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[Page 319]

RELIGIOUS UNITY RACIAL UNITY WORLD UNITY CLASS UNITY INTERNATIONAL UNITY

RELIGION AND WORLD ORDER, VIII, Horace Holley.

INTER-AMERICAN POSSIBILITIES, Philip Leonard Green.

A MODERN CREED, Ernst Jonson. WHAT IS SOCIETY? Y. H. Krikorian. WORLD ADVANCE, A MONTHLY INTERNATIONAL REVIEW, Oscar Newfang. THE WORLD FEDERATION MANIFESTO, PRELIMINARY DRAFT, World Federation Committee. THE CRUSADES VIEWED THROUGH EASTERN EYES, John W. Kitching.

THE BREAKDOWN OF AUSTRO-MARXISM, Oscar Jászi.

NEW SOCIOLOGY OF AGRICULTURE, T. Swann Harding.

BOOK NOTES, Joseph S. Roucek, Paul Russell Anderson, Oscar Newfang.

ANNOUNCEMENT.

INDEX TO VOLUME FIFTEEN.

JUSTICE BROTHERHOOD PEACE [Page 320]

STATEMENT OF PURPOSE

THE aim of WORLD UNITY is to promote the "application of the principle of federalism" underlying the American government "to the relationships now existing between the peoples and nations of the world."

This eventual world order is upheld as the only firm basis for international peace, and the sole instrumentality through which mankind can solve its economic and other vital social problems.

In its pursuit of the goal of world order, the magazine will endeavor to constitute a medium for discussion of fundamental aspects of the current movement of thought from the old era to the new, and to provide a meeting place for those who stand above the competitions of race, class and creed.

World Unity 119 Waverly Place Horace Holley, Editor New York Contents Copyrighted 1935 by World Unity Publishing Corporation [Page 321]

RELIGION AND WORLD ORDER

by HORACE HOLLEY

VIII. THE DAWN OF A NEW AGE

(Concluded)

CONTEMPORARY historian remarks that the old world has died, but a new world has not yet been born. This view is no doubt the expression of an attitude which has come to prevail among many thoughtful people over a wide social area. It perceives that the foundation of the civilization existing prior to the European War cannot be rebuilt; it realizes to the full the present instability of conditions and the lack of agreement among aims and programs; it frankly admits that the future, both in general trend and in outline, is concealed from the rational mind. Its clarity of analysis of the past is matched by its incapacity for synthesis directed toward the future.

What emerges from consideration of this frank and sincere assertion is awareness of the artificial limitation assumed by the rational intelligence in dealing with the process of human history. By the phrase "old world" and "new world" it means civilization as formal institutions and established habits, and thereby overlooks the significant fact that civilization is an effect and not primarily a cause.

For civilization, long before it emerges in formal institutions, exists as an aspiration of the heart, as an ideal to be pursued and fulfilled by every faculty of mind and soul. It is only when human aspiration and ideal, shared by a considerable group or community, has gathered force and thrust through to the plane of social action, that civilization actually begins. Without this preliminary period of spiritual action, no civilization has ever become manifest. That period is to the later formal institutions and habits and doctrines [Page 322]as the root to the visible tree. Though the entire tree is potentially present in the seed, the great trunk and the widespread branches are contingent upon a period of prior and invisible growth within the soil.

So did that pre-war civilization which has in reality perished develop originally from an invisible, a mysterious inner life—a life of conscious spiritual faith within a religious community whose being was nourished from a Source outside and beyond the realm of the formal civilization into which its members were born. Side by side these two values existed, coincident for a while in time, but utterly diverse in origin and purpose. The civilization of the early Christian era prolonged itself by sheer inertia, but the civilization waned as the spiritual life and vitality steadily increased. The past and the future struggled in death embrace, the past armed with all the powers of church, state, culture and industry, the future unarmed but imbued with an irresistible energy of being.

Here, in briefest definition, is the process of history in its rounded completeness—its origin in the realm of the heart, its development outward into formal institutions improving and refining the formal institutions of the past, and its eventual withering, when the mysterious power of the inner life is withdrawn and the tree is severed from its hidden root. The sequence is: the renewal of faith by the Prophet, the rise of religion among the followers, the establishment of a formal civilization, the corruption of the religion by worldliness under the manifold temptations of the material wealth and power which the civilization—originally the expression of the religion—offers its most powerful individuals and its most influential institutions.

To complete the thoughtful statement uttered by the historian, it is necessary to seek for the future "world" not in different programs and expedients adopted by the institutions of the dead "world" but in evidences of a spiritual life intense enough, universal enough, to establish within humanity that inner power required to raise the trunk and spread forth the branches of a tree whose fruit shall be universal peace.

World order, it is clear, represents a goal which includes the [Page 323]reconciliation of two values or ideals: the spiritual value of human brotherhood, and the social value of a united, an organic civilization.

Without a firm and enduring basis in moral unity, the institutions of society, no matter how far extended, cannot alone produce peace but will remain as centers of disunity and strife. On the other hand, those instinctive anarchists who preach a "brotherhood" conceived as absence of governmental institutions are naive and immature. Society without institutions would be a body without vital organs capable of expressing its various capacities and maintaining its existence.

These two values—humanity and civilization—have never been reconciled and united within the brief historic period known to the present age. We have had races but not mankind, cultures but not spiritual knowledge, nations but not civilization, and religions but not a brotherhood embracing the earth. We therefore approach the vital problem of world peace without experience of what world peace really is. World order—the goal of human evolution—can not rightly be conceived as a mere truce or treaty between groups or institutions each born of past strife and discord, each cherishing a secret or avowed superiority and each committed to an ideal of sovereignty incompatible with the needs of permanent peace. Nor can world order be effectively upheld on terms of "non-cooperation" with existing agencies responsible for the little public order which now remains. Peace does not consist in abhorrence of war but in maintaining a steadfast conviction that the end of faith is human unity and the fulfilment of intelligence is a new social form, worldwide in scope and superior to the local forms which can no longer protect mankind and serve its highest interests.

In addition to a political world order, the attainment of universal peace involves: 1. The harmony and cooperation of races. 2. The unity of religions in a world faith. 3. An economic world order in which capital and labor are conjoined in a relationship of partners and not competitors. 4. Compulsory education throughout the world, and an [Page 324]education grounded in universal ethics and adapted so as to prepare every child for a useful trade, art or profession. 5. A universal secondary language.

Compared to these organic aims, the peace efforts aimed at occasional details such as reduction of armaments or the signing of new treaties are insignificant. The character of this age is wholly new. It is charged with a spirit of transformation superficially violent but in reality constructive. The whole problem of world order consists in attaining an attitude of reverence and humility to that creative spirit.

The principles briefly stated here were promulgated more than twenty years ago by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, in whom the spirit of the age found its most faithful interpreter and its noblest exemplar. He declared that humanity is entering upon its period of maturity, when powers will be given the world to achieve an organic unity never possible in any previous age. But ‘Abdu’l-Bahá made the enjoyment of these powers conditional upon purity of motive and acceptance of the oneness of mankind. Not for the people of prejudice and division, not for the organized selfishness of the rich nor the organized envy of the poor, but for those who have become truly human the day of universal peace has dawned. The way backward has become a door that is forever closed. Revolutions and wars bring no lasting fruit; arbitrary social laws, divorced from human values, bring no true security nor repose. The world needs a central point of inspiration raised above the clamors of history, a divine element, to supply a foundation for the latent unity within all people of good will.

"The foundations of all the divine religions are peace and agreement, but misunderstandings and ignorance have developed. If these are caused to disappear you will see that all the religious agencies will work for peace and promulgate the oneness of humankind. For the foundation of all is reality, and reality is not multiple or divisible. His Holiness Moses founded it, His Holiness Jesus raised its tent, and its brilliant light has shone forth in all the regions. His Holiness Bahá’u’lláh proclaimed this one reality and spread the message of the 'Most Great Peace.' [Page 325]

INTER-AMERICAN POSSIBILITIES

by PHILIP LEONARD GREEN

SOMEWHERE between the dream and the reality lies the possible. This is true of inter-American friendship as it is of any other goal involving idealistic values. The great gap between the high ideal of Bolívar and the often sordid truths of the inter-American scene, appalling as it may seem, should not deter us from gaining courage from what little has been accomplished and from pressing on in the work of building foundations for true inter-American amity.

What these foundations should be, is, of course, a matter of difference, for there are about as many different kinds of Pan Americanism as there are Pan Americanists.

The more "practical" varieties of Pan Americanists believe that all would be well if only exchange barriers were removed and tariffs lowered. Others, more idealistically inclined, believe that spiritual values should come before all else and that Pan Americanism should be placed far above practical considerations.

The truth probably lies between these two viewpoints. It is highly significant and indicative of a new trend, when a "hard-headed" executive of a large corporation doing business throughout the American Hemisphere writes: "The proper medium through which to promote the ideal of Pan Americanism should be one wholly divorced from commercialism. Perhaps the repercussions of the fallacies of previous policy may pound a lesson into our commercial leaders, so that they may, for the future, more closely attend to the counsel of those whom they so glibly called 'visionaries,' and 'impractical dreamers' back in the days of easy profits and empty phrases." [Page 326]If all business relations involving inter-American contacts were actuated by this spirit, a different story could be written. In this connection, the trade agreements recently arrived at between several pairs of American nations augur well for the weaving of a network of treaties that may develop into a strong foundation for economic unity throughout the Americas. The building up of economic relations on a scientific and neighborly basis instead of on a basis of exploitation has been the apparent purpose of the treaties so far arranged. Inter-American commerce, thus conceived and thus engaged in, can be one of the strongest pillars of inter-American amity rather than one of its greatest menaces.

Coupled with these evidences of progress in the more prosaic field of economic relations, are other achievements in political relationships, some of them rather involved in technicalities and therefore not having a ready appeal to the popular imagination. Yet, they are important. A case in point is the provision made at a recent official gathering of American nations that members of the Governing Board of the Pan American Union need no longer be accredited diplomatic representatives at Washington, of their respective countries. The implications are obvious; and further steps in the same direction have gained adherents.

Many have advocated that the Pan American Union should be made over into an American League of Nations, or, at least, be given certain political powers investing it with a status similar to that of the League of Nations at Geneva.

Still others believe that the headquarters of the Pan American Union should be at some centrally located point in a Latin American republic, where it would not be in such close proximity to our State Department.

Another possible aid to the solution of the problems that might present themselves, would be a permanent Inter-American Commission in each capital of the American Hemisphere, made up of the diplomatic representatives of the other American nations at that capital. Such a commission could act in an advisory capacity on any questions involving relations of the government to which they are accredited with other American nations and could even be [Page 327]

INTER-AMERICAN POSSIBILITIES

called upon to act in cases of internal disturbances without incurring the danger of being accused of intervention, as would be the case if one or even a few governments were to undertake such steps alone.

Of course, in envisaging any scheme of official cooperation between the governments of America, we must frankly admit the dangers inherent in that type of cooperation, as well as the real scarcity of human material properly equipped to aid in the achievement of the ideals set forth. The diplomats accredited by the American republics to each other have all too seldom been of the highest type. Their appointment has often been in repayment of political debts. The result has not been happy. A United States official representative who prides himself upon the fact that he has never taken the trouble to learn Spanish although he has lived in Spanish-American countries for years and a Latin American consul-general in the United States who cannot accept an invitation to speak on a radio program in representation of his country because he has a previous engagement to attend a prize-fight, are not very choice instruments for furthering inter-American understanding.

The government services, to be sure, have had no monopoly on this sort of thing. Business concerns have been similarly unfortunate in the choice of their representatives, until at times it has almost seemed as if individuals of ability and understanding were chosen for positions requiring residence among other American peoples, by accident rather than by intention. Thus is wasted one more great possibility for the advancement of inter-American understanding. When we consider that there exists no organized, popular inter-American movement, the function that such privileged people could easily perform simply by representing through their own conduct the best in the life of the country from which they come, assumes an importance out of all proportion to their numerical strength. It becomes a matter of extreme significance, therefore, that the quality of those chosen to represent public or private interests in other American lands, be of the best. Of course, while the absence of a popular inter-American movement invests personal interpretation with an unusual value, the growth of such a move [Page 328]ment should not be accompanied by any weakening in the now evident urge to improve the quality of government and business representatives. Months and even years of patient and painstaking effort on behalf of inter-American amity can often be set at naught in a relatively short time by a handful of boisterous and narrow-minded people who happen to be placed in important positions abroad.

The first field for practical contribution to the cause of inter-American understanding, then, would seem to be in the improvement of the human element responsible for directing the course of official and private inter-American relations.

The wider field, the one which will take much longer to cultivate but which holds out infinite possibilities, is that of building up a popular Pan American movement imbued with the unadulterated spirit of Bolívarian principles.

The task of attaining both these ends is obviously a difficult one. Each country presents a different set of problems.

In the United States, for instance, there has been a surprising amount of ignorance regarding the neighboring nations of America. Even among associations and institutions organized for the study and improvement of international relations of which there are literally hundreds-relatively little attention has been given to Latin American nations. Only recently, since Latin America has been coming increasingly to the fore in the daily and periodical press, have these groups begun to give that portion of the globe the importance that it deserves.

In countries like England, France, Germany, Italy and Spain, there have been in existence for years, institutes for the purpose of encouraging studies in Latin American affairs. In our own country, the lack of such centers goes a long way to explain the erroneous ideas so widely held with regard to Latin American cultural, economic and political life. Here lie great opportunities and great possibilities for the promotion of genuine friendship among the American nations. Such centers should encourage people of sincere purpose and preparation to continue their studies and training and to perfect their ability for the eventual dissemination of [Page 329]

INTER-AMERICAN POSSIBILITIES

knowledge along these lines. Too, they should constitute themselves as sources of unbiased information on matters of fact and open channels for the expression of even the most widely divergent views on matters of opinion.

