsars and the reminiscences of Siberia to be a reality, whereas the Viennese leaders lived relatively undisturbed on a good middle class standard.
No wonder that under these conditions the counter revolutionary bourgeoisie, allied with the former bureaucrats and army officers, supported by capitalism, Gentile as well as Jewish, and the clever Roman Catholic clergy, began to regain their former powers. But the final impetus to an anti-Socialist policy came from Germany. The growing success of Hitler in the Reich gave a new courage and energy to all reactionary forces in Austria. After Monsignore Seipel’s death, these forces found an able leader in the diminutive Dollfuss, the "milli—Mettemich,” as Viennese humor called him. He was the illegitimate son of peasants, a hard worker, an intel
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ligent man, but without broader culture, very religious, but without a true humanitarian outlook. The great mistake of the Socialists was that they underestimated their opponents, Hitler, as well as Dollfuss. Everyone unable to follow the mysteries of their dialectic materialism they regarded as hopelessly stupid.
The decline of Socialism began already in October 1927, when in the very Catholic Burgenizmd, a red soldier was murdered in a riot. The murderers were absolved by the Viennse jury, and a feverishly excited mob set the palace of Justice on fire. Things were nw to a real revolution (against the will of the Socialist leaders) which the popular mayor of Vienna, Mt. Seitz, was scarcely able to check. This dangerous outburst of radical passion made the reactionary forces mote resolute, and the Socialist leaders more timorous.
The definite debacle of Socialism, preceded by a series of several unsuccessful strikes which showed the further weakness of the party in a time of growing unemployment, came from an insignificant incident. On March 4, 1933, there occurred an excited debate in the Austrian Parliament concerning the strike of the railway men. As the decision depended on one vote, Dr. Bauer, the leader of the radical wing of the Socialists, advised Dr. Renner to abdicate the presidency of the National Assembly in order to exercise his vote as a deputy. However, the two other parties adopted the same trick, and their vicePrsidenls resigned also, leaving the Assembly without a head. DOLlfuss exploited this situation in his apacity as Chancellor. He discontinued the parliamentary work, and when the Socialists returned the next day as an act of constitutional protest, Dollfuss expelled them by means of the Police. This was the most critical moment for the Socialists. It was evident that if this flagrant offense against the constitution was not answeted by an immediate general strike, their cause was lost. The Socialist leaders, however, either did not undeistand the gravity of the situation, or felt themselves unequal to a revolutionary action In this way, Doilfuss became dictatm.
However, the last blow against Socialism was postponed, because the seizure of power by Dollfuss was coincident with the vic‘
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tory of Hitler in Germany, which completely changed both the international and the Austrian situation. Dollfuss and the whole Austrian counter—revoluh'on trembled before the advent of the Nazis. They understood very well that the Anuhluu under the new conditions would mean the total gleic/aschaltng of Austria with the same brutality with which Bavaria and the other German [finder were subjugated. They also knew that hard times would come upon Austrian clericalism, the spiritual leader of the counterrevolution. The growing resenlment against the Reich was shared by the Liberal bourgeoisie, and by the vast masses of the proletariat. Under the pressure of public opinion, Dollfuss assumed the fight against Nazi aggression. He was in a terrible plight. Austria was full of German spies. The German radio from Munich excited the people to revolt by the most vehement speeches. Enormous sums were sent to Austria for Nazi propaganda purposes. Great quantities of arms, bombs, and other materials were smuggled into the country. The Nazis organized their own armed force, and the incendiary destruction of public buildings, railway stations, bridges, telephone centers, became matters of daily occurrence.
But Dollfuss did not waver. He was able to gain the sympathy of all western powers, and of the League of Nations. He became the vassal of Mussolini, who promised to maintain the independence of Austria under all conditions. The interior situation too became very difficult. The counter-revolutionaries demanded more and more vociferously the crushing of the Socialists, and the establishment of a Fascist state. Mussolini also urged his ally to make an end of Red Vienna, because his clandestine transportation of war material to Hungary had often been hindered by the Socialists. The destruction of Austrian Socialism meant for the Duce the military coordination of Italy, Austria and Hungary. As long as Paul Boncout, himself a Socialist, was French Foreign Minister, Dollfuss did not dare to obey his overlord. When Paul Boncour fell, there was no further obstacle to carrying out the commands of Mussolini.
After a heroic and bloody fight. the Austrian working class was crushed, not only in street fights, but also by artillery, directed against the Karl Marx Ham, the Goethe Ham, and some other
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large apartment houses of the proletariat. The defeat of the workers was followed by many cruel judgments of counter-revolutionary tribunals. Several Socialists died as heroes, shouting, "Long live the International!” under the gallows. Many thousands were put into prisons and concentration camps.
In spite of the show-window of the corporative state, the new system represents the old type of absolutism of Mettemich, with its secret police, its spy system, its Roman Catholic piety, and the extinction of public liberties. Comparing Austrian Fascism to German Nazism, one would say that it is milder, more hypocritical and less efficient, than its hostile German brother.
There can be no doubt that Austrian Fascism is the weakest link in the chain of European dictatorships. Nnt only the strong and proud Austrian proletariat hates it, not only the more advanced middle classes resent it, but also large masses of the Peasantry oppose it because they are won over to the idea of the Anublmr. It can only last as long as the European balance of power artificially maintains its anachronistic and impossible existence.
The tragic death of Dollfuss changed the situation only as far as Mussolini mobilized immediately and showed the Nazis that he would rather fight than surrender Austria. The Nazis, thetefore, realize that at the present time they cannot apply force. They changed their tactics immediately with a brazen face. They denounced the Viennese revolt, disbanded the Austrian Nazi Legion, recalled the compromised German minister from Vienna, and sent in his place, the shrewed, Jesuitlike diplomat, von Papen. He now carries on a work of "pacifimtion." He tries to convince his Austrian brethren that the Germans will not touch Austrian independence. The Trojan horse is in the heart of the city of Vienna.
