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[Page 77]

WORLD UNITY

A Monthly Magazine for those who seek the world outlook upon present developments of philosophy, science, religion, ethics and the arts

JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, Editor HORACE HOLLEY, Managing Editor HELEN B. MACMILLAN, Business Manager

Contributing Editors

C. F. ANILST W. W. ATWOOD A. MENDELSORN BARTHOLDY BARON BAUDRAN L. F. DB BEAUPORT GERRIT A. BENBEER PIERRE BOVET EDWIN ARTHUR BURTT HARRY CHARLESWORTH No PooN CREW RUDOLPH I. COPPER BAYARD DODOB GEORGES DUHAMEL ANNA B. ECKSTEIN HAVELOCE ELLIS AUGUSTE FOREL C. F. GATES V. SCHULZE GAVERMITZ HELLMUTE VON GERLACH HERBERT ADAMS GIBBONS KANLIL GIBBAN CHARLOTTE PERKINS GILMAN JOHN W. GRAHAM FRANK H. HANKINS A. EUSTACE HAYDON WILL HATES YAMATO ICHICHASHI RUPUS M. JONES MORDICAL W. JOHNSON DAVID STARR JORDAN SAMUEL LUCAS JOSHI ERNEST JUDET VLADIMIR KARAPETOFF P. W. Kuo RICHARD LEB HARRY LEVI ALAIN LOCKS GEORGE DE LUKÁCS LOUIS L. MANN SIR JAMES MARCHANE VICTOR MARGUERITTE R. H. MARKHAM ALFRED W. MARTIN F. S. MARVIN KIRTLEY F. MATHER LUCIA AMBS MEAD MARJA GRUNDMANN-KOSCIENSEA KARIN MICHABLIS HERDERT A. MILLER FRED MERRIFIELD DRAN GOPAL MUKERJI IDA MÜLLER HARRY ALLEN OVERSTREET DEXTER PERKINS JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, JR. PAUL RICHARD CHARLES RICHET FORREST RIBD TH. RUYSSEN WILLIAM R. SHEPHERD MARY SIBORIST ABBA HILLEL SILVER ISIDOR SINGER DAVID G. STEAD AUGUSTUS O. THOMAS GILBERT THOMAS ISABELLA VAN METER RUSTUM VAMBÉRY WALTER WALSE HANS WERDERO M. P. WILLCOCKS FRANK LLOYD WRIGHT

Editorial Office:—4 East 12th Street, New York City

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE is published by WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION, 4 East 12th Street, New York City: MARY RUMSEY MOVIUS, president; HORACE HOLLEY, vice-president; FLORENCE MORTON, treasurer; JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, secretary. Published monthly, 35 cents a copy, $3.50 a year in the United States, $4.00 in Canada and $4.50 in all other countries (postage included). THE WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION and its editors do not invite unsolicited manuscripts and art material, but welcome correspondence on articles related to the aims and purposes of the magazine. Printed in U. S. A. Contents copyrighted 1928 by WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION. [Page 78]

The Soul of China

F we inquire what China, with the rich inheritance of the past, has to offer us, it is hardly possible to suppress the view that the maintenance of China into the modern era is of positively providential significance for the development of mankind. It is of course true that the Chinese spirit signifies from an evolutionary point of view an "older" type of the genus man than the genus which has been evolved in the West. There are certain points, however, at which the concept of age and youth have no connection with our concepts of height and depth. The older element is, as it were, a conglomeration of sources of strength which can be directly assimilated by the future in the stream of events.

It is in this sense that Chinese wisdom is the cure and salvation of modern Europe. Curious as it may sound, the old Chinese philosophy and wisdom possess the power of childishness. Old as the Chinese people is, there is nothing servile about it, but it lives in that spirit of innocence peculiar to children. The innocence is far removed from ignorance or primitiveness. It is the innocence of the man who is anchored in the deepest depths of being, there where the springs of life well up. For this reason, the Chinaman attaches in the first instance no importance whatever to what he does externally but merely to what he is as a potential being. This form of life is not an inanimate existence, but a peaceful and concrete reality from which influences emanate which are all the more powerful because they are not arrived at consciously, and because they express something which is a matter of course and involuntary great calm and self-possession are thus formed. Man's vision is not caught by the diminutive ego of an accidental personality, but penetrates to the wider horizon of humanity.

RICHARD WILHELM [Page 79]

5. The People of Goodwill

The reason history cannot be written except in perspective of time is that living people are unable to estimate the relative measure of conflicting forces. Until they have been resolved in terms of external effect, the forces are in fact personalities and their momentum unpredictable in advance of the actual event. But what is unknown of the present—its spiritual capacity—is practically unknown of the past, for the historical record describes only that which could be accomplished and leaves out that which most wanted to be done.

The significant fact seems to be that humanity at all times is the meeting-place of beings as diverse inwardly as stones from plants, or trees from animals—so diverse that universal community may neither be realized nor imposed. The people of cooperation and goodwill are a different race, not so much in conflict with others as seeking separate ends. The most important event, historically, is the occasional rise of issues fundamental enough to create a cleavage of type—a cleavage which disregards the usual distinctions of race, class, language, civil authority and creed, and sharply divides the future from the past. When such an issue arises, gathering together the people of cooperation and goodwill in the area influenced, we witness a tremendous advance in the tone and organism of human society. What they are unable to achieve individually, becomes achieved by their new power of association. The collective spirit fertilizes each member of the group, furnishing him not merely moral reinforcement but the necessary psychological environment which [Page 80]shows dream translated into deed, aspiration transmuted into custom, faith realized in the true freedom of love.

Can this spiritual miracle be renewed? Can this age, with its vast reinforcement in both good and evil, its mastery of nature alongside its indifference to the inwardness of living faith, its widened psychological horizons yet darkened and sunless in the absence of compelling love—can this age discover within itself some form of truth which will cleave asunder the false amalgamation of diverse peoples which civilization has become?