The functions that such institutes could perform in helping people arrive at impartial and intelligent viewpoints on matters of inter-American policy are legion.

It would hardly be overemphasizing the importance of the place that these centers could take in promoting inter-American understanding to say that through them, an entirely new direction could be given to inter-American affairs.

The fourth and concluding article by Mr. Green on the subject of Inter-American relations. [Page 330]

A MODERN CREED

by ERNST JONSON Author of "Toward a Modern Culture," etc.

I

In his "Preface to Morals" Mr. Walter Lippmann attributes the spiritual bankruptcy of the modern man to the decline of religious faith. The modern man's conception of the universe, he says, is not such as to accommodate a religious creed. He calls our attention to the fact that modernism has not changed human nature; people still show, upon occasion, great capacity for faith, so much so that at times we are tempted to call them credulous. The modernized mind shies from religious creeds because he cannot find a place for them in his world-view. The sense of compulsion which has come to be associated with the idea of a creed also is uncongenial to the modern spirit. But what mostly damps the modern man's ardour about religious creeds is that for the most part those who claim to know something about God give no tangible evidence of their claim.

To formulate a creed which will make a vital contact with modern thought, which will assimilate modern information, and which at the same time will have the spiritual efficacy of outgrown creeds, that is the problem which confronts all those who would guide the modern man into the more abundant life. It is hoped that some will find in the following formulation a creed which fulfills these conditions. Be it remembered that compulsory acceptance is no part of the idea of a creed. A creed is merely a brief statement of what we believe to be the fundamental truths about the universe.

This creed does assimilate modern physics, not merely as presently developed, but it has the capacity to accommodate any possible physics whatsoever. Furthermore it provides the basic idea of a new [Page 331]

A MODERN CREED

biology, a biology which shall be no mere appendage to physics, but which shall go deeper than physics, which shall penetrate into those deeper currents of cosmic process in which the material cosmos has its root and sustenance.

The final and conclusive certification, however, must be through practical demonstration, through an unquestionable gain of life-values. Only through personal verification can a religious creed be invested with that degree of surety which alone deserves to be called faith. From remotest antiquity it has been the experience of mankind that those who have earnestly endeavored, and who have persevered in the endeavor, to live in the sense of their one-ness with the All have found their assumption abundantly verified in their life experience.

The creed here proposed is an attempt to bring this ancient tradition of the esssential one-ness of the universe into relation with modern information. Let him who has found scepticism unprofitable hold this creed for true, provisionally, tentatively, after the manner in which the scientist holds his working hypothesis, not dogmatically and with finality, and yet not without enthusiasm and expectancy, not as mere plausible theory but as most probable, real fact, and he will get results which will forever banish scepticism.

The proposed creed is not exclusive; it is not a sectarian creed. It can accommodate any of the current religious creeds. It can do more than that, it can put any creed into tenable relation with modern thought. It can do this because it provides a philosophical background which bridges the gulf which now separates our religious concepts from our every-day world-view. By so doing it offers not merely intellectual comfort, but also a not inconsiderable confirmation of religious beliefs. Philosophy and mythology do not exclude one another. They are two different modes of interpreting reality.

No interpretation whatsoever can be regarded as a likeness of reality. We know reality only insofar as it becomes consciousness. What it is before consciousness we do not immediately know. It seems probable that the most exactly scientific thought no more resembles reality than the letters in a book resemble the ideas for which they stand. There is a correspondence, but no resemblance. [Page 332]The correspondence may be closer or less close. The test of correspondence is workability. That interpretation is truest which works best, truest for the situation in which it works best, truest for the type of person for whom it works best.

Consistency is a virtue only so long is it relates to the different parts of a scheme of interpretation. When the demand for consistency goes beyond the limits of that scheme and seeks to bring other schemes under its sway, intellectual liberty is violated and intellectual justice infringed. Thus in our intimate personal contacts with the vital center of the universe that center may be a personal God, while our contacts with other men is made on a basis of a philosophical creed. It is when we attempt to impose our vision of God upon the scientific world-view that trouble comes.

I

I believe that I am alive, that I am not mere mechanism gone conscious but that I am creative force.

I believe that I am alive because I feel myself as creative potency. So insistent and persistent is this feeling that no argument ever eradicates it. Never does mechanistic profession become more than high-sounding academic affectation.

The advocate of the mechanistic interpretation of life claims that his view is based upon observed and verifiable fact. This claim is not true. Mechanism is not based upon fact but it springs from an arbitrary and wholly unjustifiable prejudice in favor of sensible experience, and a desire to evade those subtler experiences which we call intuition and revelation.

It is not true even that the mechanistic interpretation fits the facts of sensible experience. It seems to fit these facts only so long as our view of them is close and narrow. When we take a wider view of the facts the mechanistic interpretation breaks down. When our view comprises the whole history of organic life upon this earth mechanism fails to fit the fact. It fails because it implies a quantity [Page 333]of regulative mechanical potential in the early germ cell which would be utterly impossible.

The mechanistic interpretation of life presupposes that there exists in the living cell a physico-chemical structure which determines the development and behavior of the cell, and thereby also the growth, structure and functioning of the organism of which it forms part.

All material unfoldment consists in a falling into actuality of a pre-existent potential situation. In the actualization the potential is lost, irretrievably lost, and to recover it lies not within the realm of physical possibility. The unfoldment cannot be duplicated or repeated. Physical process cannot reverse itself; it cannot generate potential out of the unfolded actuality. The quantity of unfoldment is proportioned to the quantity of potential. For every item of unfoldment there must be a corresponding item of physical potential. Another unfoldment is possible only if there be another germ of the requisite potential.

Life propagates by division. A cell divides into two parts, and each part becomes a whole cell. This unfoldment presupposes, on the mechanistic hypothesis, a duplex formative mechanism in the mother-cell, one expending its potential in restoring the mother-cell to its original condition, the other in the formation and development of the new cell. Every new division presupposes an additional formative mechanism in the mother-cell. It is not unreasonable to assume that the average number of egg cells produced by females of all species is at least one thousand. Each one of these egg cells must contain within itself the potential of a thousand egg cells. Then if we assume that life upon this earth has passed through ten millions of generations, a not unreasonable assumption, it follows that the number of formative mechanisms contained in the first cell must, on the mechanistic hypothesis, have been one thousand raised to the ten-millionth power. The ten-millionth power of one thousand is a number written with thirty millions of ciphers, that is to say, a number filling a book of some ten thousand pages. This is a rather large number of formative mechanisms to be contained in an egg-cell. Even an ostrich's egg could hardly [Page 334]contain so many. This is evident from the fact that the number of molecules contained in a pint of water is only eighteen million nine hundred thousand billions billions, a number written with but twenty-six figures. That is to say, the mechanistic interpretation of vital phenomena carries with it implications which are mechanically impossible.

II

I believe that the universe is alive.

If there be such a thing as life in the real sense, in the sense of creative force, such life must manifest itself in and through the creation of mechanical energy. Only so could life manifest itself in the physical organism. A physical system could be altered only by adding mechanical energy to it. A force which creates mechanical energy cannot be a function of matter, but must exist prior to and independent of matter. Life, if it be real life, must be before organization, must be cosmic life.

If we hold to the idea of the priority of matter we must deny life altogether. But is the priority of matter a tenable assumption? Is it possible to conceive the universe as material? The universe must be perpetual. Mechanism eventuates in entropy, that is to say, it loses potential, runs down and peters out. No mechanism can be perpetual. A perpetual universe must generate mechanical potential as fast as it loses potential, that is to say, it must be a living universe.

III

I believe that life is intellect, that thought is the stuff of which all things are made.

When we approach life from without, by inference from material phenomena, we apprehend it as creative force, but we get no clue to the essential nature of this force. It is only when life becomes aware of itself in consciousness that it knows its nature; then it knows itself as thought, that is to say, thought in the wider sense, as including sensation, will and emotion. Life is thought, and [Page 335]

A MODERN CREED

thought is the creative force of the universe.

To the simple unreflecting mind matter appears as something very different from thought. Reflection, however, makes it very clear that the qualities attributed to matter in instinctive, sensible perception are really our own sensations—really qualities of thought. And when we take account of that more exact knowledge of matter which modern physics makes available to us we find that our only verifiable knowledge of the material world consists of numerical relations of events. The quality of these events physics does not reveal. Physics knows nothing of material substance, nor of force, nor of motion. These are creations of our own minds, images convenient to attach our measurements to, but which from the standpoint of empiricism have no objective validity.

There are two points, only, at which we come into actual contact with matter: these points are volition and sensation, and both of these are thought processes. In volition we see thought transmuted into physical energy, that is, into matter. In sensation we see this operation reversed, we see physical energy transmuted into thought. Matter comes out of thought, and to thought does it return. Then if the two accessible terminal points of material process consist in thought, it seems likely that the intervening inaccessible portion also consists of thought. In relation to the universe as a whole matter can be clearly conceived only as a phase of the cosmic thought, as an inert mechanical phase which follows upon the creative phase which we call life.

IV

I believe that being is before life.

When the assertion is made that something comes out of nothing, thought refuses to follow. The idea of an event can be entertained only on the assumption that something exists. Life is an event, and as such it presupposes being. The cosmic life-movement must be conceived as an emanation from or a dissipation of the being of the universe. And since the life-movement cannot conceivably have had a beginning, the being of the universe must be an infinite, not merely a quantitative infinite, but an infinite [Page 336]potency of form as well. The being of the universe must be undifferentiated, absolute being. In it all that exists has its being, and yet it is not anything in the sense that it is not that which the thing is not. It is matter and life and human personality, and God.

I believe that being is one, that I am the universe, not a part of it but the universe in the undivided wholeness of its being.

V

The world we live in is a plural world, but when we trace its processes retrogressively we approach unity. Life grows by division of cells. It propagates by division of individuals. It evolves by division of species. Planetary systems seem to have arisen through division of stars. And this empirical indication of primal unity is supported by an insistent intuitive conviction that all plurality arises through the differentiation of unity; that in their inmost being all things are one.

The basic idea of all the deeper revelations experienced by mankind is this idea of the essential organic unity of primeval being. We find this idea already in the Rig Veda: "That which exists is one." The saying of Jesus: "I and the Father are one and the same thing" means no less than that in their being all things are one.

If the being of the universe is one, then each thing in the inmost center of its being, is the Absolute, not a part of it, but the Absolute in the undivided wholeness of its being. The Absolute is the self of every creature and I am it.

VI

I believe that life is many in one, one in its potency, many in its initiative, that I am a person as well as the universe.

Life is an event. Every event presupposes a potential out of which it arises. The potential of life is primeval, cosmic being. [Page 337]

A MODERN CREED

This being is one and hence life is one in its potency. I am Life, the Creator.

If life were an activity initiated from the center of the universe we should expect to find all its endeavors and achievements fully co-ordinated. There then should be no lack of adaptation, no conflict, no evil. The fact of evil means that life's intiative is not cosmic but individual.

The way evolution proceeds confirms this idea. Though evolution seems to have a goal, its advance towards its goal does not indicate a plan but merely some dimly intuitive guidance. The progress of evolution is experimental. Each species struggles towards completion in utter indifference as to the well-being of other species.

In this essential individuality of initiative lies the root of personality. The nucleus of the person is a bundle of individually-initiated acts, held together by the continuity of the organism and by the unity of consciousness. It is this peripherality of the basis of our personality that constitutes its limitation. Life's initiative is but dimly aware of Life's potencies. We live under a sense of constraint because it is all but impossible for us to believe in Life's potencies beyond what it has actually manifested in us. It is only now and then, in our reckless moments, that we break through the limits of the tried and safe, and plunge into the outer darkness of the possible. These are the moments in which we become the creators of the world.

VII

I believe that life is an evolution, that it begins in a fall from static being into non-being, and that from thence it rises towards conscious realization of being.

If something is before anything happens, if being is before becoming, then evolution is not a creation of something out of nothing, but it is an unfoldment of potencies which lie dormant in being, a dissipation of being. This, however, is not the whole [Page 338]meaning of evolution. Evolution is not an instantaneous explosion of the potential of being. Evolution is a gradual explosion like the explosion of a rocket. It is an explosion governed by checks. Evolution is checked by Life's ignorance of its potencies. Evolution is Life's discovery of its own potencies. Evolution means that the universe goes out of its being and becomes desire for being, and that through this desire being is drawn out of its eternal essence to become temporal actuality. This is the meaning of the legend of the fall.

So long as being is merely in itself it has no value. It must be out of itself and be for itself in order to have value for itself. It is in the temporal actuality brought to focus in the consciousness of a living individual that the universe realizes the value of its being.

VIII

I believe that in his being man is eternal, that as life he is immortal, and that when life has learnt to live a truly human life it will achieve individual immortality.

The universe is an essential unit. In the inmost center of his being man is the universe. And insofar as he is the universe he is eternal.

When Life individualizes itself it does not divide itself into parts. In each one of us it is the undivided cosmic life that lives the individual life. That creative force which I feel as myself is the immortal cosmic life.

Whenever we think of an event as impossible we think of it as a physical event. The physical event can be only what is contained in its antecedent. That it should be anything else is physically impossible. The vital act is not determined by an antecedent. It springs from the infinite potency of absolute being. It is what it is through Life's free initiative. It might have been anything else. For Life nothing whatsoever is impossible. Individual immortality, therefore, cannot justly be regarded as impossible.

The reason why life on this earth has not achieved individual [Page 339]

A MODERN CREED

immortality cannot lie in the impossibility of such immortality; it must lie in the fact that life is an evolution. Evolution requires that the unfit and the obsolete be discarded. Apparently the human species has not reached that high level of life where the individual is worth preserving. Life must learn how to live before individual immortality can become a valid end of its endeavor. We may assume, therefore, that the prophet's vision of individual immortality refers to a stage of human evolution where the conservation of the individual becomes an aid to progress, and not an obstacle. And surely we may expect that when human life has become, in its every moment worth living for the intrinsic value of the moment, Life will embody itself in an immortal organism.