Meanwhile, the Austrian proletariat stands unbroken in its revolutionary spirit. From a moral point of view, it is far stronger than the German working class. The memory of its martyrs makes all efforts futile to reconcile the workers with the present government. Austrian Socialism has become even more intransigent than it was, and since all roads to free development have been blocked, the proletariat is looking towards the din ime of world chaos.
NEW SOCIOLOGY OF AGRICULTURE
by T. SWANN HARDING
mum a] "1m Dryrndalim ai Scitxa." rm
relationship both to its foreign and its domestic markets.
Agricultural prices rose more than other prices. Net farm
earnings increased, also farm valuations. Though farm exports declined from the beginning of the century, increased domestic consumption more than compensated for that decline. Then came the War.
America was drawn into tremendous export production, dearing from forty to fortyrfive million acres of grass and forage land to put it in Cultivation. European countries bought this excess production but meanwhile saddled themselves with debts and political differences that operated to reduce their ultimate buying power. The end of the War came, Europe started to put her land back into cultivation, out export market declined sharply, and even the horses, who used to use the product of may of out acres, had sadly diminished in number.
There were temporary shortages of both industrial and agricultural commodities in Europe which were purchased from America on borrowed money which Americans also loaned Europe. Our tariffs excluded foreign goods which this country might Profitably have received in payment for its exports. All means of European payment finally failed and the crisis of 1929 developed as a consequences of these economic inconsistencies, monetary difficulties in many lands playing a prominent part.
As their buying power declined the countries of Europe adopted severe trade restrictions‘ These added to our export difficulties. World trade came more under governmental control than 369
BEFORE the war American agriculture stood in satisfactory
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ever before in history. The foreign demand for farm products dropped catastrophically, yet agricultural production remained essentially unchanged. Even after industrial production had been dropped fifty Per cent (which is the manufacturers' way of plowing under his crops) agricultural production hovered around within five per cent of what it had been in prosperous times with a ready export market.
Then why didn't the agricultural agencies see all this coming, warn the farmers, and turn to studies of a social or economic nature? They did. Both the Department of Agriculture and the Experiment Stations did that. For years they have been accumulating valuable economic data, making land utilization studies, and doing research on farm finance, marketing problems, and types of farming adapted to certain areas. By the time the crisis came many of these programs of land use were approaching national proportions.
The remxds show that between the seventies, when the first Agricultural Experiment Stations were established, and 1900, the Stations OEeIed the farmers service which not only broadened in scope constantly but improved and kept up with the changing times. First they sought to improve the skill and dexterity of farm labor, to promote intensive specialization, and to wipe out animal and crop menaces like tick fever of cattle, hog cholera, cotton root rot, sugarcane mosaic, and sore mouth of sheep—not to mention many others.
Before x900 as the natural sciences evolved they were called, one by one, to the aid of agriculture: Physics, engineering, chem< istry, botany, entomology, veterinary science, agronomy, horticulture, animal industry, plant and animal breeding, physiology, and applied pathology. Each was adapted by the Stations and the Department of Agriculture to individual farmer needs. These things wete done in accordance with the expressed demand of farmers for remedial legislation in their aid.
But when 1900 came this problem of increasing pxoduction efficiency merged into mother. The investigation of economic as well as technical problems began promptly. In Minnesota it was cost accounting studied as a means to adjust farm operations and
NEW SOCIOLOGY OF AGRICULTURE
371
Produce better incomes. In Wisconsin it was agricultural economics. At Cornell and in Washington farm management studies took form under such former technical specialists as Hays, Boss, Spillman, and Warren 01 such farm-reaued boys as Taylor, Hibbard, and Carver. Why? Because they had had to inform themselves about problems in agricultural economics in order to answer questions raised by stump speakers in the depression of the nineties.
Since 1900 farm management and agricultural economics have made phenomenal growth. Befoxe the World War they were little more than studies of production and marketing economics; since then they have dealt with large problems of exchange, distribution, and consumption, and upon the basis of the data thus accumulated the new deal for agriculture was alone possible. At the same time farm hygiene, taxation problems, rural sociology, have all had their place in this new humanimtion of agricultural research since 1900. The passage of the Pumell Act in 1925 gave definite impetus to this trend by providing the Stations special funds for economic and sociological research.
There came to be less differentiation between the social and the natural sciences. Farmers began to learn the value of cooperative action. The agricultural agencies which had always been ready to train farmers in the use of new serums, to advise and assist them in the early repression of sudden and serious outbreaks of plant and animal disease, were now ready to tum to milk-marketing prob lems, to provide information on land utilization, subsistence farming, and the control of crop surpluses.
This crop control means what? In the first place it means 2djustment of production to consumption, not a mere crop reduction. In the second place it was not designed to deprive anyone of food. Take tobacco. We raise much more than we use; the surplus is normally exported. In 1923, for instance, we raised one and onequarter billion Pounds of tobacco of which we consumed less than three-quarter of a billion pounds ourselves. By 1929 we were raising nearly one and one—half billion pounds and our exports enabled it all to be consumed But in 1932 consumption amounted to less than one and one-quarter billion pounds.
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That means that we had raised nearly a quarter of a billion pounds of tobacco that nobody, here or in Europe, could buy Or take cotton On the average of the past the foreign and domestic cotton mills of the world have used thirteen to fourteen million bales of American cotton a year. What would have been the use of raising seventeen million bales in 1933 (as we well might have without a reduction program) and trying to sell it in a wotld market, already over stocked with holdover cotton from the previous years? Then there would have been nearly thirty million bales of American cotton on a world market capable of using only about half the amount.