In the successive rise of religion, humanity has alone acquired that force of renewal, that inwardly creative power, capable of upholding civilization as the consummation of man's passion for beauty, for love, for truth. Without this kindling element, the decay of faith operates outward in producing a world based upon the antithesis of spirit and matter, civil rule and ecclesiatical authority, wealth and poverty—the projection of man's inward division into all social affairs.

Beyond the modern recognition that the essence of every revealed religion is identical, the age requires some urge or inspiration to establish, not merely the formula, but the quickened heart of faith. No world order can be conceived which will serve to perpetuate indefinitely such diversity and division of aim and outlook as exist today.

Sooner or later, therefore, one is compelled to seek the elements of a world commonwealth not in truces between jealous social bodies maintaining the conflicts of the past, but in the gradual gathering of those persons who have emerged into a condition of freedom and peace enabling them to cooperate sincerely with others for the general good. Such persons exist in all social bodies, East and West. They are sign and evidence of a new and higher wave of human progress. The portent of this "Machine Age"—its unprecedented release of mental force—will yet be disclosed in a social environment repudiating the tribal instinct and vindicating the eternal vision of a unified mankind. [Page 81]

THE ONE AND THE MANY

by ABBA HILLEL SILVER The Temple, Cleveland, Ohio

ONE of the major problems of philosophy throughout its history has been the problem of the one and the many—how to harmonize the diversity of physical phenomena with the unity of a creative purpose, how to ground the manyfoldness of the world in a unifying concept. This problem of philosophy has been carried over into the field of sociology and to this day one of the major problems of society is how to adjust the one to the many; how to insure the fullest expression of the individual's capacity without destroying society; how to save man from group tyranny whilst preserving the heritage and the continuity of the group. This same problem obtrudes itself into the realm of racial and national relationships. Can a way be found which will enable peoples to enjoy self-determination and fulfillment, without at the same time disorganizing the collocated life of the human race as a whole.

In primitive society the tribe was monolithic. Its solidarity was paramount and imperative. The individual was of little moment. He was absorbed. He borrowed his ideology from his tribe. His actions were rigidly regulated by its code and taboos. His personal habits and customs were the habits and customs of his tribe. The deity which he worshipped was the tribal deity. The individual, however, was sheltered both physically and mentally in this world of group domination. The strong cohesion of the tribe was made possible by a profound sense of mutual responsibility. The growth of the individual, however, was stunted. There was little room in this compact world of mass [Page 82]structure and corporate action for the individualist, the rebel and the careerist. Beyond the boundaries of his tribal home even his Gods dared not venture.

Life moved on. The despotism of the organized group was slowly attenuated. Increased knowledge, economic competence and security encouraged the individual to challenge the autocracy of the organized social unit. He had discovered his own private life. Within him he had come upon a world distinct in many ways from the world about him. He had been swept enjoined through life by the vast tides of mass traditions. He now was aware of main-springs within himself—of personal sources of judgment and sanction.

Within the last half of a millenium three great movements in European civilization accentuated the primacy of the individual as against the group, the state, and the church. The first movement was the Renaissance. The second was the Protestant Reformation. The third was the French Revolution. In all these three movements of thought man’s rights emerged triumphant, whether it was the intellectual claim of man to freedom, or the religious claim of man to spiritual autonomy, or the political claim of man to political sovereignty.

This new flowering of freedom aggravated the problem of the one and the many. It led to conflict—unrestrained individualism on the one hand and traditional group solidarity on the other.

In our day it has become necessary to emphasize anew the cooperative quality of human existence. Individualism has overreached itself to the extent that education has become aware of the imperative need to stress anew the fact that the highest life is made possible only through progressive community life, that no man can grow through his own resources solely, and that it takes the best in our neighbor to bring out the best in us.

The same swift development in individualization has within the last century transpired in the case of nations as well. The ancient political philosophy of territorial imperialism has given way to the philosophy of nationalism. Nations are clamoring [Page 83]

THE ONE AND THE MANY

for self-determination. The last war, we were told, was fought for the right of self-determination for all peoples.

This over-emphasis of national independence and self-sufficiency has also led to conflict and in many instances to a decadent type of patriotism. It has now become necessary to emphasize national inter-dependence—to stress the simple truth that a nation like an individual can realize its highest destiny only through international contacts and cooperation.

And religion, too, has travelled the same road from the one to the many, from uniformity to diversity. The dogma of one religion for all within a given tribe or state or race or continent has slowly yielded to the principle of religious freedom and the privilege of non-conformity. Religious authority is now sought for not in the mass concepts of the past—tradition, nor in the mass organization—the church, but in the voluntary sanctions of the human spirit—in man.

The problem of the one and the many is seemingly a basic problem in human life.

What then is the task of civilization in the midst of this conflict of the one against the many? Clearly the goal of civilization must be not to superimpose an artificial uniformity upon all races, nations and creeds. It must not be to drive all into one common mold, so that they will all emerge looking alike and acting alike and thinking alike. That is retrogression. That is primitive.

The Bible indicates in a legendary but profound manner that the Golden Age of Innocence for mankind ended and the dolorous but heroic progress of civilization began when God confused the speech of the men at the foot of the Tower of Babel and scattered them to the four corners of the earth. For it is only out of the conflict of opposing concepts and ideas, out of the individualization of attitude and outlook and out of the clash and turmoil of contrasted thought that the spark of the new idea is born and the new revelation is vouchsafed to mankind.

The task of civilization then is not to constrict all men into one Procrustean bed of uniformity, but to discover their [Page 84]common human needs on the basis of the common human denominator and to organize them into voluntary cooperative effort to meet these needs.