Such is the creed which I propose to the modern man, and which I believe would form an adequate basis for an effectually religious life, and thereby provide the vital nucleus required for a modern culture. And though here stated in philosophical terms, the essential meaning of it may be stated in the terms of any of the world's more developed religions. [Page 340]

WHAT IS SOCIETY?

by Y. H. KRIKORIAN College, City of New York

SOCIETY is one of the commonest words in the language and one of the richest in emotional associations. We frequently speak of social forces, social morality, social evil, revolutionary societies, scientific societies, religious societies, high society, low society. But if in Socratic manner someone should ask, "What is society?" most of us would be at a loss for an answer.

The formulation of basic definitions is of prime importance. One of the perennial interests of philosophers has been the analysis and definition of obvious ideas. For generations they have asked what space is, what time is, what matter is, what life is, what mind is, and, again, what society is. Some philosophers like Parmenides, have even been troubled with such questions as what is is, and what is not is.

The motives for definitions are many. Biologically they are instruments in the struggle for existence; psychologically they satisfy our desire to know; logically they determine the structure of an idea. The arriving at basic definitions is a complex task. Frequently they reflect one's whole philosophy. They are also the basis for new adventures in the realms of thought and action. The quest for definitions is not merely an intellectual game, though the game aspect of thinking should never be depreciated; a definition, as in the case of society, is full of possibilities for the weal or woe of human beings.

Society as a basic idea demands, therefore, a careful anaylsis. This demand has become more insistent since the origin of the new innumerable social groups that have come into being as a [Page 341]result of the development of the technical sciences and of the means of communication, and as a result of the growth of industry. We all are members, by choice and force, of a great variety of social groups, from intimate associations of two to the vast impersonal institutions of politics, of industry, and of the nation.

II

What then is society? Our definition must start from empirical facts and concrete experiential situations. If one could determine the general characteristics of the universally accepted and empirically verifiable traits of social groups, one could arrive at a sound interpretation.

Illustrations are many: the family, the club, the orchestra, the college, the business corporation, the political party, the pacifists' gathering, the church, the army, the state, the nation. What are the general traits common to all these groups? The first obvious fact is that they all include a number of individuals. There is no society unless there are more than one individual, and these related to one another in a specific way. The question as to what an individual is is controversial, but we shall take him to mean a unique, relatively permanent, purposive being. This view stands in contrast to that of the mechanistic psychologies, with divergent consequences to the nature of society.

The second trait of social groups is that the individuals within a group are involved together in a common purposive activity. Different types of society are definable in terms of the purpose pursued by the members of the group collectively. A corporation develops a business enterprise, a college promotes learning, an orchestra renders musical pieces, a political party carries into practice certain political policies. Distributively individuals within a social group may pursue all sorts of varied and even conflicting ulterior purposes, but collectively they pursue a common purpose. It should also be observed that the togetherness of the members of a group has mutuality. Individuals within a social group do not only work together but they share each other's experiences; they become objects of interest to one another; they love or hate one another. [Page 342]The third aspect common to all types of society is unity or wholeness. That society has unity is accepted by all, or practically by all, but what the nature of social unity is constitutes one of the major, unsettled, metaphysical issues. Is society a person, a super-minded, a superimposed individual over and above the individuals, as Fichte, Hegel, Royce, and Bosanquet claim; or is it merely a composition, a collection of individuals? Society undeniably has a certain unity, but the unity is structural rather than substantial; it is collective rather than transcendent. Social unities are not, however, merely additive, that is, the sum of the traits of the individuals that compose them; they are non-additive unities exhibiting novel properties, such as custom, government, religion, civilization, etc. Social groups are not therefore merely physical, biological, or even merely psychological phenomena; they are new phenomena and demand new categories for their interpretation. We may now define society; Society is an association of individuals who are involved in a common purposive activity, and who function as a collective unity.

III

The consequences of our definition are many. Before stating a few of them it should be mentioned that our interpretation does not claim to offer solutions of specific social problems. Specific social problems of family, education, business, industry, government, or of international relations demand specific, empirical knowledge. These problems are bewilderingly complex; their solutions may even lie beyond human powers. Toward their solution, certainly, we need all the specific knowledge we can get about human nature, about social groups, and about physical nature. Yet general interpretations are indispensable to systematic thinking. Their function, as earlier pointed out, is to direct our thoughts and to regulate our actions.

The first general consequence of our analysis of society, one which stands in contrast to that of the organic theories, is that organizations or institutions are subordinate to the individuals that compose them. Society for us is not a person, not a super-mind, nor [Page 343]

WHAT IS SOCIETY?

a reality over and above the individuals. Society does not think, does not feel, does not fall in love, does not get angry nor become playful, but the individuals in a society in their interrelations think, feel, fall in love, get angry or become playful. Taking a current illustration, the Brain Trust has no brains, but the individuals that constitute it have brains and think. Institutions are therefore for the sake of individuals. The much used and abused expression natural rights is for us more basic than duties and responsibilities towards society. In the concrete there are, of course, no rights which belong to individuals under all circumstances. The issue raised is, however, that organizations must first and foremost consider the welfare of the individuals rather than use them as instruments for abstract loyalties.

A second consequence is that as society is the action of a group of individuals for some common purpose, social organizations must reconcile the conflicting demand of different individuals. This is the justice or the health of society. What one claims is equally claimed by others. The only justification for special privileges should therefore be on the ground that the exception is necessary to the welfare of other individuals. In a collective enterprise, an individual cannot consider only his desires, but must consider as well those of his fellowbeings. With this fairness in view, great reconstructions may be effected through discussion and arguments in cases of conflict. But arguments do not always prevail. And if the privileged members of a group continue to exploit other members and refuse to abandon their privileges, the only way to establish justice or equality is through force or violence. Violence, of course, is not a substitute for reason; it is reason which demands violence at certain times. But since our claims and counter-claims are not as irreconcilable as is often supposed, it is preferable to arrive at fair agreements without resorting to violence. Through mutual agreements, the tragic results of conflicts are avoided, while at the same time the spirit of cooperation is created.

Finally, it should be pointed out that although from our point of view the welfare of the individual is fundamental, it is only through participation in common activities that one attains individual [Page 344]uality. Apart from society individuals would be dumb, barren, and brutish. Social groups, like the family, the school, the business association, the scientific or artistic organization, are necessary for the growth of the individual. Individuality, in its larger sense, is not given but is gradually attained through associations. One need not idealize society as such. A great number of social groups are pernicious. One, however, does not escape society but a society, and this only to join other society. Even the mystic abandons the world in order to commune with a god. Without the aid of society individuals fade and wither. It is only through shared experiences, through common enterprises pursued with free, intelligent minds, through participation in vast historic movements that life attains exaltation. [Page 345]

THE WORLD MONEY PROBLEM

by OSCAR NEWFANG Author of "The Road to World Peace," "The United States of the World," etc.

THE Gold-clause Case recently before the United States Supreme Court has brought forcibly to public attention the whole vast problem of the unstable and unsatisfactory money, currency and credit situation in all of the leading commercial countries of the world. While it is a matter of history that before the World War the almost universally adopted gold standard had operated to the general satisfaction of all the great commercial countries and that the nations had reached a degree of general prosperity never before approached, the tremendous disturbances of trade and finance caused by the war have had disastrous effects upon the operation of the gold standard, and up to the present time very little real progress has been made toward overcoming the world-wide financial troubles caused by that great upheaval.

The World War caused a vastly increased demand for commodities on the part of all the belligerents. To cover these war supplies they incurred huge foreign debts. At the close of the war an indemnity of astronmical proportions was imposed upon Germany and other Central Powers. After the war the United States persisted, although already a heavy creditor of Europe, in exporting heavily, while restricting imports by means of a high tariff wall, thus creating huge additional debts of European countries. The net result of these three great masses of indebtedness was the drainage of the majority of the world's gold to the United States and to France. This fatal weakening of European gold reserves caused [Page 346]the collapse of the German currency, the great bank failures in Austria, the stock exchange crash in America, the default in reparations payments and in debt service by Germany, the abnormal decline in grain and cotton prices with its consequent maladjustment between agricultural and manufacturing exchanges in the United States which brought on the great depression that spread to all commercial countries.

Excessive Nationalism After the War

In addition to the great decrease of trade among nations caused by these dislocations, the principal belligerent countries after the war adopted a policy of extreme nationalism, striving for self-containment and self-sufficiency in all war materials and other essential commodities. In order to make possible the home production of commodities for which they were ill adapted, they placed ever increasing tariffs, preferences, quota restrictions and embargoes on imports, while at the same time seeking to increase their exports in order to re-attract the gold reserves needed as a basis for their currency and credit structures. The result of this excessive nationalism has been, on the one hand, the further reduction of world trade and the deepening of the depression, and, on the other hand, the adoption of a policy of depreciating their currencies in order to overcome foreign trade barriers and increase their exports.

Thus Japan by depreciating the yen made extensive inroads into British export markets in India, Africa and elsewhere. Great Britain, in turn, was forced to leave the gold standard and fight for the retention of her vitally essential export markets by means of a depreciated currency. The United States, in order to hold her export business and at the same time reduce the great discrepancy between bloated agricultural indebtedness and diminished agricultural prices, was in her turn forced to declare the inconvertibility of her currency and heavily to devalue her coinage.

The fighting of economic wars through currency depreciation is a dangerous business. The advantage which a country gains in world markets through the depreciation of its currency lasts only until other nations match the depreciation in their own currencies. [Page 347]After that the trade advantage can be retained only by keeping the amount of your own currency depreciation greater than that of your competitors; and the final result of this method of economic warfare, if carried far enough, would be the total collapse of the currencies of all the competing countries.

Meanwhile the wild unsettlement of prices caused by fluctuating and inconvertible currencies makes normal world trade impossible. And without the normal flow of world trade, that natural exchange of commodities between countries which are best suited for the production of each commodity, normal and full prosperity cannot be restored in any country. When a country produces a commodity at two or three times the expense at which it could be bought abroad, as Germany and France, for instance, are at present doing with their wheat, the inevitable result is a reduction of the standard of living in that country.

The Three Factors in the Money Problem

Before considering steps which might be taken to stabilize the world monetary structure, it will be well to grasp clearly the factors which enter into the money problem. The medium of exchange of all modern commercial countries consists of three different elements, specie, currency and bank credit. Instead of merely circulating their specie in the form of specie certificates, all modern countries dilute the medium of exchange by injecting into it credit in the form of a credit currency to an extent varying from a little more than twice the specie in the United States, about twelve or fourteen times the specie in England, up to almost fifty times the specie holdings in Germany at the present time. Furthermore, on the basis of this watered medium of exchange the countries permit their banks to issue bank credit up to ten times or more the amount of their currency reserves.

If the full amounts legally permissible both of credit currency and of bank credit based upon it are outstanding in these countries, every international shipment of specie in settlement of trade balances causes a withdrawal of credit currency of from twice to fourteen times the shipment, if the legal reserve ratio is to be maintained, [Page 348]and a drastic curtailment of about ten times or more the currency shrinkage. Hence the general anxiety, the discount-rate maneuvering, the tariff and exchange restrictions and the currency depreciations among the nations, in order to avoid an "unfavorable balance" of foreign trade. Hence the present chaos of currencies, the instability of prices, the unsettlement of business, and the failure to attain a normal degree of prosperity and employment.

Steps Toward World Monetary Stabilization

Evidently the general problem of world monetary stabilization, resolves itself into the three problems of stabilizing the value of coin, stabilizing currencies, and stabilizing bank credit. The first step that is necessary would seem to be a world conference to agree upon the specie basis of the monetary system, upon the degree of fineness in the coinage, and upon the weight of the standard coinage unit of each country, so that there may be certainty and stability in the relations of one country's coin to that of another.

The second step would be an agreement upon such metallic bases as would best meet the requirements of a good money and would at the same time be most nearly constant in intrinsic value over long periods of time. While there has been general agreement throughout the world that the precious metals best meet these requirements, it has been fairly well determined that the intrinsic value of both gold and silver vary somewhat over long periods, due to the varying ease or difficulty of mining them and the consequent changes in their cost of production. While the bimetallic use of both gold and silver is objectionable, because the differing fluctuations in the intrinsic values of the two metals tend to cause the one or the other to disappear from circulation according to the well-tested Gresham's Law, the fused or symmetallic use of the two metals removes this objection and causes the slight fluctuations in intrinsic values of gold and silver largely to offset each other, and thus to render the specie base more stable in value than either of the two precious metals would be. If to this symmetallic base there are added further metals, especially high-value metals such as platinum, a specie base for world money can be achieved which will [Page 349]for all practical purposes be constant and unchanging in intrinsic value, that is, in cost of production. This would seem to be the most practicable application of the commodity standard to the problem of stabilizing the value of money. If the world conference for stabilizing the ratios of coins of the various countries can also agree upon a symmetallic base of this nature, the first of the three problems of stabilizing money would be solved.

The second part of the problem, that of the stabilizing of currencies, would seem to be solved in the best manner by abolishing the watering of the circulating medium altogether, by issuing for circulation only specie certificates, and by throwing all issue of credit in the medium of exchange upon the banking business where it belongs. This would relieve governments entirely of the troublesome function of maintaining specie reserves against their currency issues, would eliminate the possibility of inflated currencies with their profound disturbances of business and employment, and would make possible the circulation of a single currency throughout all the commerical countries of the world. The deposit of the specie holdings of the commercial countries with the Bank for International Settlements and the issue of specie certificates against such deposits by that bank would make possible a world representative currency which could not be inflated, could not be devalued, and which could not "go off the specie standard", but would be always certain of free convertibility into specie.