Or even take wheat. Our domestic requirements are about 650,000,000 bushels a year; that is all the wheat that we can distribute under our domestic economic system. No matter how much more wheat we raise it would not be sold—it Would not reach consumers. Our 1931 crop was, however, 93:, 22t, 000 bushels. In 1932 we exported only 52 284,000 bushels of wheat. 1t 15 very easy to figure out the answer to that problem when you remember m addition that we had a holdover surplus of wheat already on hand and unconsumed equal to a normal year’s domestic consumption and more.
Of course, given complete changes in our system of distribution, which changes Would affect industry quite as much as agriculture, no doubt more wheat could be consumed. But under our present economic system we had surplus Wheat and, even with the best distributive machinery imaginable, there is still 3 Limit to the quantity of wheat we could consume, and it is mere insanity to raise more than this.
The State Agricultural Experiment Stations are far from costly. They have more than repaid their cost by valuable research results. They have kept up to the times, as early as 1900 changing over from research designed to tender production less hazardous to social and economic studies of broad significance. Finally, no one has asked the farmer to plow under any crops that could be distributed and used domestically. He has been asked only to cooperate in an adjustment program and, because he could not be
NEW SOGOLOGY OF AGRICULTURE 373
expected to cooperate in crop reductions if other noncooperative farmers profited by reason of his social consciousness, he was paid a premium for his cooperation.
Moreover, due to drought, we have already emerged into a
reriod when it may be necessary to step up crop production. The
atest reports from the Department of Agriculture indicate that Will be done quickly. Fortunately research in the natural sciences has not been stopped. Our scientists are still learning how to control the ever new bacterial, fungicidal, and insect menaces that make plant and animal production so hazardous. Even when crop reduction was obligatory it would have’ been the part of insanity to depend upon insects or plant and animal diseases to perform the reduction.
It is a fact that nearly forty million dollm has been set aside to buy up poor farm land on which the workets can make a hate subsistence. From the standpoint of crop reduction this means little or nothing. There are already under way 37 suhmuginal agricultural demonstration projects in difietmt parts of the country. They involve two and one—half million acres Which will mean little or nothing in respect to our total commercial farm production just because the land is so unproductive.
The soil is often thin, with rock so close benmth that it is dry and infextile. Often the water supply is too scant for household and stock use. Sometimes the grazing land is overstocked; in other cases the top soil has been carxied away by erosion, quite beyond possible recovery. Then again the land is often so tough and the holdings of individual farmers are so small that they simply can not derive enough income to live at anything but a starvation standard. The problem is first of all a human one.
It is simply inhuman that certain people continue trying by backbreaking toil to live on land upon which a living can not be made. This land is far better adapted for forests, for park uses, for Indian projects, or for wild life refuges, to which uses it will be put. The main Claire of the Government is to stop the simply atmcious wastage of human effort when farm families try to make a living on such land. Such people are condemned to a standard of
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living lower than that of my European peasant and it is merely humane and decent to enable them to move where they can live on an American standard.
It also Pays, for that matter. Because such communities as these poor people occupy can not keep taxes paid, yet they require roads, schools, local government, and other expensive Conveniences. If these people can be settled on other, better land, where such conveniences already exist, there is a saving. If the poor land is put to its proper use—such as the production of valuable game and forests—there is a distinct long-time dividend there. Finally, there should be subsistence farms in other communities to accommodate some of these same people.
They are, in a way, paid to get out of farming in one locality and financed to take up farming in another, that's all. The economy of many government services in the impoverished communities they leave will usually more than repay the Government for settling them elsewhere. But all this is not being done without careful study and forethought, predicated upon the wealth of information State and Federal agricultural agencies have been accumulating for years.
First of all the Government is analyzing our future National needs for all the goods the land produces—fibers, foods, wood, areas of natural beauty for recreational purposes, city water supplies, wild life refuges and so on; An effort is right now being made to estimate how much land we need for production Purposes The outlook for foreign and domestic sale of farm products is being assessed, and production»per-acre trends fox cm!) and pasture land ate being surveyed. The land is being analysed, in view of Soil Surveys made for years by the Government, and a detailed analysis made of its most efficient usage for specific purposes.
An inventory is being prepared, right now, as Chevallier says, of our land resources and how they can be used most efficiently for farming, forestry, and other purposes mentioned. The arable land in farms is beng classified to indicate where soil is located that, beyond dispute, can not yield any farmer a living. Sections will be noted that give a farm family a fair chance if farmed in large units if they have put-time employment available and capital burdens
NEW SOCIOLOGY OF AGRICULTURE 375
as in some irrigation and drainage districts—can be scaled down.
Finally, suggestions will be made for organizing a program to meet our agricultural needs on a basis of scientific land utiliution. Thus the problem that our farms are right now producing more children than can find employment on the land when they reach adult estate will be Considered. Today there is little room for them in cities. This is not an academic but a very practical matter. Evegy day relief workers grapple with this problem in cities over—populated with unemployed. Provision must be made for increased in. dustrial employment, some in cities, but some as an integral part of the subsistence farms.
It is a matter, in last analysis, of preventing the slum standard of living already too common in America today. However, though the Government can offer farmers social machinery with which to balance production and solve these problems, they themselves must organize and operate it. The need for subsistence farms is already manifest from this discussion.
Between 1929 and 1953 more than two million persons left our cities and went back to the land. Certain Southern States re ported fmm fifteen to forty thousand farm families on their relief xolls—per state. Living costs are, however, much lower in rural communities and the transfer of these people to subsistence agriculture would be economically advantageous, if this could be done without depriving commercial {mets of theix markets and increasing their competition. Urban discards cannot simply be pushed out into the country thoughtlessly thus to divide a drastically reduced agricultural income among a still greater number of people.
Subsistence farming is noncommercial farming. It adds nothing to the oversupply of agrimltutal products. But a subsistence farmer must have some cash income in addition to the food, fuel, and housing provided by his farm. He must therefore have some nonagriculmral activity, some small industry, upon which to rely in part in his spare time. The hasty decentralimfion of profitable industry for this nonprofit purpose can not, however, be undertaken hastily and thoughtlessly.