I cherish the inviolability of a man's personality and revere the personality of the group, and I would not desecrate these sanctities by some enforced and unnatural fusion. I do not wish to wash out their distinctive and colorful identities, to destroy that uniqueness which time and ancient loyalties have builded. It would prove a distinct loss to civilization.

Men may meet without amalgamation. Men may unite without admixture. On the plane of common human aspirations all men may meet without sacrificing their characteristic cultures or modes of life.

When I think of the meeting of the East and the West, for example, I do not have in mind the absorption of the one by the other or the super-imposition of Western European cultural, political or religious hegemony over the peoples of the East.

I entertain the hope that the peoples of these two worlds, historically and geographically fashioned so differently, may discover in their common and vital human needs a basis for cooperation and that through the free exchange of their best thoughts they may learn how to satisfy these needs.

When, for example, the man from India will realize that his greatest need is the conquest of disease and the man from Sweden or Norway or Germany will realize that his is the self-same need, and when the best minds of these countries will meet to pool their intellectual resources and their experiences and together proceed to wrestle with this self-same challenging problem, they will then have truly met and a strong bond of unity will have been forged between them. They may continue to retain each his historic integrity, his intrinsic self, his speech, his customs and his manners, but on one terrace of coparcenary interests they will have met and a spiritual covenant will have been established between them.

Or, for example, when the man from Russia will realize that his greatest need is the stamping out of illiteracy, [Page 85]superstition and ignorance and the man from South America or Africa. will realize that he, too, shares the same need, and these peoples, separated by continents and so differently shaped by destiny, will get together upon this one common platform in mutual helpfulness and stimulation, they will have met, truly, in the only true way in which peoples may meet.

Thus when Jew and Christian, Muhammadan and Buddhist, and men of all faiths, will realize that their source is one-God, and their destiny one-the service of man, and when they will join in fellowship to fulfill their destiny, they will have met, really. The walls of their churches will continue to separate them, but the spirit of their faiths will unite them. Their prayer books will continue to be many; their prayer will be one.

This, I believe, is the task of the twentieth century, perhaps the task of the next ten centuries.

What keeps peoples and religions from meeting? Imperialism! -the archaic notion of the domination of the many over the one.

We know what political imperialism is. I need not dwell upon it. There are other types of imperialism. There is religious imperialism and racial imperialism. These two imperialisms are making it impossible today for peoples and religions to meet in human confraternity.

The religious imperialist looks upon religion not as the supreme adventure of the human soul, the pilgrimage of the unsatisfied and frustrated child of man to the far-off shrine of divinity. He regards religion as a set of fixed concepts touching ultimate realities, revealed at a specific moment to a chosen individual or to a chosen group and entrusted into its charge and keeping. The final and absolute truth is already here, possessed by an hierarchy or sect and expressed in sacred texts. The privileged possessors of divine truth and favor are therefore justified in seeking to impose the perfect truth upon all others, through kindness to be sure, and if necessary, even through compulsion.

As long as religious imperialism endures, religions will not meet. As soon as religious groups realize that they have no [Page 86]truth that is absolute, final and exclusive, that all faith is longing, all truth a groping and all dogma but temporary resting places for the advancing spirit of man, they will then be prepared to meet.

What is true of religious imperialism is true also of racial imperialism. Pseudo-scientific propaganda for racial imperialism has been widely disseminated in the world during the last decade. It was fostered to cover up the vicious motives of the war. It was a blind for economic imperialism. I happen to be the possessor of blond hair and blue eyes and belong to a Nordic people, therefore, I am the salt of the earth. My race is creative. My race is superior. You have dark hair and brown eyes, you belong to a Mediterranean or Asiatic race, therefore you are inferior. Your race is mongrel. It can never rise to leadership in civilization. Therefore, your race should by right be dominated by the superior race. The doctrine of racial superiority has always been used by the exploiters of mankind. The people in the South used it as an excuse for denying the colored man his elementary human rights and his legitimate opportunities.

There is, of course, no pure race in the world today. Anyone who has even a smattering of history knows that all through the dark centuries following the collapse of the Roman empire, Europe was a veritable stamping ground of peoples, tribes and races, who moved to and fro across its lands in vast migrations, mingled and co-mingled, and mixed their bloods with the indigenous populations, so that today there is not one people in Europe that can rightly claim racial homogeneity.

Again there are no superior races. There are no races endowed by nature with superior qualities of mind and soul. There are races more favored by circumstance, by environment, by geographic position, by the fertility of the soil or by the treasures underneath the soil.

The vaunted superiority of the peoples of northwestern Europe is of very recent date and is due largely to the shifting of the lanes of commerce from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic, and to the rich deposits of coal and iron in their mountains. [Page 87]

THE ONE AND THE MANY

If these races had possessed superior natural endowments, they would have evolved the first civilization of mankind instead of the last. They would have been civilized before the Chinese were civilized or the Babylonians or the Egyptians or the Greeks or the Romans or the Arabs. Actually they were barbarians when these people were evolving great civilizations and carving highways for human progress.

Furthermore, no race remains permanently superior. No race retains a position of supremacy for more than five or six hundred years. Races are like individual men. The individual has his period of infancy and of adolescence, and then his period of maturity when he is able to give expression to his innate capacities and make his substantial contributions to society. Then inevitably old age sets in and senility. No mind, however brilliant, can resist the weariness and the exhaustion which come with age.

So with the race. Races have their epochs of infancy and early development, and then their short golden age when they fashion out of the genius which is theirs those gifts which become their legacies to mankind. Then inevitably the reaction sets in—intellectual and spiritual exhaustion. The race goes to seed. Five hundred or even a thousand years may elapse before it will experience a new birth, a new ferment and stir. Then the race will forge its way anew to a creative life.