Before the age of extensive commercial banking the exclusion of the credit element from the currencies of the nations was not feasible; but at the present time over ninety per cent of all payments in progressive countries are made through bank credit in the shape of checks, and as a consequence there is no further need of an elastic currency. The elasticity of the credit element in the medium of exchange can be fully supplied by bank credit, and the maintenance of proper reserves to safeguard the convertibility of this bank credit can be placed upon the bankers, whose proper function is dealing in credit, and taken from the governments, whose proper function is not dealing in credit.

The third and most difficult step in the stabilization of the [Page 350]world monetary structure is the stabilization and the safeguarding of bank credit. In this third part of the world money problem it would seem necessary for a world monetary conference to agree upon some fixed ratio of bank credit to banking capital as the limit of safety in the issue of such credit, and for each nation to agree to regulate its banks accordingly. Here there would doubtless be necessary a certain amount of elasticity, in order to meet the wide fluctuations of the business activities of the nations. The best method of securing and at the same time holding within safe limits this necessary elasticity of bank credit would probably be an agreement upon a certain ratio of untaxed bank credit against banking capital and the imposition of a steeply graded tax upon issues beyond this ratio, so as to afford a strong motive for their reduction at the earliest possible moment. Specie loans made through the Bank for International Settlements among the various central banks would serve to minimize the seasonal fluctuations of the specie bases of the various countries and would thus minimize the necessity of rapid changes in the volume of bank credit.

Implications of a World Monetary System

The reader who has followed this argument for a world monetary system is doubtless aware that there are certain implications in the plan. In the first place, the deposit of the world's specie reserves in the Bank for International Settlement presupposes the organization and the continuous operation of an international police force of adequate strength to prevent the raiding of the World Bank by any nation that might run amuck in the wholesale murder and bandit business euphoniously called war. The Germans have a significant word for war,—Krieg, grab. In the absence of an effective international police to protect the specie reserves in the World Bank vaults it would be said by the international criminals of Basle, as Bluecher said of London: "What a city to sack!"

The second implication of a world monetary system is, that it postulates the existence of a World Tribunal or Court with full jurisdiction to decide the inevitable cases of litigation which would arise between the traders of different nations, between the central [Page 351]banks of the various nations, and even between the treasuries of the different nations themselves.

The third implication of the suggested plan is the necessity which it would impose of organizing a World Legislative body with adequate authority to define justice in the fiscal relations arising among the nations which have joined in establishing the world monetary system. This requirement could probably be met in the most feasible manner through the development of the League Assembly, by giving the nations a fairer basis of representation in accordance with their population and importance, and by conferring upon the revised Assembly actual legislative power in all international fiscal problems.

And, finally, the smooth and flexible operation of a world monetary system postulates free and continuous price adjustments in the various countries, in order to accelerate or retard the flow of merchandise and specie as necessary to keep these two factors in balance. Artificial restrictions of trade and artificial exchange and specie restrictions would have to be eliminated. It is obvious that, in the present extremely narrow-minded and selfishly nationalistic temper of the nations the fulfillment of this requirement would be extremely difficult.

It will be observed that these implications practically mean that the solution of the world money problem demands the development of the League of Nations into a close and organic World Federation. This is the final solution not only of the complex money problem, but of the world peace problem and of many another international problem as well. [Page 352]

WORLD FEDERATION MANIFESTO

PRELIMINARY DRAFT

Editorial Note: The following Preliminary Draft is published on behalf of the World Federation Committee of World Unity Foundation, with the request that suggestions be sent the Committee for its consideration before the Manifesto is issued in final form. The cooperation of readers is invited, in order to assure a statement on world federation thoroughly representative of those most interested in this project as the basis of international order and peace. Address communications on the subject to Secretary, World Federation Committee, 119 Waverly Place, New York.

DIFFERENCES in climate, soil and sub-soil in the various countries of the earth make the production of some commodities easier and more abundant in one country than in others. The exchange of goods between the regions thus specially favored is necessary for the attainment of the highest standard of life in every country.

This natural flow of commerce with its resulting high standard of living has been thwarted by the policies into which the nations have drifted. A vicious circle has been established. Fear of war has caused the nations to strive for self-sufficiency in essential commodities, and this has been sought by placing restrictions upon both exports and imports. Such prevention of access to raw materials on the one hand, and to natural markets on the other has created a determination among nations to conquer or control territories deemed necessary to the national well-being. Fear of war thus produces strangulation of trade, and strangulation of trade increases fear of war.

The only way out of this dilemma is a world organization that will remove both fear of war and strangulation of trade. The League of Nations was founded to establish this necessary peace and cooperation among the nations. Experience has shown, however, that in its present form the League does not accomplish these purposes. The fear of war remains, and the restrictions upon trade throughout the world have multiplied since the organization of the League. The League of Nations must, therefore, be strengthened and developed. [Page 353]

WORLD FEDERATION MANIFESTO

World federation is the minimum amount of organization adequate both to remove fear of war and establish free and unhampered flow of commerce.

This federal development has been found necessary for peace and prosperity in every historic instance in which independent states have joined in a confederation or alliance of governments, such as Switzerland, Australia, the United States, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Canada, Mexico and the South American Republics. Federation has proved to be the only form of organization which provides sufficient strength, through centralized authority, to assure the security and so make possible the disarmament of the member states, and which gives them that freedom from fear of attack alone permitting them to trade freely without thought of the necessity of self-sufficiency. At the same time, federation preserves among the member states the greatest possible degree of autonomy and independence consistent with the maintenance of justice and world peace.

We therefore urge the necessity of the development of the League of Nations into a Federation of Nations through the natural evolution of its fundamental organs; that is, through the development of the Assembly into a Legislature with proper representation and authority to act in the federal manner; the development of the Permanent Court of International Justice into a World Supreme Court with compulsory jurisdiction in all international controversies; and the development of the Council into a World Executive Cabinet commanding a police force adequate to compel the submission of such controversies to the Court and the acceptance of the Court's decisions.

We call upon the peoples of the world to exert all possible influence for the appointment by the League of Nations of a committee of competent statesmen to consider and report upon the most feasible method of bringing about this development of the League into a World Federation with powers adequate to establish international justice, maintain world peace, and lay the foundation for the safety and welfare of mankind. [Page 354]THE CRUSADES VIEWED THROUGH EASTERN EYES A Study in Oriental-Occidental Relations by JOHN W. KITCHING Author of "This Praying World," etc. (Concluded)

THE TREACHERY OF FIROUZ, THE ARMENIAN

At last, on the third day of June 1098, the Christian hosts took the town, not by assault but through the treachery of one of the besieged. This was an Armenian, named Firouz. Bohemond it is said bribed him to let in twenty men. Firouz, it is said, allowed the twenty men of the French to mount the ramparts at night by means of ropes which he let down to them. These in their turn drew up forty more after them. They thereupon opened the gates of the city and to the cry of "God wills it!" the Crusaders swarmed into the town and set themselves to massacre the inhabitants. Thus Antioch fell and Bohemond accordingly claimed to rule the city as its capturer and so revealed that spirit of duplicity that Alexius had feared.

On account of this he fell foul not only of the Emperor but also of Count Raymond of Toulouse who upheld the authority of Alexius in this matter.

So with the citadel of Antioch behind them, the road down the valley of the Orontes toward Jesusalem now lay open to the Crusaders.

V. THE CRUSADERS BEFORE JERUSALEM

It was the first day of the month of July 1099 when the Crusaders arrived in sight of the city of Jerusalem. Three years had [Page 355]passed away since they had first set out upon their crusade from Europe.

How describe their transports of delight when they came within sight of the Holy City? "The pilgrims", writes Albert d'Aix, "forgot their fatigues, and hastened their steps. Arriving before the walls, they burst into tears."

Surrounding the town was a formidable rampart and there were no resources for a siege. The bed of the river Cedron was all dried up and the reservoirs of water were all covered over.

The most reliable account of the taking of Jerusalem is found in the "Gesta Francorum et Aliorum Hierosolimitanorum." While the author remains anonymous, it is clear that he was an eye-witness of nearly all the events he related. He was probably a Norman of Italy who accompanied Bohemond to Antioch and thence to Jerusalem. His book was written about the year 1101.

Thus he writes—"Exulting with joy we reached the city of Jerusalem and we besieged it in a wonderful manner. Robert of Normandy besieged it on the northern side, near the church of St. Stephen, the first martyr, who was there stoned for Christ's sake. Next to him was Robert, Count of Flanders. Duke Godfrey and Tancred operated from the South, on Mount Sion, near the church of St. Mary, the Lord's mother, where the Lord supped with His disciples...

"During the siege we were unable to find any bread to buy for about the space of ten days, until a messenger came from our ships; also we were afflicted by great thirst, so much so that in fear and terror we had to water our horses and other animals six miles away. The fountain of Siloam, at the foot of Mount Sion, sustained us, but the water was sold among us at a high price...

"We sewed up skins of oxen and buffaloes in which we brought the water six miles. The water we drank from such receptacles was fetid, and what with foul fater and barley bread, we daily suffered great affliction and distress.

"Moreover the Saracens hid near all the springs and wells and ambushed our men, killing and mutilating them and driving off the animals into their dens and caverns. Then our leaders planned [Page 356]to attack the city in order to enter it and adore the sepulchre of our Saviour.

"They made two wooden towers and many other machines... Day and night on the fourth and fifth days of the week (Wednesday and Thursday, July 13 and 14), we vigorously attacked the city on all sides, but before we made our assault the bishops and priests persuaded all by their preaching and exhortation that a procession should be made round Jerusalem to God's honour, faithfully accompanied by prayers, alms and fasting.

"Early on the sixth day we attacked the city on all sides and could do nothing against it. We were all surprised and alarmed. Then, at the approach of the hour at which our Lord Jesus Christ deigned to undergo the passion of the cross for us, our knights in one of the towers fought bravely, amongst them Duke Godfrey and his brother, Count Eustace. One of our knights, Letholdus by name, climbed on to the wall of the city... When he reached the top, all the defenders of the city quickly fled along the walls and through the city. Our men followed and pursued them, killing and hacking, as far as the temple of Solomon, and there there was such a slaughter that our men were up to their ankles in the enemy's blood... The Emir who commanded the tower of David surrendered to the Count (of St. Gilles) and opened the gate where pilgrims used to pay tribute.

"Entering the city, our pilgrims pursued and killed the Saracens up to the temple of Solomon. There the Saracens assembled and resisted fiercely all day, so that the whole temple flowed with their blood. At last the pagans were overcome and our men seized many men and women in the temple, killing them or keeping them alive as they saw fit. On the roof of the temple there was a great crowd of pagans of both sexes to whom Tancred and Gaston de Beert (de Bearn) gave their banners. (As a sign of protection.) Then the Crusaders scattered throughout the city, seizing gold and silver, horses and mules, and houses full of all sorts of goods. Afterwards our men went rejoicing and weeping for joy to adore the sepulchre of our Saviour Jesus and there discharged their debt to Him. . . "

Foucher de Chartres recounts how the Crusaders noticed that [Page 357]some Saracens had swallowed "besans"-or to put it better Byzan- tine gold pieces-to save them from their conquerors. They set themselves then to split open their abdomens and search among the entrails to get out the pieces of gold; then as the process proved too slow for them, they piled up the corpses on immense pyres and burned them up. The Crusaders stooping, searched among the ashes for the golden "besans".

The Crusaders were enabled by the indications of a Syrian to find a piece of the true cross. The French enclosed it in a case of gold and silver, and the precious relic was carried in procession to the Temple.

ARAB ACCOUNT OF THE TAKING OF JERUSALEM

The following account is taken from "Recueil des Historiens des Croisades," Historiens Orientaux I, Volume I page 4.

"We have mingled our blood with our abundant tears in such manner that there is no longer room for those who would rival us in lamentations.

"Sad arms for a man to pour out tears when the trenchant blades have lit the fires of war!

"What eye could soundly sleep, indifferent to happenings which awaken all who sleep?

"Your kinsman in Syria have no place of rest save the backs of their steeds or better the stomachs of vultures.

"Their enemies cover them with shame and you, you are letting your robe trail the mire as one who had nothing to fear.

"What blood has been shed! How many innocent maidens have naught with which to cover themselves save their hands.

"Will the Arab chieftains resign themselves to such an injury? Will the warriors of Persia submit to such defilement?

"Would to God, since they fight no longer for zeal of their religion, they may show themselves jealous for the honor of their womenfolk."

VI. FOUNDING OF THE KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM

On the eighth day after the capture of the city they elected Duke Godfrey, prince of the city to fight the pagans and protect [Page 358]the Christians. Also on the day of St. Peter in chains, (August 1st) they elected as Patriarch a most wise and honourable man named Arnulf. The city was captured by the Christians on Friday, July 15th, 1099.

This Frankish Empire, so suddenly set up on the borders of Asia Minor, was moreover very quickly organized.

The army of Crusading Knights had not ceased to be organized after the feudal manner. This same organization was established en bloc on the slopes of Lebanon. As we have noted the new kingdom was placed under the rule of Godfrey de Bouillon, who took the humble title of Advocate of the Holy Sepulchre. Baldwin, Godfrey's brother, was proclaimed Count of Odessa. Bohemond, the Prince of Tarento, received the principality of Antioch, and finally Bertrand, the son of Raymond of Toulouse, was before long made Count of Tripoli. It is estimated that this first crusade cost the lives of between 500,000 and 600,000 men.

In consequence of the relations established with the west, the coast towns developed a prosperous life; pilgrims to the Holy places became more and more numerous: finally the orders, half religious, half military, the Templars and the Hospitallers, were founded to defend the conquest.

During a century and a half Crusades are to succeed one another; but there will not be seen again that fanatical and popular enthusiasm of the Crusade of Urban II and Peter the Hermit.

St. Bernard, the eloquent Abbot of Clairvaux, will preach a new crusade no longer to the masses of the people, but to prelates and kings.

VII. THE CRUSADERS THROUGH EASTERN EYES

A book which gives a remarkable picture of the Crusaders as they appeared to the eyes of the eastern people is "Memoirs of Usamah Ibn-Munqidh (Kitab Al-I Tibar)

Usamah was an Arab-Syrian gentleman and warrior in the period of the crusades.