Take a State wherein unanployment relief is about flfty-flfty
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between urban and rural, as it is in some states. The State relief agencies must therein so organize that urban relief groups will pm duce industrial goods and rural relief groups food; the production will be balanced and then exchanged so that it is held entirely within relief channels and offers no disturbance to either commercial agriculture or industry. This method is of wide application and admirably fits in with the subsistence fanning program.
Another plan, considered by other States, calls for the establishment of manufacturing or processing plants in country communities in order to furnish part time employment. These will provide a source of cash income to subsistence farmers. Other States consider the relocation of certain good faith families whose adult members were farm-reared, but who now live in cities.
It is true that the Division of Subsistence Homesteads of the Department of Interior has $25,000,000 to aid in the Iedisttibution pf the overbalance of population in industrial centers through the establishment of subsistence homesteads. But there may also be established on such homesteads farmers from infertile soil who now work tremendously hard and live like peasants or worse. Basically it is a matter again of humanitarianism.
There people are on relief. They are demoralized. They live at a bare subsistence level but without their own individual exertions. Far better than straight charity, Which can do nothing but further demoralize them and bodes ill for the future of the Nation, is an effort to make these people seIf-supporting. 1n the long run a mere fraction of this charity, paid in part as interruption to profitable commerce in industrial and agricultural products, but paid now by the same citizens as a direct dole, would enable these so:rowful recipients of relief to become self-supporting.
When studied with a little care, then, this agricultuIaJ program is neither inconsistent nor lunatic. It all fits together. We can only hope that some equally sensible and fat-reaching program will be invented for industry. For successful agricultural recovery can not be achieved alone; it can only occur on a sound basis when it forms it: proper part of a larger program for the Nation as a whole.
[Page 377]
BOOK NOTES
Twentielh Century Force; in European Fiction, by Agrm Camilla Human. Cbitago: American library AchiaIian, x934. Pp. 250. $2.00.
I think that this is a singularly valuable work, which ipm farm takes the ranking place among the "must" books for the supporters of the aims of World Unity. Miss Hansen, Associate Professor in the School of Librarianship of the University of Denver, has 1&boted eamestly in compiling a list of more than five hundred European novels, translated into English and published since 1900, listing them under concepts, forces, and phenomena characteristic of the twentieth century civilization. She discusses the development of the novel from the eighteenth century to the twentieth century, and classifies the various works, with her short introductions, into chapters dealing with social and economic forces, political, histotical and racial concepts and phenomena, psychological theories and phenomena, the new physics, the “flight from reality“ urge and its outlets, esthetic experimentation, and concludes by hav‘ ing special chapters on the national literature: of Czechoslovakia, Holland, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Roumania, Russia, Denmark, Norway, Swedm, Spain, Yugoslavia, Finland, Iceland, Latvia, Portugal and on literature in the Yiddish language. It is amazing to find so many excellent European novels in translation and the work should serve as a most useful guide to the literature available in most of our libraries.
JOSEPH 8. Raven:
Black Angel; of A1501; by Michael Céouéax. Brattlebaro (Vermont): Stephen Day: Pm‘L 1934. Pp. xxi, 327. 33.00
High above the blue Agean Sea rises the marble summit of Mount Athos, the famed abode for centuries of approximately
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5,000 monks. Professor Michael Choukas of the Department of Sociology, himself of Greek origin, has written the first serious sociological study of this unusual community. Beginning with a short historical sketch of the growth and development of the Athenian communities, he describes their difietent methods of self-goveminent, their relations with the outside world, their ceremonies, relics, festivals and their long effort to save their mediaeval character unchanged in the midst of a fast changing world. Here is a notable contribution to our knowledge of how the personality of the human being can be narrowed down to that intangible element, the “soul", interpreted in the terms of eternity and the hereafter rather than in the terms of the temporal life of man and the present. From another point of view, this is a notable description of how various groups of humanity live in the terms of a philosophy just the opposite fxom our own. Professor Choukas is really an able writer and analyst. His book recreates the mystical world of Mount Athos with a forceful style and a keen sense of observation. JOSEPH S. Roucnx
A Short History of Czecboxlamkia, by Kamil Karftd. New York: Robert M. McBride, 1934. Pp. 198. 32,00.
Dr. Korfta, Professor of History at the Charles University of Prague and second in command of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Czechoslovakia, has written the first history of the Czech and Slovak people as a unit. Before Korfta’s book, all volumes concerned with the background of these people had dealt with the history of the Czechs and Slovaks separately. With no pretense to literary style, the volume has great and substantial merits. It is a convenient sourcebook and handy reference work which should be a boon to those who are perplexed by the complexity of political troubles in Central Europe, explaining, historically, the attitude of the Czechoslovak people toward their neighbors—and also their experiences with them. One criticism, however, we have to offer. The discourse of Dr. Hoetzel on the Czechoslovak Constitution, included in the appendix, tells us too much about the legal aspects of the situation, without giving us a hint about file actual operation
[Page 379]
BOOK NOTES 3 79
of that document. But this fact does not prevent us from appreci ating the great value of this book Which is the most authoritative
and able presentation of the topic that has appeared in English. JOSEPH S. Roucex
The Ideal: of East and Welt, 17] Kenneth Saunderx. Tb: MarmilIan Compmzy, New York, 1934. Pp. 246. 32.504
Dr. Saunders in this hook sifls out the ethical objectives of the largest living faiths and gives them appreciative but comparative evaluation. The essays are short but deal historically with the Ethics of India, of the Chinese, the Japanese, the Greeks, the He brews, and Christian Ethics. One feature of the book is the inclusion of many outstanding passages from the writings of the world’s greatest prophets. No apparent basis for comparison is evident save the personal leaning of the author toward liberal Christianity as centered in the personality and spirit of Jesus. He deals scantily with Christian ethics after Jesus while with all other faiths he senses a transition from age to age. The hope which Dr. Saunders holds out for inter-Ieligious amity lies in the indigenous rejuvenation of Oriental religions with the person of Jesus placed at the apex. This is a refined sort of Christian imperialism, the actual internationalism of Which can he sincerely challenged.