As long as the pseudo-scientific notions of race superiority endure in the world—and they are very powerful today, so powerful that they have been written into the immigration laws of our land—so long will races not meet, and world unity will still remain the fond dream of prophets and seers.

Surely our churches and our synagogues have much more to do in the world today than quarrel over definitions and theologies which are creatures of time and circumstance. Surely in a world which has just witnessed the ghastliest war of all times, organized religion should have recourse to penitence, severe self-appraisal and stock-raking rather than to theologic polemics.

Nothing has so revealed to thinking men the pathetic irrelevancy [Page 88]of organized religion in the modern world as the last war. I say it with sadness in my heart. Nothing has so sharply illustrated the eclipse of the power of organized religion as a determining factor in the deliberations of civilized peoples as this last war. In the midst of a world gone mad with sin and lust and brutality our churches and our synagogues stood absolutely helpless. The voice of the church was seldom raised during those years of frightful moral disasters. Our churches functioned as the lackeys of the State. We were used. We were exploited by those spoilers and marauders who precipitated the appalling catastrophe which destroyed so many of God's beautiful children and brought so much of sorrow and desolation into the habitations of men. We were exploited! We were used! We blessed the flags of battle! We sprinkled holy water upon the bayonets and the cannons!

Surely, if organized religion is to reclaim its place of leadership in the conduct of human affairs it must lead a crusade for the fulfillment of its historic mission-peace. Surely in an age and in a land swamped by crime, by juvenile delinquency, by the tragic evidences of broken homes and lowered standards of private and public morality and in the midst of a rampant materialism the churches have a herculean task to perform. Should they not rather unite to fight these evils, than fight each other?

World unity is not an ideal which can be achieved merely by wishing. It can be achieved only through tireless labor and endless persistence by all lovers of goodness, truth and beauty. Peace among nations and creeds will not come as a radiant maiden bearing gifts. It will come, as all human ideals have come, as a man of sorrows, spat upon, mocked and denied.

The task is neither easy nor pleasant. Men will misunderstand us. Men will accuse us of lack of patriotism. Men will charge us with treason and disloyalty. All toilers for the new day were damned as traitors. But if this ideal is dear to our hearts, if we are true disciples of Jeremiah or Jesus or Buddha or Confucius or Zoroaster or ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, we must be prepared to take on the cross and the crown of leadership. [Page 89]

RACIAL DIFFERENCES AND WORLD UNITY

by FRANK H. HANKINS Department of Sociology, Smith College

ONE of the most obvious facts of modern international affairs is that the nation is the unit of modern world organization. It is equally obvious that this has not always been the case. Modern nations are more or less artificial units resulting from the complex interaction of geographic, racial, economic and political factors. The nineteenth century, in fact, may be called the century of nationalism, because in that century a considerable number of modern nations took on more or less definite form and the spirit of nationalistic patriotism became the ruling passion in international diplomacy and war. So pronounced, therefore, is the spirit of national independence and separatism at the present epoch that the problem of world unity resolves itself into the problem of bringing separate nationalities into some more definite form of international cooperation and organization.

To this end it is well to clearly understand the basis of national unity. On this point popular thought and pre-war political science are in almost perfect agreement. In the famous definition of Professor John W. Burgess, "a nation is a people of an ethnic unity inhabiting a territory of a geographical unity." There are thus two fundamental elements in the political scientist's concept of nation, namely, territory and ethnic grouping. Popular thought likewise conceives of France, Germany and other nations as special, rather well defined areas inhabited by people who differ more or less essentially in racial constitution. Moreover, every people thinks of itself in terms of territory and race. The sentiment of patriotism is warmly attached to the [Page 90]concept of the national territory, the fatherland or the motherland, and also to the concept of the national race or people. It is in consequence of such psycho-social sentiment that the nation is thought of almost, if not quite, as a personality with a special origin and a unique destiny. Not only popular thought, but scholarly treatises consequently speak of the different nationalistic groups as separate and distinct races. Not only the man on the street but the politician, the war propagandist and even the historian and social scientist, commonly and in loose fashion speak of the American race, the English race, the French race, the German race, and so on.

It can, however, be shown, not only that there is no such thing as an American, English, French or German race, but also that the national territorial divisions are temporary, artificial and in many respects antiquated. Let us take first, territory. If we consider, for example, the northern and southern boundaries of the United States we find them to be largely the consequence of historical accident. There is no natural reason, either geographical or economic, racial, religious or moral, why the boundary between Maine and New Brunswick should be located where it is. Except for the historical accident of judicial decision, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick might very well have been parts of the United States. The natural northern boundary of New England, if it has any at all, would be the St. Lawrence River. On the west, the forty-ninth parallel—likewise a purely artificial line—was the result of historical compromise. At one time we threatened to go to war in order to establish the 54° 40' as the official boundary. That would have been equally artificial. In that part of the world there is no natural boundary excepting the Arctic Ocean. Similar considerations apply to much of the southwest boundary.

It is of some interest in this connection to recall that the New England States at the time of the Hartford Convention of 1814 were full of separatist sentiment. From what we know of the evolution of nations there can be no doubt that, if New England had succeeded in withdrawing from the Union in 1814, [Page 91]

RACIAL DIFFERENCES AND WORLD UNITY

she would have by this time thought of herself in terms of an intensified national unity with more or less striking differences of race, religion, customs and morals. In other words, she would have had all the elements necessary to create an intensified New England patriotism. She would also probably have developed her own army and navy, insisted upon having her own representatives at foreign courts, and sought separate and independent expression in all international affairs. Similar considerations apply to the South, had it succeeded in withdrawing sixty odd years ago.

The boundaries of European nations are equally artificial. In view of the fact that provinces have been handed back and forth between France and Germany—have been similarly cut off and added, or added and cut off, from the northern and the eastern boundaries of both France and Germany—no one would contend that the German boundary today is natural. In fact, the boundaries of every one of the European nations is largely a consequence of what for lack of a more perfect term we may call historical accident, or the chance result of a complex tangle of social factors.