The book in question has been translated from the original [Page 359]Arabic manuscript by Philip Khuri Hitti, of Princeton University. Thus Usamah Ibn-Munqidh writes of the Frankish character— "Mysterious are the works of the creator, the author of all things! When one comes to recount cases regarding the Franks, he cannot but glorify Allah (exalted is he!) and sanctify him, for he sees them as animals possessing the virtues of courage and fighting, but nothing else, just as animals have only the virtues of strength and carrying loads." ... "Everyone who is a fresh emigrant from the Frankish lands is ruder in character than those who have become acclimatized and have held long association with the Moslems."

USAMAH SPEAKS OF THEIR RUDE MANNERS

"Here is an illustration of their rude character.

"Whenever I visited Jerusalem I always entered the Aqsa Mosque, beside which stood a small mosque which the Franks had converted into a church. When I used to enter the Aqsa Mosque which was occupied by the Templars (Al-Dawiyyah), who were my friends, the Templars would evacuate the little adjoining mosque, so that I might pray in it. One day (about 1140) I entered this mosque, repeating the first formula, "Allah is great", and stood up in the act of praying, upon which one of the Franks rushed on me, got hold of me and turned my face eastward, saying "This is the way thou shouldst pray!"

A group of Templars hastened to him, seized him and repelled him from me. I resumed my prayer.

The same man while the others were otherwise busy rushed once more on me and turned my face eastward, saying "This is the way thou shouldst pray!"

The Templars again came in to him and expelled him. They apologized to me saying, "This is a stranger who has only recently arrived from the land of the Franks and he has never before seen anyone praying except eastward." Thereupon I said to myself "I have had enough prayer." So I went out and have ever been surprised at the conduct of this devil of a man, at the change in the color of his face, his trembling and his sentiment at the sight [Page 360]of one praying towards the Qiblah (The direction of the Ka’bah in the holy city, Mecca).

USAMAH SPEAKS OF THEIR MEDICINE

"A case illustrating their curious medicine is the following:

"The lord of Al-Munaytirah wrote to my uncle asking him to dispatch a physician to treat certain sick persons among his people. My uncle sent him a Christian physician named Thābit. Thabit was absent but ten days when he returned. So we said to him, 'How quickly hast thou healed thy patients!' He said:

Et

"They brought before me a knight in whose leg an abscess had grown; and a woman afflicted with imbecility. To the knight I applied a small poultice until the abscess opened and became well; and the woman I put on diet and made her humor wet. Then a Frankish physician came to them and said 'This man knows nothing about treating them.' He then said to the knight, 'Which wouldst thou prefer, living with one leg or dying with two?' The latter replied, 'Living with one leg.' The physician said 'Bring me a strong knight and a sharp axe.' And I was standing by. Then the physician laid the leg of the patient on a block of wood and bade the knight strike his leg with the axe and chop it off at one blow. Accordingly he struck it—while I was looking on—one blow, but the leg was not severed. He dealt another blow, upon which the marrow of the leg flowed out and the patient died on the spot. He then examined the woman and said, 'This is a woman in whose head there is a devil which has possessed her. Shave off her hair.' Accordingly they shaved it off and the woman began once more to eat their ordinary diet—garlic and mustard. Her imbecility took a turn for the worse. The physician then said 'The devil has penetrated through her head.' He therefore took a razor, made a deep cruciform incision on it, peeled off the skin at the middle of the incision until the bone of the skull was exposed and rubbed it with salt. The woman also expired instantly. Thereupon I asked them whether my services were needed any longer, and when they replied in the negative I returned home, having learned of their medicine what I knew not before." [Page 361]

A CURIOUS TRANSFORMATION

One of the most curious things to observe in this connection is the manner in which the Europeans in time succumbed to the Oriental mode of living. They laid aside religious prejudice and racial antagonisms and while political enmity survived, these sentiments did not.

Pope Urban II who proclaimed the crusade would have been dismayed if he could have known that within a generation after the capture of Jerusalem, Mohammedan merchants freely traveled everywhere through the Latin Kingdom, that mosques were to be found and that the Koran was taught and recited in Islamic schools in Antioch and Tripoli.

The second generation of Crusaders spoke Arabic, they dressed in eastern costume, they emulated Arabic manners, they furnished their houses with oriental furniture, rugs, tapestries and decorated them with Arabian and Persian art motifs and designs.

This brilliant civilization of the Orient, so new to the Christians, so different from the narrow and monotonous life which they led in the castles of the west, soon overcame them.

In course of time a wholly new and distinct aristrocracy arose in the land, Christian yet tolerant, to whom their cousins in northern Europe seemed as strange as they to them. [Page 362]

THE BREAKDOWN OF AUSTRO-MARXISM AND ITS FUTURE CONSEQUENCES

by OSCAR JÁSZI Oberlin College

THE Austrian Republic, like the German Republic, and the short-lived Hungarian Republic, was not the fruit of a revolutionary effort, but simply a result of the disintegration of an old Monarchy, fostered by the imperialistic ambitions of the victor states. As the entire armed force of the Monarchy was demoralized, the police shattered, the economic structure shaken, there remained only two elements in Austria capable of leadership: the one the Social Democratic party, the other the peasantry under a strong clerical leadership.

In the first period of the Republic, Social Democracy was undoubtedly the stronger element, representing a revolutionary movement, with powerful international affiliations, and totally estranged from the old state which had collapsed. Furthermore, the menacing repercussions of victorious Bolshevism had terrified all the conservative elements in the state. The result was a compromise which gave uncontested supremacy to the Social Democrats. The Social Democratic party, under very gifted and incorruptible leaders, advocated a radical social policy, a complete secularization of the state, and, in foreign policy, the Anschluss to the German Republic. It cannot be doubted that, at that time, nobody opposed the Anschluss; it represented the will of the overwhelming majority of the population.

The Socialist victory, however, was a doubtful gain for the proletariat. The Socialist leaders were compelled to sign the peace treaty which dismembered the country. What remained from the world empire was a territory of about 32,000 square miles, with a

• The author is indebted to the Social Science Research Council for an opportunity to spend several months in the Danubian countries studying there recent social and political developments.

[Page 363]

THE BREAKDOWN OF AUSTRO-MARXISM

population of only 6,500,000. The people stood on the verge of starvation; bankruptcy came, and an army of unscrupulous foreign profiteers lived off the marrow and bone of the country. Entire provinces expressed the desire to secede from Austria because they felt themselves exploited by the Viennese centralization. Civil war became endemic. The antagonism between Socialist Vienna, atheistic and materialistic, and the provinces, inhabited by a traditional and bigoted population, grew tense. At the same time, the Communist dictator of Hungary, Bela Kun, a violent adventurer, tried to foment an insurrection at Vienna for the overthrow of the socialistic government (June 1919). The Socialists were in a tragic position, the consequences of which became an important factor in their final defeat. They faced the dilemma of either establishing a Soviet Republic, or crushing the Communist revolt. They chose the latter alternative. The Communistic upheaval was put down. Twenty proletarian dead remained on the battlefield. It cannot be doubted that the Socialists were compelled to act in this way. Had they opted for the Soviet Republic, starving Austria would have been crushed in a few weeks by the surrounding bourgeois victor states. However, from a moral point of view, their position was extremely weak. After having preached for two generations the Marxian gospel of Social Revolution and of the Communistic state, broad masses of the party could not understand the attitude of their leaders, and the Communist demagogy was partly successful in describing them as traitors to the Revolution. Under such circumstances, it was a relief for the Socialists when at the second election the Christian Socialists and the Pan-German party got a small majority in Parliament. The Socialists refused to continue their coalition with them, and were content to assume the role of the opposition. In the new Federal state, Vienna became an independent province under the strong majority rule of the Socialists. They were unhindered in developing a Socialist policy on a grand scale in the old imperial city, and in building up a new mass ideology, the so-called Austro-Marxism which stood between the parliamentarian tactics of western Socialism, and the revolutionary propaganda of Bolshevism, as the most radical wing of the Second International. [Page 364]This looked like a very agreeable and advantageous position for the Socialist leaders. They enjoyed real power in Vienna, and continued an active Marxist propaganda for the undermining of the bourgeois republic. However, this irresponsible position proved fatal to them. I scarcely err when I say that the final collapse of Austrian Socialism, brought about by the triumvirate: Dollfuss, the representative of the peasantry, Major Fey, the typical Austrian career officer, and Prince Starhemberg, a decadent aristocrat, was a logical consequence of the combination of its extreme theoretical intransigency with its petty compromises in municipal administration and parliamentarian haggling.

What happened was briefly this: in Vienna, still exhausted by the War, a social policy was put into effect which outdid anything ever attempted by the richest cities in Europe. Wonderful working-men's palaces were built which offered the proletariat nice and healthy apartments, with all the modern conveniences, for a nominal rent; parks were established with bathing facilities for the children; gratuitous medical care was offered to pregnant women and babies; up-to-date hospitals and summer resorts were awaiting their proletarian guests; a very advanced educational system was introduced into all schools of the capital. Foreign observers were amazed, and many of them delighted by this "victory of Socialism." However, those who knew the background of the splendour were somewhat disconcerted about it. The marvelous experiment was paid for not only by rich capitalists, but also, and primarily, by the middle classes, by the expropriation of house owners who, often through the work of a lifetime, had built their homes. The burden of taxation became so heavy that many enterprises were unable to continue. The effect was to weaken Austrian capitalism so that it could not compete with its mighty neighbors.

But what estranged the triumphant Socialism of Vienna even more from the other classes (with the exception of a small circle of radical intellectuals) was its provocative spirit. The Socialists attacked practically all the values upon which the former Austrian society had been based. Their leading organ, the Arbeiter Zeitung, produced day by day articles which alarmed the bourgeoisie and [Page 365]

THE BREAKDOWN OF AUSTRO-MARXISM

the peasantry. Their impression was that the present situation was only a respite, and that very soon the final expropriation would come. Anti-Semitism too played an important role in this moral situation, as many of the most influential and uncompromising leaders of the working class were Jews.

As a consequence the conservative and reactionary elements of the country began to organize illegal military forces, various types of Heimwehren, under the leadership of former officers, against the private Socialist army, the so-called Republikanischer Schutzbund. Both parties tried to show their forces on every occasion, and fostered mass demonstrations, which very often led to scuffles and minor combats. In this competitive armament, however, the forces of the reaction were soon stronger. They undoubtedly had a far better experience in organization and in the military art. And they had far more money. The revolutionary ardor of the Socialist leaders exhausted itself in orations and demonstrations, whereas the whole administration of the country (with the exception of Vienna), the whole army, and the police forces got into reactionary hands.

Unfortunately, the proletariat took the daily inciting articles and speeches too seriously, and they developed a revolutionary ideology which had no support, neither in the political organization nor in the character of their leaders. They forgot that the Marxian ideology needs the brutality of the Tsars and the reminiscences of Siberia to be a reality, whereas the Viennese leaders lived relatively undisturbed on a good middle class standard.

No wonder that under these conditions the counter revolutionary bourgeoisie, allied with the former bureaucrats and army officers, supported by capitalism, Gentile as well as Jewish, and the clever Roman Catholic clergy, began to regain their former powers. But the final impetus to an anti-Socialist policy came from Germany. The growing success of Hitler in the Reich gave a new courage and energy to all reactionary forces in Austria. After Monsignore Seipel's death, these forces found an able leader in the diminutive Dollfuss, the "milli-Metternich," as Viennese humor called him. He was the illegitimate son of peasants, a hard worker, an [Page 366]intelligent man, but without broader culture, very religious, but without a true humanitarian outlook. The great mistake of the Socialists was that they underestimated their opponents, Hitler, as well as Dollfuss. Everyone unable to follow the mysteries of their dialectic materialism they regarded as hopelessly stupid.

The decline of Socialism began already in October 1927, when in the very Catholic Burgenland, a red soldier was murdered in a riot. The murderers were absolved by the Viennese jury, and a feverishly excited mob set the palace of Justice on fire. Things were near to a real revolution (against the will of the Socialist leaders) which the popular mayor of Vienna, Mr. Seitz, was scarcely able to check.

This dangerous outburst of radical passion made the reactionary forces more resolute, and the Socialist leaders more timorous.

The definite debacle of Socialism, preceded by a series of several unsuccessful strikes which showed the further weakness of the party in a time of growing unemployment, came from an insignificant incident. On March 4, 1933, there occurred an excited debate in the Austrian Parliament concerning the strike of the railway men. As the decision depended on one vote, Dr. Bauer, the leader of the radical wing of the Socialists, advised Dr. Renner to abdicate the presidency of the National Assembly in order to exercise his vote as a deputy. However, the two other parties adopted the same trick, and their vice-Presidents resigned also, leaving the Assembly without a head. Dollfuss exploited this situation in his capacity as Chancellor. He discontinued the parliamentary work, and when the Socialists returned the next day as an act of constitutional protest, Dollfuss expelled them by means of the police. This was the most critical moment for the Socialists. It was evident that if this flagrant offense against the constitution was not answered by an immediate general strike, their cause was lost. The Socialist leaders, however, either did not understand the gravity of the situation, or felt themselves unequal to a revolutionary action. In this way, Dollfuss became dictator.

However, the last blow against Socialism was postponed, because the seizure of power by Dollfuss was coincident with the vic- [Page 367]

THE BREAKDOWN OF AUSTRO-MARXISM

tory of Hitler in Germany, which completely changed both the international and the Austrian situation. Dollfuss and the whole Austrian counter-revolution trembled before the advent of the Nazis. They understood very well that the Anschluss under the new conditions would mean the total gleichschaltung of Austria with the same brutality with which Bavaria and the other German länder were subjugated. They also knew that hard times would come upon Austrian clericalism, the spiritual leader of the counter-revolution. The growing resentment against the Reich was shared by the liberal bourgeoisie, and by the vast masses of the proletariat. Under the pressure of public opinion, Dollfuss assumed the fight against Nazi aggression. He was in a terrible plight. Austria was full of German spies. The German radio from Munich excited the people to revolt by the most vehement speeches. Enormous sums were sent to Austria for Nazi propaganda purposes. Great quantities of arms, bombs, and other materials were smuggled into the country. The Nazis organized their own armed force, and the incendiary destruction of public buildings, railway stations, bridges, telephone centers, became matters of daily occurrence.