PAUL RUSSELL ANDERSON
Tbe New Commonwzdllb Pear: Pamphlen. London.
The New Commonwealth, am association with headquarters in London, working for world peace through the two definite steps of a compulsory international Equity Tribunal and an International Police Force, has begun the issue of a series of pamphlets, of which number one af series A has just reached this country
It is planned to issue pamphles in three series, A to deal with the principles of international relations, B with the international tribunal in equity, and C With the international police force. Thus far the pamphlet mentioned above is the only one which has appeared. Its subject is "The Legal Process and International Order", by Hans Kelsen, Professor of international law at the University
380 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
Institute of High International Studies, Geneva, Switzerland. This will be followed by two other Series A pamphlets: "William Ladd, American Crusader for Peace", and “The Theory of International Government".
Series B will contain four numbers: “The Principles of an Intentional Equity Tribunal", "Judgment in Equity", "Principles of Equity for the Revision of the Peace Treaties", and "The Functions of Equity in the Doctrine and Practice of International Law". Series C thus far proposes two titles: "The Principles of the International Police Force”, and “Suggestions for the Organization of an European Air Force”. The entire series should make a valuable contribution to the search for a ptactical method of establishing world peace.
Professor Kelsen reasons that the course of international or‘ ganization for world peace must follow the same path of evolution which has been experienced in the growth of community, and later of national political organization. He points out that law fust arose in the form of generally approved customs, which in time gained obligatory force. In the same manner he thinks that international law has been and for a long time to come must still be hammered out of the rough strife of nations resulting in generally accepted customs in international dealings, which customs in the process of time have gained an obligatory character recognized by all nations.
As for the enforcement of this international law, he reasons that this also must follow the couxse of the evolution of national law, which at first was left in the hands of the aggrieved party, who avenged himself against an aggressor fat the wrong done him, or who enforced the collection of debts due him through the apture and enslavement of his debtor, if payment was not made as agreed. The individual was both judge and executioner in his own case. Thus it has been in the past in dealings among nations, also.
Later national organization developed courts, whose function was simply'to decide whether or not a violation of the customs which were the law of the land had occurred; and, if so, to authorize the aggrieved party to execute satisfaction duough his own strong arm or by the aid of friends, relatives or colleagues who were
[Page 381]
500x NOTES }, 8 I
willing to aid him. This, Professor Kelsen says, is practically the situation under the present Covenant of the League of Nations, where the Permanent Court of International Justice may decide whether or not an international wrong has been committed, but where the execution of satisfaction or the prevention of further Wrong is left to the aggrieved state With the aid of its allied League member states.
The next evolutionary steps in the national organization, according to our author, consisted in making compulsory the submission of all controversies whatever to the court, Which was done through the organization of a police force to prevent the individual from "taking the law into his own hands”, and through the establishment of an executive power which took over the execution of the satisfaction decreed by the court, and which no longer permitted the individual to avenge his own wrongs according to his own judgment of their seriousness.
These two steps, the author believes, are the next natural developments in the League of Nations for Which peace workers should strive; namely, the establishment of an Equity Tribunal to which all international controversies without exception must be submitted, and the organization of an International Police to enforce such submission to the court without warfare, either declared or undeclared. This development of the League would forbid nations to act as judge and executioner in their own cases, would prevent them from "taking the law into their own hands", fxom deciding to what extent, if any, they had been aggrieved or deciding arbitrarily the extent of the satisfaction which they would proceed to exact by their own forces. As in me evolution of national organization, these two steps would bring under the rule of regular count procedure the decision as to whether an international wrong had been committed, the extent of the satisfaction due for such wrong, and "the enforcement by common action of international obligations". (Covenant, Art. VIII.)
Professor Kelsen admits that a court presupposes a legislature, but he claims that the evolution of a formal legislative body has in national organizations come much later than that of the court,
, 7”,, 7,4
382. WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
which at first used as its code merely file customs of the land. While he feels that the League of Nations must in time evolve a legislative authority, he thinks that this will be a rather distant development. His theory of the historical development of national organizations is derived entirely from the consideration of European nations. It is not true of the United States, of Australia, of the republics of South America. In all these national organizations the legislative as well as the judicial and the executive departments of government were laid down by human deliberation at one and the same time. If there is any criticism of Kelsen's able pamphlet, it is that he pays too much superstitious homage to the necessity of an agelong evolutionary process. At the present time mankind does things: it does not wait eons for evolution to produce them without human brains, energy and action.
OSCAR NEWFANG
[Page 383]
ANNOUNCEMENT
This issue of World U nizy concludes Volume XV and fulfills a definite cycle in the evolution of its effort to create a new type of literature on world aflairs.
The unique character of the magazine has proceeded directly from the outluok of its frmnders, Which realized the interdependence of religion, science and sociology in the movements simultaneously destroying the past and forming a new era in human history. With that outlook has gone a conviction that the discovery and clarification of Purpose behind world events is far more imPortant than their mere description and recording as a mechanical sequence of happenings, no matter how technically proficient the description might be.
This conviction has indeed been obvious in the very title of World U nity, a term raised as a rallying point for the great number of civilized people sharing the confidence that the lives of men, and the life of mankind, manifest the working out of an intention fixed beyond their individual or even collective capacity to annul and deny.
With local and partisan matters the magazine has therefore felt no concern. The full measure of its hope can only be defined in terms of its entire contents throughout the period of seven and one-half years since the first issue appealed. No criterion exists by which one can say whether the hope has been achieved or has been unrealized. All that one can observe is that a definite ideal has been consistently pursued, and that around the effort have voluntarily gathered a large number of thoughtful students whose writings have been shared for the common good.