The best proof of the unnaturalness of these European boundaries is the frequent violation of economic and industrial advantage. The separation of Silesia from her natural market; the separation of Lorraine iron from the coal of Westphalia; the artificiality of the Polish frontiers with its patchwork Corridor—these are merely outstanding illustrations among many. Even more convincing is a comparison of the pre-war map of Europe with the map of 1920. Such a comparison would seem to indicate that the old map was sliced up in the most haphazard fashion by a new body of map-makers who evidently found great satisfaction in making many new nations where none had existed before.

The conclusion of the matter would seem to be that natural boundaries which are more or less satisfactory at one stage of national or continental evolution may become quite unnatural and wholly unsatisfactory at another. For example, the boundary [Page 92]between the United States and Canada was a matter of comparative indifference a hundred years ago when there were vast stretches of untracked forest and enormous areas of unsettled territory between Ottawa and New York. Today, however, modern methods of transportation, road building and communication, together with the tremendous increase in population, has anihilated distance and wiped out unsettled territory. Quebec is much closer to New York today than Boston was a century ago, not merely by telephone, telegraph, wireless and airplane, but even by overland transport. The growth of international trade, the rapid exploitation of natural resources and the consequent geographical division of labor have made territories which previously were economically separate and independent so mutually interdependent that the prosperity of each is dependent upon the prosperity of all. National boundaries, therefore, are not only largely mythical, but they tend to become outworn and antiquated.

It is even easier to show that the idea of nationalistic races is purely mythical. If we are to reason exactly on this problem we must first clarify our notions of race. A race may be defined as a group of human beings set apart from other human beings by one or more inherited characteristics. We cannot here go into an elaborate discussion of this concept. It can be shown, however, that the term race is used with many degrees of comprehensiveness. We speak of the human race, of the white race, of the Nordic race, of the Caledonian race, and so on. It is obvious that the term "human race" would distinguish all humans from anthropoids or other mammals. The white race includes a limited proportion of the human race. The Nordic race is a special division of the white race. The Caledonians would constitute a special red-headed section of the Nordic race. We might even go farther and find that among the Caledonians there were certain strains more or less readily distinguished from others. By making the distinguishing characteristics more and more detailed we should finally end by finding that every family strain constitutes a more or less distinguishable section of mankind. [Page 93]If, however, we are to think of race in connection with nation, and especially the European nations, we must think in terms of the larger groups represented by the terms Nordic, Mediterranean and Alpine. The question arises, therefore, whether there is any European nation which may be said to be so exclusively inhabited by members of one or the other of these three primary European races as to produce an unity between race and nation. Let us take for consideration France and Germany, because both popular and scientific thought has conceived of these two peoples as of widely different racial composition.

The anthropologists, however, find that there is no such thing as a French or a German race. Both nations are inhabited by varying proportions of all three European stocks. Southern France, for example, is very largely Mediterranean, but so also is Southern Germany. The Alpine stock has penetrated across France to Brittany and is found in considerable purity in the Auvergne region, but it is also numerous in southern and eastern Germany. The Nordic race likewise has penetrated clear across France, being found not only along the south-western coast and in the northern provinces, but also in the Garonne Valley. It results that some parts of France are more Nordic than many parts of Germany; that other parts are more Alpine than many parts of Germany; that still other parts are more Mediterranean than many parts of Germany. But exactly similar statements can be made in a comparison of Germany with France. The point need not be labored, because it is becoming clear that all the constituent elements in western European nations are not only very much mixed today, but have been since prehistoric times.

What is important, however, is the discovery that in the process of the evolution of modern nations the separate provinces which existed until quite recent times were accustomed to think of themselves in exactly the same terms as modern nations now think of themselves. For centuries and until well into modern times, the Provençales of southern France thought of themselves as distinct in territory, race, religion and morals from the Normans who, in turn, scorned the Bretons and the Lorrainers. It [Page 94]is an interesting historical fact that in 1793, when the present territory of France was invaded by the Prussians, the Bretons refused to join in their repulsion. Brittany was in no danger and the Bretons lacked altogether that sentiment of common nationality which they now possess.

This point could be expanded indefinitely, and it could be shown that in like manner German national unity was an outgrowth of politico-economic forces welding together a large group of free cities and separate principalities and kingdoms. Even the United States, which in many respects is one of the oldest of existing nations, similarly illustrates the slow growth of the sentiment of national unity and racial solidarity which is at the basis of the spirit of nationalism. In fact the spirit of 100 per cent Americanism, common to North, South, East and West, is a phenomenon of our own times.

We conclude, then, that the sentiment of nationality, which is the most potent force in modern international relations, is a product of definite historical forces. We conclude, also, that both the sense of common territory and of racial unity are products of political and economic forces operating over a long period of time. What seems to have happened in all of these nations was, the gradual development of a political authority more or less respected over an ever-widening territory. In the course of time this provincial power succeeded in creating common habits of thought and feeling and mutual economic interdependence among several neighboring provinces to such an extent that the spread of nationalistic patriotism superseded that of provincial isolation.

If this analysis is correct, we may suppose that the present weak and limited power of the League of Nations may under auspicious circumstances gradually grow in strength and ascendency until its prestige is recognized by increasing porportions of modern nations. In that case the time will come when its power would be such as to create sentiments of common interest and common destiny giving rise to a secure emotional basis for world unity. [Page 95]

RACIAL DIFFERENCES AND WORLD UNITY

European history affords many illustrations of the fact that groups tend to lose their sense of racial difference when they become united in common endeavor. They then begin to emphasize their similarities; they invent myths to explain and to intensify the sense of common origin and destiny. The sentiment of race broadens so as to include under a common rubric, and that often an entirely new one, more or less diverse peoples who had previously cherished separate and individual race prides. No doubt such changes come slowly. They are a consequence primarily of the ceaseless change of generations, which permits youth to acquire the new emotional fervors better adapted to the new elements in an ever-changing world.