But Dollfuss did not waver. He was able to gain the sympathy of all western powers, and of the League of Nations. He became the vassal of Mussolini, who promised to maintain the independence of Austria under all conditions. The interior situation too became very difficult. The counter-revolutionaries demanded more and more vociferously the crushing of the Socialists, and the establishment of a Fascist state. Mussolini also urged his ally to make an end of Red Vienna, because his clandestine transportation of war material to Hungary had often been hindered by the Socialists. The destruction of Austrian Socialism meant for the Duce the military coordination of Italy, Austria and Hungary. As long as Paul Boncour, himself a Socialist, was French Foreign Minister, Dollfuss did not dare to obey his overlord. When Paul Boncour fell, there was no further obstacle to carrying out the commands of Mussolini. After a heroic and bloody fight, the Austrian working class was crushed, not only in street fights, but also by artillery, directed against the Karl Marx Haus, the Goethe Haus, and some other [Page 368]large apartment houses of the proletariat. The defeat of the workers was followed by many cruel judgments of counter-revolutionary tribunals. Several Socialists died as heroes, shouting, "Long live the International!" under the gallows. Many thousands were put into prisons and concentration camps.

In spite of the show-window of the corporative state, the new system represents the old type of absolutism of Metternich, with its secret police, its spy system, its Roman Catholic piety, and the extinction of public liberties. Comparing Austrian Fascism to German Nazism, one would say that it is milder, more hypocritical and less efficient, than its hostile German brother.

There can be no doubt that Austrian Fascism is the weakest link in the chain of European dictatorships. Not only the strong and proud Austrian proletariat hates it, not only the more advanced middle classes resent it, but also large masses of the peasantry oppose it because they are won over to the idea of the Anschluss. It can only last as long as the European balance of power artificially maintains its anachronistic and impossible existence.

The tragic death of Dollfuss changed the situation only as far as Mussolini mobilized immediately and showed the Nazis that he would rather fight than surrender Austria. The Nazis, therefore, realize that at the present time they cannot apply force. They changed their tactics immediately with a brazen face. They denounced the Viennese revolt, disbanded the Austrian Nazi Legion, recalled the compromised German minister from Vienna, and sent in his place, the shrewed, Jesuit-like diplomat, von Papen. He now carries on a work of "pacification." He tries to convince his Austrian brethren that the Germans will not touch Austrian independence. The Trojan horse is in the heart of the city of Vienna.

Meanwhile, the Austrian proletariat stands unbroken in its revolutionary spirit. From a moral point of view, it is far stronger than the German working class. The memory of its martyrs makes all efforts futile to reconcile the workers with the present government. Austrian Socialism has become even more intransigent than it was, and since all roads to free development have been blocked, the proletariat is looking towards the dies irae of world chaos. [Page 369]

NEW SOCIOLOGY OF AGRICULTURE

by T. SWANN HARDING Author of "The Degradation of Science," etc.

BEFORE the war American agriculture stood in satisfactory relationship both to its foreign and its domestic markets. Agricultural prices rose more than other prices. Net farm earnings increased, also farm valuations. Though farm exports declined from the beginning of the century, increased domestic consumption more than compensated for that decline. Then came the War.

America was drawn into tremendous export production, clearing from forty to forty-five million acres of grass and forage land to put it in cultivation. European countries bought this excess production but meanwhile saddled themselves with debts and political differences that operated to reduce their ultimate buying power. The end of the War came, Europe started to put her land back into cultivation, our export market declined sharply, and even the horses, who used to use the product of many of our acres, had sadly diminished in number.

There were temporary shortages of both industrial and agricultural commodities in Europe which were purchased from America on borrowed money which Americans also loaned Europe. Our tariffs excluded foreign goods which this country might profitably have received in payment for its exports. All means of European payment finally failed and the crisis of 1929 developed as a consequences of these economic inconsistencies, monetary difficulties in many lands playing a prominent part.

As their buying power declined the countries of Europe adopted severe trade restrictions. These added to our export difficulties. World trade came more under governmental control than [Page 370]ever before in history. The foreign demand for farm products dropped catastrophically, yet agricultural production remained essentially unchanged. Even after industrial production had been dropped fifty per cent (which is the manufacturers' way of plowing under his crops) agricultural production hovered around within five per cent of what it had been in prosperous times with a ready export market.

Then why didn't the agricultural agencies see all this coming, warn the farmers, and turn to studies of a social or economic nature? They did. Both the Department of Agriculture and the Experiment Stations did that. For years they have been accumulating valuable economic data, making land utilization studies, and doing research on farm finance, marketing problems, and types of farming adapted to certain areas. By the time the crisis came many of these programs of land use were approaching national proportions.

The records show that between the seventies, when the first Agricultural Experiment Stations were established, and 1900, the Stations offered the farmers service which not only broadened in scope constantly but improved and kept up with the changing times. First they sought to improve the skill and dexterity of farm labor, to promote intensive specialization, and to wipe out animal and crop menaces like tick fever of cattle, hog cholera, cotton root rot, sugarcane mosaic, and sore mouth of sheep—not to mention many others.

Before 1900 as the natural sciences evolved they were called, one by one, to the aid of agriculture: Physics, engineering, chemistry, botany, entomology, veterinary science, agronomy, horticulture, animal industry, plant and animal breeding, physiology, and applied pathology. Each was adapted by the Stations and the Department of Agriculture to individual farmer needs. These things were done in accordance with the expressed demand of farmers for remedial legislation in their aid.

But when 1900 came this problem of increasing production efficiency merged into another. The investigation of economic as well as technical problems began promptly. In Minnesota it was cost accounting studied as a means to adjust farm operations and [Page 371]produce better incomes. In Wisconsin it was agricultural economics. At Cornell and in Washington farm management studies took form under such former technical specialists as Hays, Boss, Spillman, and Warren or such farm-reared boys as Taylor, Hibbard, and Carver. Why? Because they had had to inform themselves about problems in agricultural economics in order to answer questions raised by stump speakers in the depression of the nineties.

Since 1900 farm management and agricultural economics have made phenomenal growth. Before the World War they were little more than studies of production and marketing economics; since then they have dealt with large problems of exchange, distribution, and consumption, and upon the basis of the data thus accumulated the new deal for agriculture was alone possible. At the same time farm hygiene, taxation problems, rural sociology, have all had their place in this new humanization of agricultural research since 1900. The passage of the Purnell Act in 1925 gave definite impetus to this trend by providing the Stations special funds for economic and sociological research.

There came to be less differentiation between the social and the natural sciences. Farmers began to learn the value of cooperative action. The agricultural agencies which had always been ready to train farmers in the use of new serums, to advise and assist them in the early repression of sudden and serious outbreaks of plant and animal disease, were now ready to turn to milk-marketing problems, to provide information on land utilization, subsistence farming, and the control of crop surpluses.

This crop control means what? In the first place it means adjustment of production to consumption, not a mere crop reduction. In the second place it was not designed to deprive anyone of food. Take tobacco. We raise much more than we use; the surplus is normally exported. In 1923, for instance, we raised one and one-quarter billion pounds of tobacco of which we consumed less than three-quarter of a billion pounds ourselves. By 1929 we were raising nearly one and one-half billion pounds and our exports enabled it all to be consumed. But in 1932 consumption amounted to less than one and one-quarter billion pounds. [Page 372]That means that we had raised nearly a quarter of a billion pounds of tobacco that nobody, here or in Europe, could buy. Or take cotton. On the average of the past the foreign and domestic cotton mills of the world have used thirteen to fourteen million bales of American cotton a year. What would have been the use of raising seventeen million bales in 1933 (as we well might have without a reduction program) and trying to sell it in a world market, already over stocked with holdover cotton from the previous years? Then there would have been nearly thirty million bales of American cotton on a world market capable of using only about half the amount.

Or even take wheat. Our domestic requirements are about 650,000,000 bushels a year; that is all the wheat that we can distribute under our domestic economic system. No matter how much more wheat we raise it would not be sold-it would not reach consumers. Our 1931 crop was, however, 932,221,000 bushels. In 1932 we exported only 32,284,000 bushels of wheat. It is very easy to figure out the answer to that problem when you remember in addition that we had a holdover surplus of wheat already on hand and unconsumed equal to a normal year's domestic consumption and more.

Of course, given complete changes in our system of distribution, which changes would affect industry quite as much as agriculture, no doubt more wheat could be consumed. But under our present economic system we had surplus wheat and, even with the best distributive machinery imaginable, there is still a limit to the quantity of wheat we could consume, and it is mere insanity to raise more than this.

The State Agricultural Experiment Stations are far from costly. They have more than repaid their cost by valuable research results. They have kept up to the times, as early as 1900 changing over from research designed to render production less hazardous to social and economic studies of broad significance. Finally, no one has asked the farmer to plow under any crops that could be distributed and used domestically. He has been asked only to cooperate in an adjustment program and, because he could not be [Page 373]

NEW SOCIOLOGY OF AGRICULTURE

expected to cooperate in crop reductions if other noncooperative farmers profited by reason of his social consciousness, he was paid a premium for his cooperation.

Moreover, due to drought, we have already emerged into a period when it may be necessary to step up crop production. The latest reports from the Department of Agriculture indicate that will be done quickly. Fortunately research in the natural sciences has not been stopped. Our scientists are still learning how to control the ever new bacterial, fungicidal, and insect menaces that make plant and animal production so hazardous. Even when crop reduction was obligatory it would have been the part of insanity to depend upon insects or plant and animal diseases to perform the reduction.

It is a fact that nearly forty million dollars has been set aside to buy up poor farm land on which the workers can make a bare subsistence. From the standpoint of crop reduction this means little or nothing. There are already under way 37 submarginal agricultural demonstration projects in different parts of the country. They involve two and one-half million acres which will mean little or nothing in respect to our total commercial farm production just because the land is so unproductive.

The soil is often thin, with rock so close beneath that it is dry and infertile. Often the water supply is too scant for household and stock use. Sometimes the grazing land is overstocked; in other cases the top soil has been carried away by erosion, quite beyond possible recovery. Then again the land is often so rough and the holdings of individual farmers are so small that they simply can not derive enough income to live at anything but a starvation standard. The problem is first of all a human one.

It is simply inhuman that certain people continue trying by backbreaking toil to live on land upon which a living can not be made. This land is far better adapted for forests, for park uses, for Indian projects, or for wild life refuges, to which uses it will be put. The main desire of the Government is to stop the simply atrocious wastage of human effort when farm families try to make a living on such land. Such people are condemned to a standard of [Page 374]living lower than that of any European peasant and it is merely humane and decent to enable them to move where they can live on an American standard.

It also pays, for that matter. Because such communities as these poor people occupy can not keep taxes paid, yet they require roads, schools, local government, and other expensive conveniences. If these people can be settled on other, better land, where such conveniences already exist, there is a saving. If the poor land is put to its proper use—such as the production of valuable game and forests—there is a distinct long-time dividend there. Finally, there should be subsistence farms in other communities to accommodate some of these same people.

They are, in a way, paid to get out of farming in one locality and financed to take up farming in another, that's all. The economy of many government services in the impoverished communities they leave will usually more than repay the Government for settling them elsewhere. But all this is not being done without careful study and forethought, predicated upon the wealth of information State and Federal agricultural agencies have been accumulating for years.

First of all the Government is analyzing our future National needs for all the goods the land produces—fibers, foods, wood, areas of natural beauty for recreational purposes, city water supplies, wild life refuges and so on. An effort is right now being made to estimate how much land we need for production purposes. The outlook for foreign and domestic sale of farm products is being assessed, and production-per-acre trends for crop and pasture land are being surveyed. The land is being analysed, in view of Soil Surveys made for years by the Government, and a detailed analysis made of its most efficient usage for specific purposes.

An inventory is being prepared, right now, as Chevallier says, of our land resources and how they can be used most efficiently for farming, forestry, and other purposes mentioned. The arable land in farms is being classified to indicate where soil is located that, beyond dispute, can not yield any farmer a living. Sections will be noted that give a farm family a fair chance if farmed in large units if they have part-time employment available and capital burdens— [Page 375]as in some irrigation and drainage districts—can be scaled down. Finally, suggestions will be made for organizing a program to meet our agricultural needs on a basis of scientific land utilization. Thus the problem that our farms are right now producing more children than can find employment on the land when they reach adult estate will be considered. Today there is little room for them in cities. This is not an academic but a very practical matter. Every day relief workers grapple with this problem in cities over-populated with unemployed. Provision must be made for increased industrial employment, some in cities, but some as an integral part of the subsistence farms.

It is a matter, in last analysis, of preventing the slum standard of living already too common in America today. However, though the Government can offer farmers social machinery with which to balance production and solve these problems, they themselves must organize and operate it. The need for subsistence farms is already manifest from this discussion.

Between 1929 and 1933 more than two million persons left our cities and went back to the land. Certain Southern States reported from fifteen to forty thousand farm families on their relief rolls per state. Living costs are, however, much lower in rural communities and the transfer of these people to subsistence agriculture would be economically advantageous, if this could be done without depriving commercial farmers of their markets and increasing their competition. Urban discards cannot simply be pushed out into the country thoughtlessly thus to divide a drastically reduced agricultural income among a still greater number of people.

Subsistence farming is noncommercial farming. It adds nothing to the oversupply of agricultural products. But a subsistence farmer must have some cash income in addition to the food, fuel, and housing provided by his farm. He must therefore have some nonagricultural activity, some small industry, upon which to rely in part in his spare time. The hasty decentralization of profitable industry for this nonprofit purpose can not, however, be undertaken hastily and thoughtlessly.