The Classified Indexes included in recent issues serve very effectively to indicate the range of subjects and the wide social area from which the contributors have been drawn. In a way, the titles
53)
384 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
listed in the Indexes constitute, more than in any other magazine, perhaps, a sincere effort to present the modern world as a whole25 a spiritual as well as political or economic reality—without artificial boundaries which divide the realm of consciousness, and as an inevitable result, divide the realm of thought and action.
Wurld Unity has been not merely a plea for futuIe universal peace: it has conveyed some assurance that universal peace already is; is, at least, in all those individuals Who have not been inwardly darkened and perverted by the power of the storm raging in the world outside.
Now the fundamental aim takes a new Ste}: forward in its physical embodiment as a magazine, facing a new cycle which it is hoped will consolidate the ground already covered and break new and more important ground in the years ahead.
Beginning April, 1935, World Unity Will give way to a new publication, World Order, for which the good will of all present friends and contributors is besought.
World Order is to appear April I as Volume One, Number One, that its organic newness may be duly emphasized, though in true Continuity it Will be the extension of World Unity by union With The Ba/ad’z' Magazine.
It has appeared most desirable to link together two instruments serving the same ideal, committed alike to the goal of a new world otder in the form of World Federation, and alike in emphasizing the unity of faith as the cornerstone of the unity of races, classes and nations.
World Order will be edited by Stanwood Cobb and Horace Holley. It will be sent in continuance of all existing World Unity subscriptions.
The magazine will be improved in appearance, and plans are under way to establish corresponding or contributing editors representative of the world outlook in the various countries and races of East and West. In order to concentrate upon positive ideals, the editors will avoid publication of articles dealing with matters of political controversy or merely local and transient interest. As the title implies, the magazine will seek to explore the elements upon which universal peace depends.
INDEX WORLD Uum MAGAZINE Volume 15, Ortaber, 1934 — Murtb, 1935 Title:
Amrmxcnz. Nsw Somowcv 0?. by 11 5mm Harding, 3m
Amman; Pun: Momma, Tax, by Smilb Sim m. 15 H
Ammcn's slut: Missxox, by Philip Leonard Grun. 155
Aus‘nn-MAlxun, Tu: Bmxnowu 0'. by Oscar Jisxi, 362
BooK Nmm (set Ilsa “Way Out”). by 0W Newfzmz, Jun 5. Raw, Paul Russel Anderson. 2 , 311.377
Cummum m. Rm: Rmmus, by J. C McMarriu. 6|}
Cmnxsmxbmcu, b Frank Rawliuson, Oscar Newinng idnuy L. Gulick, Albzrl Guérird. 1. M. Slrattum M‘ E. Bralchcr, Carl A. Ross, 55
Cxuawms Vnzwxn TIIIMYGH EAsms’ Evks. Tlll, by John W‘ Kitching, 221, 273. 354
Dmununzm- lumsmu? Is, by John
. Richard M01. 233
DlsMunNa rm ImuNAnoNAL Mum. by Oliver Earl Benton, 161
EAST, Tn: Cmmanm, by Ham Kuhn, 10
ENDURING Pun, I Poem, by Francis H. While. 89
Ermcs or Tm: le EM, by Giovanni Bnldani. 261
quw. Puma". Tm, 23!
Fuxm—Gnunx Funm'nox, Wm! Nm A, by A. L. Sarah 78
Gzszn Cowvumox Coucumm: CouPULSGIY LABOII, by The International Office for flu: Prolcclian of Native Races. 295
Gum, Snmxm, 1934, by Evdyn Newman. I(K
Gm: Tumnxa 0v rm; Cums, by F‘ Harvey Mom. 30]
lexlmm, A Paul, by Shaun A Cotknlz. n7
INnuflulu. Jumcs, A Ducussm or, by ‘Abdn'l-BaM. ‘7
lm-Aumcu Dunn Ann Rmrrnzs, by Philip Leonard Gnu), 232
Ixmvoml. Comans or Tucnmu AND EDUCATI'DN, THE, by The Imemltional Institute of Educational Cinemgraphy. 32
INs'm'un mu Umv-nsx-ry or 1»:annoxu. Rmnoxs, by Mary Hull, us
lm-Amrcwxsn, by Philip Leonard Grew. 197
Inu-Anxumfl Possluu‘nrs, by Philip Lennard Green. 325
INTERNATIONAL anN,IPocm, by Myrtle Bastian Brawn, 121
leggsxun’, Ema, by Albert D. Belden.
Mona“ Cum, A by Ernst Jonson, 330
Mumu Wm, 1's: mum 01 m2. by Stamon A Coblenu, 204
NATIDSAbIFmAfloNAL: 02¢: LIN! WISDOM. Edna: by Wm. P. Taylor. :14
PMB m nu: (JBA‘nVE \VIITLI, by Elixabah Nilchiq 175
Fun A)": nu Pmurr Cusxs. by The Rziigious Society of Frimds, x7
Quus m mexsn, Runnw nu, by C. F. Gnu. 229
Rmmmx mm Woaw Own. by Horace Holley. l. 65. 129. IDJ. 259. 32]
Scum; Lam; Rnum lxnuxm? c“, by T‘ Swami Harding. 2“
Soaomv, Wan Is? by Y. KKfibmn.‘
Scum! m Wm Um, by E:1". Kimball. 13$
Swarm.“ Nuns nu THIS Tum DP Cu wus. 5y 1. Fisher, 5| H n wt, 31.. Back Rzmws, oracr. Holley. 5], 12, 155 244, 3:9,
Wm, H. (;w n B. Wnkgky. 5
\VquJ AWARE. A Mauhly WI Haiti. by Ow Nah“. E, 90. 148. 7.17. B8. 345
\Vqu: Panama Human, Pl‘ll-nlnun. Dun by Warld Fulcrum
Commmce of World Unity Emma...