In this country we now have a considerable number of representatives, not merely of the primary European races, but of all its atomistic nationalities. We thus possess an ethnic basis which will, under favoring conditions, permit us to recognize our kinship to all the nations of Europe. In time our polyglot and polychrome racial ingredients will be merged into a new ethnic unity, compounded of all the elements that Europe contains. Whether, therefore, we shall continue to hold ourselves aloof from the affairs of that continent will depend, not on actual racial differences, but on the evolution of economic and political affairs.

This problem resolves itself into the furtherance of those forces which create feelings of mutual interdependence. Such feelings are nourished by whatever emphasizes likeness of thought and of standard of life. They are above all nourished by the growth of economic mutuality. The greatest forces now making for international understanding are, therefore, the growth of international trade and the expansion of international investments. Just as nationalistic capitalism enormously intensified the spirit of nationalistic patriotism during the past hundred years, so the international capitalism of the future will prove to be the most powerful guarantee of peace and good-will among nations. [Page 96]

XII—NORMAN ANGELL

by JOHN MEZ Department of Economics, University of Arizona

AMONG the mass of printed books there are a few that may be counted as acts, not books. The Contrat Social was indisputably one; and I venture to suggest to you that The Great Illusion is another. The thesis of Galileo was not more diametrically opposed to current ideas than that of Norman Angell; yet it had in the end a certain measure of success"—it is with these words that a prominent Englishman, Viscount Esher, very aptly appraised the extraordinary contribution to modern thought contained in Norman Angell's famous work.

The Great Illusion was published in 1910. It was translated into some twenty languages and sold up to half a million copies. Its main argument is this: military force and victory have become futile for the promotion of man's most fundamental needs, such as economic welfare, subsistence and prosperity, because, in the modern world, our densely populated nations live by a complex process of labor-division and exchange of goods and services; this process can neither be effected nor even promoted through military power. Economic production and world trade can function only through voluntary cooperation among nations. Nor is this all. What is infinitely more important than this elementary truth is the demonstration by The Great Illusion of the fact that a working condition of international society will never be reached, unless this interdependence of nations with the subsequent futility of military force is more generally realized. [Page 97]

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Not only is it an illusion to believe that a nation can, by itself alone, achieve security and economic welfare, but it is equally futile to attempt to change international order without first changing the ideas underlying and dictating national policies. Economic internationalism as the prerequisite of both the full development of each nation’s existence and of international polity, is the one great problem of social progress, which alone will make possible the pooling of military forces for the purpose of restricting aggression and outlawing war. What has made international relations so unsatisfactory in the past is neither an inherent imperfection or viciousness in the human race, nor any fore-ordained manifestation of divine providence, but a rather simple set of fallacies or "illusions," embodied in the failure to realize that nations live by a very complex process of labor division and exchange of products, absolutely dependent in its functioning upon the maintenance of international order. To challenge these illusions was the task which Norman Angell had set himself, and which he has so brilliantly accomplished.

In the history of ideas, Norman Angell’s thesis will stand out with increasing clarity as a contribution of unparalleled originality. In the midst of the recent European crisis when the race for armaments and preparations for war were at their height, this slender and intrepid British writer stepped forth to challenge his contemporaries with a shower of clean-cut logic, the like of which it would be hard to find. With a directness quite distinct from the fine sentiments and emotions of the courageous handful of adherents of the peace movements in Europe, he interjected into the discussion of his days an entirely new approach: "I am not a pacifist," he correctly stated in the introduction of his book. He came to see the desirability of world peace through the inductive method, the logic of facts: if welfare be what we want to achieve, if bread and happiness be among the aims of mankind, then the nations are certainly pursuing the wrong path with their armaments and their reliance on strength and wars. In our economically interdependent world we need one another’s [Page 98]labor, cooperation and markets. The world has become such an intricate mechanism, and is imbued with such a sensitive organism, that no single part can be affected by military aggression without the other parts suffering thereby. And as this interdependence increases with the evolution of transport and communication of world trade, commerce and international expansion of capital, military force becomes more and more futile and ineffective.

In demonstrating this world trend toward a greater unity and interdependence of nations, Norman Angell attempts to show the almost mechanical character of that interdependence. As society becomes more complex, the factor of coercion diminishes in effectiveness. Sugar cane can be cut by slave labor, under the compulsion of the slave driver's whip. But you cannot have your appendix cut that way. Mere threat and coercion in that case must fail. In order to get what we need in modern society, whether it be markets, profits, or services, we must place in the hands of the other party of the operation tools and knowledge. If colonies are to become good markets they must be industrially devcioped. But that means giving them power which can be used against the imperial power of the mother country. Thus came about the development of colonies into dominions. To the degree to which the person or community that we desire to compel is strong to do our will he or it is strong to resist it. A country strong enough to pay indemnities is a country strong enough to insist that it shall not. "If," says Norman Angell, "in this modern world of ours you give the other fellow strength wherewith to perform your services, you have given him strength wherewith to back his claim that it shall be done on conditions satisfactory to himself."