Take a State wherein unemployment relief is about fifty-fifty [Page 376]between urban and rural, as it is in some states. The State relief agencies must therein so organize that urban relief groups will produce industrial goods and rural relief groups food; the production will be balanced and then exchanged so that it is held entirely within relief channels and offers no disturbance to either commercial agriculture or industry. This method is of wide application and admirably fits in with the subsistence farming program.

Another plan, considered by other States, calls for the establishment of manufacturing or processing plants in country communities in order to furnish part time employment. These will provide a source of cash income to subsistence farmers. Other States consider the relocation of certain good farm families whose adult members were farm-reared, but who now live in cities.

It is true that the Division of Subsistence Homesteads of the Department of Interior has $25,000,000 to aid in the redistribution of the overbalance of population in industrial centers through the establishment of subsistence homesteads. But there may also be established on such homesteads farmers from infertile soil who now work tremendously hard and live like peasants or worse. Basically it is a matter again of humanitarianism.

There people are on relief. They are demoralized. They live at a bare subsistence level but without their own individual exertions. Far better than straight charity, which can do nothing but further demoralize them and bodes ill for the future of the Nation, is an effort to make these people self-supporting. In the long run a mere fraction of this charity, paid in part as interruption to profitable commerce in industrial and agricultural products, but paid now by the same citizens as a direct dole, would enable these sorrowful recipients of relief to become self-supporting.

When studied with a little care, then, this agricultural program is neither inconsistent nor lunatic. It all fits together. We can only hope that some equally sensible and far-reaching program will be invented for industry. For successful agricultural recovery can not be achieved alone; it can only occur on a sound basis when it forms its proper part of a larger program for the Nation as a whole. [Page 377]

BOOK NOTES

Twentieth Century Forces in European Fiction, by Agnes Camilla Hansen. Chicago: American Library Association, 1934. Pp. 250. $2.00.

I think that this is a singularly valuable work, which ipso facto takes the ranking place among the "must" books for the supporters of the aims of World Unity. Miss Hansen, Associate Professor in the School of Librarianship of the University of Denver, has labored earnestly in compiling a list of more than five hundred European novels, translated into English and published since 1900, listing them under concepts, forces, and phenomena characteristic of the twentieth century civilization. She discusses the development of the novel from the eighteenth century to the twentieth century, and classifies the various works, with her short introductions, into chapters dealing with social and economic forces, political, historical and racial concepts and phenomena, psychological theories and phenomena, the new physics, the "flight from reality" urge and its outlets, esthetic experimentation, and concludes by having special chapters on the national literatures of Czechoslovakia, Holland, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Roumania, Russia, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Spain, Yugoslavia, Finland, Iceland, Latvia, Portugal and on literature in the Yiddish language. It is amazing to find so many excellent European novels in translation and the work should serve as a most useful guide to the literature available in most of our libraries.

JOSEPH S. ROUCEK

Black Angels of Athos, by Michael Choukas. Brattleboro (Vermont): Stephen Daye Press. 1934. Pp. xxi, 327. $3.00.

High above the blue Agean Sea rises the marble summit of Mount Athos, the famed abode for centuries of approximately [Page 378]5,000 monks. Professor Michael Choukas of the Department of Sociology, himself of Greek origin, has written the first serious sociological study of this unusual community. Beginning with a short historical sketch of the growth and development of the Athonian communities, he describes their different methods of self-government, their relations with the outside world, their ceremonies, relics, festivals and their long effort to save their mediaeval character unchanged in the midst of a fast changing world. Here is a notable contribution to our knowledge of how the personality of the human being can be narrowed down to that intangible element, the "soul", interpreted in the terms of eternity and the hereafter rather than in the terms of the temporal life of man and the present. From another point of view, this is a notable description of how various groups of humanity live in the terms of a philosophy just the opposite from our own. Professor Choukas is really an able writer and analyst. His book recreates the mystical world of Mount Athos with a forceful style and a keen sense of observation.

JOSEPH S. ROUCEK

A Short History of Czechoslovakia

By Kamil Korfta. New York: Robert M. McBride, 1934. Pp. 198. $2.00.

Dr. Korfta, Professor of History at the Charles University of Prague and second in command of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Czechoslovakia, has written the first history of the Czech and Slovak people as a unit. Before Korfta's book, all volumes concerned with the background of these people had dealt with the history of the Czechs and Slovaks separately. With no pretense to literary style, the volume has great and substantial merits. It is a convenient source-book and handy reference work which should be a boon to those who are perplexed by the complexity of political troubles in Central Europe, explaining, historically, the attitude of the Czechoslovak people toward their neighbors and also their experiences with them. One criticism, however, we have to offer. The discourse of Dr. Hoetzel on the Czechoslovak Constitution, included in the appendix, tells us too much about the legal aspects of the situation, without giving us a hint about the actual operation [Page 379]

BOOK NOTES

of that document. But this fact does not prevent us from appreciating the great value of this book which is the most authoritative and able presentation of the topic that has appeared in English.

JOSEPH S. ROUCEK

The Ideals of East and West, by Kenneth Saunders. The Macmillan Company, New York, 1934. Pp. 246. $2.50.

Dr. Saunders in this book sifts out the ethical objectives of the largest living faiths and gives them appreciative but comparative evaluation. The essays are short but deal historically with the Ethics of India, of the Chinese, the Japanese, the Greeks, the Hebrews, and Christian Ethics. One feature of the book is the inclusion of many outstanding passages from the writings of the world's greatest prophets. No apparent basis for comparison is evident save the personal leaning of the author toward liberal Christianity as centered in the personality and spirit of Jesus. He deals scantily with Christian ethics after Jesus while with all other faiths he senses a transition from age to age. The hope which Dr. Saunders holds out for inter-religious amity lies in the indigenous rejuvenation of Oriental religions with the person of Jesus placed at the apex. This is a refined sort of Christian imperialism, the actual internationalism of which can be sincerely challenged.

PAUL RUSSELL ANDERSON

The New Commonwealth Peace Pamphlets. London.

The New Commonwealth, an association with headquarters in London, working for world peace through the two definite steps of a compulsory international Equity Tribunal and an International Police Force, has begun the issue of a series of pamphlets, of which number one of series A has just reached this country.

It is planned to issue pamphlets in three series, A to deal with the principles of international relations, B with the international tribunal in equity, and C with the international police force. Thus far the pamphlet mentioned above is the only one which has appeared. Its subject is "The Legal Process and International Order", by Hans Kelsen, Professor of international law at the University [Page 380]Institute of High International Studies, Geneva, Switzerland. This will be followed by two other Series A pamphlets: "William Ladd, American Crusader for Peace", and "The Theory of International Government".

Series B will contain four numbers: "The Principles of an International Equity Tribunal", "Judgment in Equity", "Principles of Equity for the Revision of the Peace Treaties", and "The Functions of Equity in the Doctrine and Practice of International Law".

Series C thus far proposes two titles: "The Principles of the International Police Force", and "Suggestions for the Organization of an European Air Force". The entire series should make a valuable contribution to the search for a practical method of establishing world peace.

Professor Kelsen reasons that the course of international organization for world peace must follow the same path of evolution which has been experienced in the growth of community, and later of national political organization. He points out that law first arose in the form of generally approved customs, which in time gained obligatory force. In the same manner he thinks that international law has been and for a long time to come must still be hammered out of the rough strife of nations resulting in generally accepted customs in international dealings, which customs in the process of time have gained an obligatory character recognized by all nations.

As for the enforcement of this international law, he reasons that this also must follow the course of the evolution of national law, which at first was left in the hands of the aggrieved party, who avenged himself against an aggressor for the wrong done him, or who enforced the collection of debts due him through the capture and enslavement of his debtor, if payment was not made as agreed. The individual was both judge and executioner in his own case. Thus it has been in the past in dealings among nations, also.

Later national organization developed courts, whose function was simply to decide whether or not a violation of the customs which were the law of the land had occurred; and, if so, to authorize the aggrieved party to execute satisfaction through his own strong arm or by the aid of friends, relatives or colleagues who were [Page 381]

BOOK NOTES

willing to aid him. This, Professor Kelsen says, is practically the situation under the present Covenant of the League of Nations, where the Permanent Court of International Justice may decide whether or not an international wrong has been committed, but where the execution of satisfaction or the prevention of further wrong is left to the aggrieved state with the aid of its allied League member states.

The next evolutionary steps in the national organization, according to our author, consisted in making compulsory the submission of all controversies whatever to the court, which was done through the organization of a police force to prevent the individual from "taking the law into his own hands", and through the establishment of an executive power which took over the execution of the satisfaction decreed by the court, and which no longer permitted the individual to avenge his own wrongs according to his own judgment of their seriousness.

These two steps, the author believes, are the next natural developments in the League of Nations for which peace workers should strive; namely, the establishment of an Equity Tribunal to which all international controversies without exception must be submitted, and the organization of an International Police to enforce such submission to the court without warfare, either declared or undeclared. This development of the League would forbid nations to act as judge and executioner in their own cases, would prevent them from "taking the law into their own hands", from deciding to what extent, if any, they had been aggrieved or deciding arbitrarily the extent of the satisfaction which they would proceed to exact by their own forces. As in the evolution of national organization, these two steps would bring under the rule of regular court procedure the decision as to whether an international wrong had been committed, the extent of the satisfaction due for such wrong, and "the enforcement by common action of international obligations". (Covenant, Art. VIII.)

Professor Kelsen admits that a court presupposes a legislature, but he claims that the evolution of a formal legislative body has in national organizations come much later than that of the court, [Page 382]which at first used as its code merely the customs of the land. While he feels that the League of Nations must in time evolve a legislative authority, he thinks that this will be a rather distant development. His theory of the historical development of national organizations is derived entirely from the consideration of European nations. It is not true of the United States, of Australia, of the republics of South America. In all these national organizations the legislative as well as the judicial and the executive departments of government were laid down by human deliberation at one and the same time. If there is any criticism of Kelsen's able pamphlet, it is that he pays too much superstitious homage to the necessity of an age-long evolutionary process. At the present time mankind does things: it does not wait eons for evolution to produce them without human brains, energy and action.

OSCAR NEWFANG [Page 383]

ANNOUNCEMENT

This issue of World Unity concludes Volume XV and fulfills a definite cycle in the evolution of its effort to create a new type of literature on world affairs.

The unique character of the magazine has proceeded directly from the outlook of its founders, which realized the interdependence of religion, science and sociology in the movements simultaneously destroying the past and forming a new era in human history. With that outlook has gone a conviction that the discovery and clarification of purpose behind world events is far more important than their mere description and recording as a mechanical sequence of happenings, no matter how technically proficient the description might be.

This conviction has indeed been obvious in the very title of World Unity, a term raised as a rallying point for the great number of civilized people sharing the confidence that the lives of men, and the life of mankind, manifest the working out of an intention fixed beyond their individual or even collective capacity to annul and deny.

With local and partisan matters the magazine has therefore felt no concern. The full measure of its hope can only be defined in terms of its entire contents throughout the period of seven and one-half years since the first issue appeared. No criterion exists by which one can say whether the hope has been achieved or has been unrealized. All that one can observe is that a definite ideal has been consistently pursued, and that around the effort have voluntarily gathered a large number of thoughtful students whose writings have been shared for the common good.

The Classified Indexes included in recent issues serve very effectively to indicate the range of subjects and the wide social area from which the contributors have been drawn. In a way, the titles [Page 384]listed in the Indexes constitute, more than in any other magazine, perhaps, a sincere effort to present the modern world as a whole—as a spiritual as well as political or economic reality—without artificial boundaries which divide the realm of consciousness, and as an inevitable result, divide the realm of thought and action.

World Unity has been not merely a plea for future universal peace: it has conveyed some assurance that universal peace already is; is, at least, in all those individuals who have not been inwardly darkened and perverted by the power of the storm raging in the world outside.

Now the fundamental aim takes a new step forward in its physical embodiment as a magazine, facing a new cycle which it is hoped will consolidate the ground already covered and break new and more important ground in the years ahead.

Beginning April, 1935, World Unity will give way to a new publication, World Order, for which the good will of all present friends and contributors is besought.

World Order is to appear April I as Volume One, Number One, that its organic newness may be duly emphasized, though in true continuity it will be the extension of World Unity by union with The Bahá’í Magazine.

It has appeared most desirable to link together two instruments serving the same ideal, committed alike to the goal of a new world order in the form of World Federation, and alike in emphasizing the unity of faith as the cornerstone of the unity of races, classes and nations.

World Order will be edited by Stanwood Cobb and Horace Holley. It will be sent in continuance of all existing World Unity subscriptions.