252 Wanna Um, Am or, 5. 97 Wear: W: L": ll, 32. 118, 295 355
386 WORLD 1mm! MAGAZINE
Autban
'Amv’bBABA A Dixmion of Industri.1 11min, ti
Awau. Pun Rum, Book szicws, 2408, SH. 377
Bwnx, Gnmmm, Ethic of th: New En. m1
Bums, Aurzrr 0.. Gears: hnshury, 97
Bluum, OLIVI'I EAIL, Disuming the ln< Iematianal Mind. [6|
Bureau, M. E. Correspondence, SS
Blown. Mm: BASTMN, International Hymn, I Poem. l2!
Conan“. STANTON A., Ikhnamn. a Poem, 21:: Thu Mnhdy of th: Modem World,
meI. Evan J,, S irilual Nada in This Time of Criiis. 4
Glmw, C. 1",, Reading 1h: Quran in TurkiIh. 229
Gum" P111111: menn. Amarim’s Cosmil; Mission. 155; Evolving 1111mmimism. 197; hm-American Drum) and Realities. 282; Imer»Amcx-iun Poa G agililicskazs Co 55 u nu, Lln'l'. rrespandmoe.
Guucl. 5mm L, Cormpondmoe. 55
Hunma, T. Swum, New Sociology oi Axricnllurc, 369; an Scam Long Rrmain lnhulnan.’ 2H
Homv. Hours. kuigim and World Order, 1. 65. 129. I93. 259, CHI; The Way 5003‘. Book Reviews, 5], 12, 185. 244,
Hun. MA". Institute and University of International Reladons. 11s , JMZI, 05:“. The Brtakdown vi Aubu'Ir
Marxism. 362
Jonson, En'sr, A Modern Crud, 330
Kumu. Em n, Saciolaay and World Unity. 135
KmmNC. John W.. Th: Crusadcs Viewed Through Eastern Eyu. 22!. 2/3. 354
Knnx. HANS The Chang“: Easl. 1°
Kmxmum. Y'. H. W112. u ociem, 340
McMol-ns, J. C, Chnslinnizy and Race Relations. 6!}
M21. JnHN Rlcnm. IA Dilarmarnmll Impossil)lc?, 2.1.1
Mam, F. Hum, Group Thinking on the s. 30!
‘ Osmn, Wurld Advance, A Monthly lnm'nnlinnal Review. 25. 90. 143,237. 283, M5; Corral 1141mm, 55: Book Nukes. 243. 311. 37
NEWMAN, Em‘m, Geneva, September. 1934. 104
N ncmn. Emznma. Peace and 1h: CreA adv: Writer. 175
RAwmuon, Fun. Cormpondmcc, 55
Ross, CARL A., Cmespmd-u. 35
Rnuczx. Jcszru 5.. Book Rcvicws. 248 3". J77
Smpsou, Sun", The American Peace Movements. IS
Song, A, 1... Why Not a Franco-Gunun Federalionh 78
SrurmN. G, M“ Corrapondmu. 55
TAVLm. WM. P1. Nnflml—Immtim}: 0m Lin: Wisdom 114
Warn, FIANCIS H, Enduring Pace. 1: Focal. 89
\Nouulv, R. E. H. 5.. Wells. 5
[Page 387]
WORLD UNITY READING LIST
A Clanified bzdex~1927 - 1935*
6. WORLD PEACE
Amocnmr. A szmrm Wow, by C \V. Young. June, 1933 gum. Rhu,
Amx Mucum, by S October, Navmbcr. 19
Annular! Pucz Momm-r. by Russell M. Cooper November, 1931—May.1932
Auuxun 15mm: Movauzms THE, by Smith Simpson. 0mm. 1914
Aunucu PLACE Momma; Twmas-r D! Tax, by George B. E. Smida. Augun‘, 19:1 1.
Aumxus Comm: 111551011, by Philip merd Green December. 1934
Cm Busmsss finmwma 1mm by F. Emcrsnn Andzews, Ju1y, 1930
CA5}: m Wm, Tm by Ruben c1 Stevmsbb. Ju1y, August. Septembu. 1932
Cum Axu JAPAN#Wmu Cusxs. by 5mm Clark. Odom, 1932
Cwsmc. m1: GAP m nu Cavaxnm', by Philip c. Nash December, 1929
uua 10 Wow Tun, Tn, by Hume Holley, October 1933
Comma Wom 61mm, THE, A 51mmsnm. by Archie M. Palmcr, F. 5. MarVin. Gnham H1 Swan. Parker Thomas Mann. Rufus M. Jones, C E Ansley, Oxzrles 5mm, Taxaknalh Das. Carl A. Ross. A. Eustace Haydon, 111m Hbu, Decembcr, 1930—Ocmber, 1931
DAWN nr Pam, TEE, by Abdu’l-Bahá, July. 1932
mmmmm _ Tm Ym- UnsuLVEu Pxonum DP 11mm 13mg. by F, 13. Clark, April, 1929
E'rmcs or m: NEW ERA, By Giovanni 13.1mm, February, 1935
12mm, Tux UNmn Suns m, by Richard Lee. Rustum Vambery, Marja
Grundmann—Kuscicnskn. R. H, Markham, Charles Richer, T11. Ruyssem Murth, 19:0
Eanvmc INm-Ammcnmsu, by mun Lwnnrd Green. January. 1935
11mm» NAmn: memu Emma 1330 mu, by Devan 1mm Navcmber,
INrm-Ammn Dunn: AND Rmm-xu, llzgzsl‘hihp Luanard Grcm. Fcbnm'y,
Iumfiumcnu Possmnxnzs, by Phflip Lwnard Green. March 1935
INTERNATIONAL Acmm. \‘zw STEPS In, by Lucia Amen Mend, Angusf, 1930
11:11:11,91on“. ARm-rnncm, hy Emes‘ Ludwig, Scplcmber, 1930
INT'DINATIONAL Co-CITIZENSE'IP, by Ra< phul Buck. July. 19.1.1
Innksnmrcu. Dsuucmmc Gavanxnn', by King Kaug-H , May, 1933
iNmNArmNAusx AND nu: CDMKON Puma. by Richard Lac, October, 1929