It is this mechanism of mutual dependence which Norman Angell emphasizes and demonstrates in its operation in numberless illustrations. He is not so much concerned with proposing a definite machinery, such as a league of nations, treaties for the outlawry of war, or a world court; to him such institutions as these are merely the outcome, the necessary and inevitable outcome of changed ideas. [Page 99]

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But Norman Angell is more than a brilliant writer and originator of new ideas: he is also a great humanizer of knowledge. The greatest of all causes to which man can lend his mind in these days, that of internationalism, has found its popularizer in Norman Angell. With Richard Cobden he has been ranked "among the greatest of our pamphleteers, perhaps the greatest since Swift," by the London Nation; a critic in the Daily Mail claims that no book has attracted wider attention or has done more to stimulate thought in the present century than The Great Illusion. So much is certain: it has provoked one of the great controversies of this generation, and whether we like it or not, Norman Angell is a prophet whose prophecies have come true. One can hardly open a newspaper or periodical without some fresh vindication of the once rejected and despised doctrine of Norman Angellism.

In common with all prophets, Norman Angell has shared the fate of being misunderstood, ridiculed or accused of low and selfish motives. A fully developed myth has grown around his doctrine, obscuring its very essence. A surprisingly large section of otherwise well-informed public opinion takes it for granted that Norman Angell is that Englishman who said "war has become impossible." As a matter of fact, he has never said anything of the sort. What he did say was that war had become futile. He rather overemphasized the likelihood of war as long as the current ideas of international relations retained their hold. He claimed that no nation would gain from war, that to annex territory would not help a country a whit, and that colonies were not worth fighting over, because the interlacing of finances, of wealth and prosperity in a continuously shrinking world make war disastrous to both, victor and vanquished alike. It is the belief in the gainfulness of war that constitutes the "great illusion," not the possibility of its recurrence. The alleged conflict of interest between nations underlying current world politics is completely refuted with Angell's doctrine. In a flawless intellectual appeal to the present generation he insists that only a complete change of ideas concerning national advantage [Page 100]will bring about the stability of society and the permanent foundation of a secure civilization.

Economic theory owes much to Norman Angell, although his ideas have not yet deeply entered into the standard texts of the science. Scarcely has any writer since Adam Smith more lucidly exposed the fundamental import of labor division, none has more perfectly demonstrated why physical force must become ineffective with growing interdependence. Angell's incessant emphasis upon the necessity of creating a new state of mind, consistent with our present knowledge and circumstances of international economic relations, is such as to assure him a place among the economists of the world. Economic facts are not all-important, but they count heavily: We must understand before we control. If we are to become better, we must learn to reason soundly!

In his post-war book "The Fruits of Victory," Angell reviews his argument again and takes issue with his critics and the world at large for having refused to accept his doctrines, even after the bitter lessons of the War—and the Peace.

The instinct of power, he points out, sanctioned and strengthened as it is by "patriotism," has remained practically unchallenged in the present world. So deeply is it rooted within us, that we shall continue to yield to it until we realize its danger,—just as religious wars continued until a changed mental attitude resulted in tolerance among the different creeds.

Once the economic futility of military power is made clear to all the world, civilization will be on a firmer basis. This struggle of ideas is, of course, quite disturbing to certain deeply ingrained prejudices like economic nationalism and the impulse of self-assertion, and there are interested minorities who are always opposed to any change. Just as slavery has never been economically profitable to society, especially if looked at from the viewpoint of both parties concerned, so all forms of domination or coercion of one nation by another are economically disadvantageous for both parties, because of the waste of energy involved. The economic principle which implies the attainment [Page 101]

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of a "maximum of welfare with a minimum of effort" can only be served through voluntary cooperation in place of the time-worn illusions of power and victories.

When Woodrow Wilson, during a critical period of America's history, stated that "no nation can any longer remain neutral as against any wilful disturber of the peace of the world," he uttered a doctrine which had really originated with Norman Angell. When every schoolboy of today realizes that war is no longer a paying proposition-if it ever was-he has absorbed some of Norman Angell's teachings, and when learned economists begin to admit the unprofitableness of the forceful transfer of wealth, indemnities, seizures of territory, they merely disclose the victorious assimilation by them of the ideas first ennunciated in The Great Illusion.

It is quite likely that Norman Angell would refuse to be classed among the "Apostles of World Unity." But no man has done more than he to remove the rocks obstructing the path towards a more united world. "It cannot be too often repeated that war is the failure of human wisdom," he insists, "and the one way to avoid it is for men to make themselves wiser." All he wished to make clear is that in an interdependent world military force has lost its effectiveness in the attainment of those ends which it is commonly supposed to promote; it is futile, irrelevant-that is the doctrine of this new school of political thought. If the public mind can be made to accept this idea, then the old methods of living against each other will have made place to a new method of living together, and law will have supplanted force. The international problem can no longer be met by the antiquated readiness of the militarist to "fight it out," still less by the pacifist's passive resolve not to fight: the struggle has become one of ideas!

X [Page 102]

PROGRESS BY TELIC GUIDANCE

by MARY HULL

V. Our Religious Background

In indicating the relation of our various educational institutions to the problem of telic guidance in the fourth number of this series, I reserved the discussion of religion for subsequent articles. The present situation of religion is so complicated that I can picture it clearly only by sketching it in on the background of the recent past. That is the task of this chapter. In the following chapter I hope to bring the picture up to date and conclude the discussion beginning here.

In primitive society, religion answers the need of coming into effective relationship with the power that manifests in the universe. In the course of progress, as man obtains increasing control of his physical environment and his consciousness expands, the need for inner harmony becomes more insistent than the need for outer harmony, conscience develops and the individual experiences an inner compulsion to ethical conduct he recognizes, also, that there are ethical reserves on which he can draw, a power not himself which makes for righteousness, and he identifies this ethical force with the power that manifests in the world without.

Religion has a social function as well as an individual function. The ethical element in religion is first stressed when primitive men begin to unite. For the exigencies of social life demand some check upon individual impulse. The need for inner harmony and the necessity for social harmony develop pari passu; and their increasing intensity is commensurate with the deepening of individual consciousness and the complexity of social life. [Page 103]

OUR RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND

The social function of religion, therefore, like the individual function, is synthetic. In its individual function, religion stills the tumult of conflicting desires and unifies the individual and redeems his life from futility by the conception of a comprehensive purpose that relates him to the "scheme of things entire"; and it enables him to secure inner harmony by the subjugation of his lower instincts to his higher nature through which he "tunes in" on the spiritual force of the universe.