The magazine will be improved in appearance, and plans are under way to establish corresponding or contributing editors representative of the world outlook in the various countries and races of East and West. In order to concentrate upon positive ideals, the editors will avoid publication of articles dealing with matters of political controversy or merely local and transient interest. As the title implies, the magazine will seek to explore the elements upon which universal peace depends. [Page 385]

INDEX

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE Volume 15, October, 1934-March, 1935

AGRICULTURE, NEW SOCIOLOGY OF, by T. Swann Harding, 369

AMERICAN PEACE MOVEMENTS, THE, by Smith Simpson, 15

AMERICA'S COSMIC MISSION, by Philip Leonard Green, 155

AUSTRO-MARXISM, THE BREAKDOWN OF, by Oscar Jászi, 362

BOOK NOTES (see also "Way Out"), by Oscar Newfang, Joseph S. Roucek, Paul Russel Anderson, 248, 311, 377

CHRISTIANITY AND RACE RELATIONS, by J. C. McMorries, 69

CORRESPONDENCE, by Frank Rawlinson, Oscar Newfang, Sidney L. Gulick, Albert Guérard, G. M. Stratton, M. E. Bratcher, Carl A. Ross, 55

CRUSADES VIEWED THROUGH EASTERN EVES, THE, by John W. Kitching, 221, 273, 354

DISARMAMENT IMPOSSIBLE? Is, by John Richard Mez, 233

DISARMING THE INTERNATIONAL MIND, by Oliver Earl Benson, 161

EAST, THE CHANGING, by Hans Kohn, 10

ENDURING PEACE, a Poem, by Francis H. White, 89

ETHICS OF THE NEW ERA, by Giovanni Baldazzi, 261

FEDERAL PRINCIPLE, THE, 231

FRANCO-GERMAN FEDERATION, WHY NOT A, by A. L. Soresi, 78

GENEVA CONVENTION CONCERNING COMPULSORY LABOR, by The International Office for the Protection of Native Races, 295

GENEVA, SEPTEMBER, 1934, by Evelyn Newman, 104

GROUP THINKING OF THE CRISIS, by F. Harvey Morse, 301

IKHNATON, A POEм, by Stanton A Coblentz, 117

INDUSTRIAL JUSTICE, A DISCUSSION OF, by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, 47

INTER-AMERICAN DREAMS AND REALITIES, by Philip Leonard Green, 282

INSTITUTIONAL CONGRESS OF TEACHING AND EDUCATION, THE, by The International Institute of Educational Cinemetography, 32

INSTITUTE AND UNIVERSITY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, by Mary Hull, 118

INTER-AMERICANISM, by Philip Leonard Green, 197

INTER-AMERICAN POSSIBILITIES, by Philip Leonard Green, 325

INTERNATIONAL HYMN, a Poem, by Myrtle Bastian Brown, 121

LANSBURY, GEORGE, by Albert D. Belden, 97

MODERN CREED, A, by Ernst Jonson, 330

MODERN WORLD, THE MALADY OF THE, by Stanton A. Coblentz, 204

NATIONAL-INTERNATIONAL: ONE LINE WISDOM, edited by Wm. P. Taylor, 114

PEACE AND THE CREATIVE WRITER, by Elizabeth Nitchie, 175

PEACE AND THE PRESENT CRISIS, by The Religious Society of Friends, 87

QURAN IN TURKISH, READING THE, by C. F. Gates, 229

RELIGION AND WORLD ORDER, by Horace Holley, 1, 65, 129, 193, 259, 321

SCIENCE LONG REMAIN INHUMAN? CAN, by T. Swann Harding, 211

SOCIETY, WHAT Is? by Y. H. Krikorian, 340

SOCIOLOGY AND WORLD UNITY, by Elsa P. Kimball, 135

SPIRITUAL NEEDS IN THIS TIME OF CRISIS, by Edgar J. Fisher, 41

WAY OUT, THE, Book Reviews, by Horace Holley, 51, 122, 185, 244, 309

WELLS, H. G., by R. E. Wolseley, 5

WORLD ADVANCE, A Monthly International Review, by Oscar Newfang, 25, 90, 148, 237, 288, 345

WORLD FEDERATION MANIFESTO, PRELIMINARY DRAFT, by World Federation Committee of World Unity Foundation, 252

WORLD UNITY, APOSTLES OF, 5, 97

WORLD WE LIVE IN, 32, 118, 295 [Page 386]

Authors

‘ABDU’L-BAHÁ, A Discussion of Industrial Justice, 47

ANDERSON, PAUL RUSSELL, Book Reviews, 248, 311, 377

BALDAZZI, GIOVANNI, Ethics of the New Era, 261

BELDEN, ALBERT D., George Lansbury, 97

BENSON, OLIVER EARL, Disarming the International Mind, 161

Bratcher, M. E., Correspondence, 55

BROWN, MYRTLE BASTIAN, International Hymn, a Poem, 121

COBLENTZ, STANTON A., Ikhnaton, a Poem, 117; The Malady of the Modern World, 204

FISHER, EDGAR J., Spiritual Needs in This Time of Crisis, 41

GATES, C. F., Reading the Quran in Turkish, 229

GREEN, PHILIP LEONARD, America's Cosmic Mission, 155; Evolving Inter-Americanism, 197; Inter-American Dreams and Realities, 282; Inter-American Possibilities, 325

GUERARD, ALBERT, Correspondence, 55

GULICK, SIDNEY L., Correspondence, 55

HARDING, T. SWANN, New Sociology of Agriculture, 369; Can Science Long Remain Inhuman?, 211

HOLLEY, HORACE, Religion and World Order, 1, 65, 129, 193, 259, 321; The Way Out, Book Reviews, 51, 122, 185, 244, 309

HULL, MARY, Institute and University of International Relations, 118

JÁSZI, OSCAR, The Breakdown of Austro-Marxism, 362

JONSON, ERNST, A Modern Creed, 330

KIMBALL, ELSA P., Sociology and World Unity, 135

KITCHING, JOHN W., The Crusades Viewed Through Eastern Eyes, 221, 273, 354

KOHN, HANS, The Changing East, 10

KRIKORIAN, Y. H., What is Society?, 340

MCMORRIES, J. C., Christianity and Race Relations, 69

MEZ, JOHN RICHARD, Is Disarmament Impossible?, 233

MORSE, F. HARVEY, Group Thinking on the Crisis, 301

NEWFANG, OSCAR, World Advance, A Monthly International Review, 25, 90, 148, 237, 288, 345; Correspondence, 55; Book Notes, 248, 311, 377

NEWMAN, EVELYN, Geneva, September, 1934, 104

NITCHIE, ELIZABETH, Peace and the Creative Writer, 175

RAWLINSON, FRANK, Correspondence, 55

ROSS, CARL A., Correspondence, 55

ROUCER, JOSEPH S., Book Reviews, 248, 311, 377

SIMPSON, SMITH, The American Peace Movements, 15

SORESI, A. L., Why Not a Franco-German Federation?, 78

STRATTON, G. M., Correspondence, 55

TAYLOR, WM. P., National-International: One Line Wisdom, 114

WHITE, FRANCIS H., Enduring Peace, a Poem, 89

WOLSELEY, R. E., H. G. Wells, 5 [Page 387]

WORLD UNITY READING LIST

A Classified Index-1927-1935*

6. WORLD PEACE

ADVOCATING A FEDERATED WORLD, by C. W. Young, June, 1933

AFTER MANCHURIA, by Syngman Rhee, October, November, 1932

AMERICAN PEACE MOVEMENT, by Russell M. Cooper, November, 1931-May, 1932

AMERICAN PEACE MOVEMENTS, THE, by Smith Simpson, October, 1934

AMERICAN PEACE MOVEMENT, TWILIGHT OF THE, by George H. E. Smith, August, 1931

AMERICA'S COSMIC MISSION, by Philip Leonard Green, December, 1934

CAN BUSINESS UNDERWRITE PEACE? by F. Emerson Andrews, July, 1930

CASE FOR WAR, THE, by Robert C. Stevenson, July, August, September, 1932

CHINA AND JAPAN-WORLD CRISIS, by Grover Clark, October, 1932

CLOSING THE GAP IN THE COVENANT, by Philip C. Nash, December, 1929

CLUE TO WORLD STRIFE, THE, by Horace Holley, October, 1933

COMING WORLD ORDER, THE, A SYMPOSIUM, by Archie M. Palmer, F. S. Marvin, Graham H. Stuart, Parker Thomas Moon, Rufus M. Jones, C. F. Ansley, Charles Stowe, Taraknath Das, Carl A. Ross, A. Eustace Haydon, Mary Hull, December, 1930-October, 1931

DAWN OF PEACE, THE, by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, July, 1932

DISARMAMENT THE YET UNSOLVED PROBLEM OF UNIVERSAL PEACE, by F. B. Clark, April, 1929

ETHICS OF THE NEW ERA, By Giovanni BALDAZZI, February, 1935

EUROPE, THE UNITED STATES OF, by Richard Lee, Rustum Vambery, Marja Grundmann-Koscienska, R. H. Markham, Charles Richet, Th. Ruyssen, March, 1930

EVOLVING INTER-AMERICANISM, by Philip Leonard Green, January, 1935

HUMAN NATURE: PERENNIAL EXCUSE FOR WAR, by Devere Allen, November, 1930

INTER-AMERICAN DREAMS AND REALITIES, by Philip Leonard Green, February, 1935

INTER-AMERICAN POSSIBILITIES, by Philip Leonard Green, March, 1935

INTERNATIONAL ACTION, NEW STEPS IN, by Lucia Ames Mead, August, 1930

INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION, by Ernest Ludwig, September, 1930.

INTERNATIONAl Co-CitizenshIP, by Raphael Buck, July, 1933

INTERNATIONAL DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT, by Kiang Kang-Hu, May, 1933

INTERNATIONALISM AND THE COMMON PEOPLE, by Richard Lee, October, 1929

INTERNATIONALISM, THE DYNAMICS OF, by Philip Leonard Green, November, 1932

INSTITUTIONS AND PROCESSES FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF INTERNATIONAL PEACE: AN Evaluation, by Charles E. Martin, September, 1931

Is War Inevitable? by Robert C. Stevenson, May, 1934

LABOR AND WORLD UNITY, by Robert Whitaker, August, 1928

LAWYER LOOKS AT THE PEACE PROBLEM, A, by Warren H. Pillsbury, September, 1933

NEW NATIONALISM AND WORLD PEACE, THE, by Horace Holley, September, 1933

NICHOLAS ROERICH'S PLAN OF WORLD PEACE, by Frances M. Grant, February, 1932

No MORE WAR! by Henry Schmidt, Jr., October, 1931

PACIFISM, THE FUNDAMENTAL PROBLEM Or, by Oscar Jászi, August, 1932

PACT OF PARIS, THE MEANING OF THE, by John Herman Randall, Jr., May, 1929

PARLIAMENT OF A FEDERATED WORLD, THE, by C. W. Young, May, 1933

PEACE ARMY, THE, by Mira Edson, September, 1929

• A limited number of back numbers are available. 25 cents each, postpaid.

[Page 388]PEACE LEADERS REPLY, THE: Correspondence, November, 1931

PEACE MAINTENANCE BY ECONOMIC ISOLATION, by William H. Blymyer, April, 1929

PEACE, THE PRICE FOR, by Dexter Perkins, March, 1928

PERMANENT COURT OF INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE, by Charles Evans Hughes, January, February, 1931

PROMULGATION OF UNIVERSAL PEACE, THE, by Horace Holley, April, 1932

QUESTIONNAIRE ON WORLD PEACE: ANALYSIS AND SUMMARY, by Horace Holley, July, August, 1934

RACIAL RELATIONSHIPS AND INTERNATIONAL HARMONY, by Frank H. Hankins, February-July, 1929

SOLE REMEDY, THE, by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, May, 1933

SOLE REMEDY FOR WAR, THE, by Lucia Ames Mead, December, 1931

THREE PATHS TO PEACE, by Philip C. Nash, May, 1931

UNITED STATES AND THE WORLD COURT, by Bryce Wood, May, 1931

UNIVERSAL PEACE, THE PRINCIPLES OF, by Horace Holley, April, 1934

WAR DEBTS: WORLD LIABILITY OR WORLD ASSET? by Royal Wilbur France, July, 1933

WHY A FEDERATED WORLD? by Dudley W. Woodbridge, December, 1933

WHY WAR? by D. D. Droba, January, 1933

WORLD CENTER, PLAN FOR A, by David Starr Jordan, July, 1934

WORLD CITIZENSHIP, by Carl A. Ross, April, 1929, March, 1930, June-December, 1931, July, 1933 - April, 1934

WORLD COMMONWEALTH, ELEMENTS OF A, by Horace Holley, July-November, 1928

WORLD COMMUNITY, A, by John Herman Randall, October, 1929 to September, 1930

WORLD-CONSCIENCE, by Hendrick Christian Andersen, July, 1934

WORLD FEDERATION, by Oscar Newfang, December, 1932

WORLD FEDERATION, CORRESPONDENCE, February, March, 1933

WORLD FEDERATION, FURTHER COMMENT, by Oscar Newfang, April, 1933

WORLD FEDERATION MANIFESTO, PRELIMINARY DRAFT, by World Federation Committee, March, 1935

WORLD PEACE, by David Starr Jordan, July, 1931

WORLD PEACE AND THE PACT AGAINST WAR, by R. H, Markham, May, 1929

WORLD PEACE AND THE WORLD PROCESS, by Robert Whitaker, December, 1931

WORLD PEACE, THE ECONOMIC INGREDIENT IN, by Horace Holley, May, 1930

WORLD PEACE, THE QUEST OF, by Dexter Perkins, October, December, 1929, January-June, December, 1930, January, March-June, 1931

YOUTH AND WORLD PEACE, by Joseph B. Matthews, March, 1929 [Page 389]

BOOKS ABROAD

An International Quarterly of Comment on Foreign Books Edited by ROY TEMPLE HOUSE AND KENNETH C. KAUFMAN

CONTENTS FOR SPRING, 1935

(Published April 1)

American Social and Literary Influences in Brazil (Concluded) AFRANIO PEIXOTO

Some Reflexions on Polymetry ARMAND GODOY

Napoleon's Island HARRIET REID

A Language Descends SIEGFRIED WAGENER

A History of the Drama CAMILLO VON KLENZE

Hans Christian Andersen JULIUS MORITZEN

Correspondence (Arturo Torres-Rioseco and Carleton Beals on Mr. Beals' Fire on the Andes)

What's Doing on Parnassus (Reports on Literary Plans and Projects, by G. K. Chesterton, Pio Baroja, Andre Siegfried, Max Brod, George Sylvester Viereck, Knut Hamsun)

And other articles

Reviews by Sidney B. Fay, Albert Guérard, Alexander Kaun, Samuel Putnam, Muna Lee, and others.

SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $2.00 a year, or $3.00 for two years. Single copies, fifty cents each. Address the Circulation Manager, Books Abroad UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA PRESS Norman, Oklahoma