lunnmnomusu, Tun Dynamos or, by P111151) Lennard Green, Novembu, 1932
INSTITUTIONS men Puoasszs FOX Till ADVANCEMENT or InmNAnouu. PEACE: AN EVALUMmN, by Charla E. Mardn. Srpwrnher, 1931
15 “MR INSVHABLL? by Robe“ C. Stevnnsun, May, 1934
Imam: AND Wmu.» UNm. by Ruben Whitaker. August. 1928
me LuoRs 111- ms Pam: Pkoanu, .‘L by Warren H. Pillsbury, Stplcmbcr, 1933
Ntw Nmomusu mm Won.» Pun, F931;, by Home: Hailey, September,
NICHULAS Rozxzcn's PLAN OF Wom {3913512, by F ranccs M. Grant, February,
Nu MORE “In! by Henry Schmidt, JL, anber, 1931
PACIHSM, THE Fub‘nnxumul. Pxomll w, by Oscar Jfiszi, August, 1932
PACl' m? Ems, THE memn 011 11a. by John Herman Randall, In, May, 1929
FARLXAMENT up A qum Wm, TEE, by C W. Young, May 1933
mm Ann Tm, by Mira won, Septembcr, 1929
‘ A limited number 1:! back numbers 21-: available. 25 Dents each. 11051113311
337
- 1
388 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
Pucz me Ram, TEE: Correspondenm November, 1931
Pram MAINTENANCE 111! Ecoxomc Isc13-21-50”. by William H. Blymyer, April,
PEACE, Tm: Psuca you, by Dexter Perkins, March, 1921:
PERMANENT CDURT 01’ INTERNATIONAL Jus'ncn, by Charles Evam Hughes. January. February. 1931
Pnoamwmnuw nr an‘nsnL Put? THE, by Homer Holley. April, 1932
Qwsnonmmn 0N Wnun Pun: ANALsts AND SUMMARY, by Horace Holky‘ JulY. August 1934
RAGAL RELATIONSHIPS AND INTERKA’noNu Human, by Frank H. Hankim. Februarvauly. 1929
Son Rummy, T1111, by 'Abrlu'erahé. May, 1933
Sou: REMEDY 70k VVAR, Taz, by Lucia Ame: Mad, Decanbcx, 1931
Tanya; Puss 10 Puma, by Philip c. Nash, May, 1931
Unmn STATES AND 1-111: WORLD COURT, by Bryce Wood, May, 1931
Um‘nnsAL PEACE; Tm: ancwus 0F, by Horace Honey, April, 1934
‘VAR DEBTS: Wunuv men‘y on W011”: $33“? by Royal Wilbur France. July.
an A anm Noun? by Dudley wb \Voodbridgc. Dmmber, 1933
111115313 Wu? by D. n. Droba, January,
WORLD szm, Pun: mu A, by David Smrr Jordan, July, 1934
VVova Cruzmsmr, by cm A. Ross, April, 1929. March, 1930. JuntDeccmha, [931, July, 1933 » Apr“. 1934
WORLD ColuanzAu-n, £1.1st OF A, by Horac: Honey, July»November, 1028
Wonm Commmm, A, by John Herman {229311. October, 1929 to September,
“’okw-CDNSCENCE. by Hendrick (111457 112111 Andersen, July, 1934
an anmlow. by Oscar Ncwfang. December, 1932
VVukLn FEntkAnux, COKHEPONDESCE, February, March, 1933
Wmn anmAnnx, Fvnm-x Commm, by Oscar Newiang, April, 1933
“’ORLLI FEDERATION MAmrss'm, PRFJJMWARV DRAFT, by \Vofld Federation Committee, March. 1935
\Vonw Pace, by David sum Jordan, July. 1931
WORJJJ PEACE AND THE PACI' AGAINST “/1111be R H. Markham, May. 1929
“'0!an Pun: m. 'rmc Wmux hm e, by Ruben Whitaker, December, 1931
VRan Putt, Till; Ecmwuxc hmmmam IN, by Harm Halley, May, 19311
“"11qu PEACE. THE QUEST 0?, by Dmcr Perkin; Oclobcr‘ December. 1929, Janl uary-June, Deumbcr, 1930, January. March-June, 19:1
Youm mp Wmu: Puma, by Joseph 1;. Matthews. March, 1929
BOOKS ABROAD
An International Quarterly of Comment on Foreign Books Edited by Roy TEMPLE HOUSE AND KENNETH C. KAUFMAN
CONTENTS FOR SPRING, 1955
(Published April 1)
Arnm'mn Serial and literary Influenru in Brazil (Concluded) ...._
30m: Reflexion; an Polymen'} Napalaan’x Maud __ A language Durendl ‘ A Himwy of [be Dmma _._ Ham Cbiixlian Arm’suen .. ..,.,V.Ammo PEIXOTO .Amm Gooey .HARRIET R511) .Slmmm) WAGENER CAMILLO VON Kumzn Juuus Moxrmm
Correspondcncc (Arturo Tones—Rioscco and Carleton Bcals on Mr. Beals‘ Fire on the Andex)
What’s Doing an P47114111] (Rgports on Literary Plans and ijecrs, by G. K Cbarenon, Pio Baroja, Andre Siegfried, Max Brod. George Sylvestex Viereck, Knut Hamsun) _.... .
And olbn article:
Reviews by Sidney B. Fay, Albert Guérnrd, Alexander Kaun, Samuel Putnam, Muna Lee, and orhers.
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UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA PRESS Norman, Oklahoma