In its social function, by insisting on the dominance of ultimate values, religion provides an authoritative standard of right and wrong and furnishes a common basis for conduct that is socially desirable. Further, it motivates the conduct it inculcates. For the religious spirit alone can successfully stem the powerful tide of the egoistic impulses and furnish a motive strong enough to subordinate the self to social ends. Through these offices and through the sympathy aroused by the consciousness of a common source and destiny and of the potentially equal worth of individuals there is generated a cohesive force that unifies society.

The foregoing statement is the ideal. The ideal in religion as in other institutions fails of perfect realization. And it sometimes happens, in cases where religion is organized in an unprogressive ecclesiastical system, that the failure to fulfill its social function is so pronounced as to constitute, in some respects, an inversion of purpose.

"With the appearance of a new religious idea," notes the folk-psychologist, Le Bon, "a new civilization is born: religion is the only factor capable of acting rapidly upon the character of a people; on the other hand nothing is so destructive as the dust of dead gods." Here is succinctly stated the two fundamental social reactions of religion in history. Normally religion is a nucleus out of which great civilizations develop. Expressed in a definite organization and program it furnishes a conscious psychic discipline which gives solidarity to the group. In its purity, so long as it is an attitude of mind conducive to harmony, it is a constructive, progressive force. But in a decadent stage, no [Page 104]longer fluid and vital, but petrified into an exclusive, cut and dried system of theology, it becames a reactionary, destructive force.

In the study of comparative religion, if we dig down through the accretions of centuries of time formed by the beclouding myths of fanciful devotees, the edicts of synods, and the arbitrary interpretations of eminent ecclesiastics, we reach finally a common universal formation. Beginning with certain fundamental principles variously expressed, the history of the great world religions run a similar course, a course, alas, of progressive degradation.

Each one originates with a great prophet accredited with divine knowledge, devotion to whose personality and teachings forms the basis of a subsequent religious order. The followers of the prophet, usually after his death, build up an organization and a theological system with the exalted purpose of perpetuating his memory and the principles he taught. Accordingly they embody these principles along with a basic conception of the universe drawn from contemporary science and philosophy in a religious creed to serve as a framework of suggestion on which the believer may organize his thoughts. And to make the moral synthesis enjoined by the founder more easily attainable for him they establish a spiritual discipline, a system of influences designed to afford a constant stimulus to the higher sentiments.

Each theological system ends in confusing the instrument with the purpose, by exalting the organization above the founder and its elaborately fabricated creed above the latter's simple teachings, and by making observances and rituals and sacraments more important than the conduct they were meant to inspire. Gradually as the process of crystallization proceeds, worldliness creeps in and spiritual aims are sacrificed for material gains. In some instances, with the decline of spirituality and the increase of material possession and temporal power, imperial ambition develops and the Church seeks to bring all men under its sway, employing for this purpose means ranging from subtle mental compulsion to physical force of the most brutal kind. This is the final stage of debasement. [Page 105]

OUR RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND

Usually as religious organizations approach the final stage of degradation, the more progressive and spiritually minded members revolt and form a new and purer cult. Sometimes the parent church splits into a number of new sects simultaneously, each one emphasizing some timely aspect of truth not stressed hitherto, as a tree sometimes sends out nearly lateral branches in all directions when the top-shoot is damaged. But eventually these new sects in their turn pass through a stage of decadence similar to that of the parent Church.

And in these periods of religious decadence, those individuals who are progressive and intellectually rather than spiritually based react by cutting loose from religion altogether; for judging religion by the type familiar to them, they despise it as an organized system of superstition and tyranny and turn with relief to agnosticism.

Obviously religious organizations would not pass through a stage of decadence unless they contained some seeds of decay. Since in Western Civilization our concern is with the Christian religion we naturally ask "what is the root of evil in Christianity whose founder embodies humanity's highest conception of altruism and spirituality, that the civilization informed by the Christian ideal is characterized by greed and is torn by disruptive forces. To my mind, aside from the tendency to exalt the organization beyond the purpose it serves, which seems to inhere in all types of organization, there are two main defects which in their direct and indirect influence account for the failure of Christianity to generate the spiritual cohesive force that social solidarity requires. One of these defects is exclusiveness and the other is the dogma of infallibility.

All religious systems are exclusive in some degree. Each one exaggerates the importance of its particular system. Still the great Oriental cults recognize the validity of other faiths, including Christianity, and the Incarnation of Divinity likewise in the founders of these faiths. Thus in the Hindu Scripture the Lord arnounces, "Whenever righteousness declines and chaos reigns, O Bharata, I become flesh and dwell among men. To [Page 106]"succour the good, to confound the evil, and to set virtue on he throne, from age to age I am born."

But Christianity claims that its founder alone is Divine and its system comprises all truth and all other systems are false This attitude begets arrogance, and arrogance always displaces spirituality. Feeling superior, Christianity assumes the right to dominate peoples of inferior faiths, and domination invariably runs into exploitation. Opportunity for exploitation encourages greed and the sanctification of exploitation results in hypocrisy From the premise that Christianity alone possesses the truth it follows that the Christian ideal of unity is that of supplanting other faiths and converting the whole world to its doctrines Exclusiveness leads, thus, to arrogance, intolerance, and loss of spirituality, greed and hypocrisy; and these qualities are all inimical to world unity.

The evils that exclusiveness breeds are matched by those that issue from belief in an infallible Church and belief in an infallible and final Scriptural Revelation. The one demands the surrender of individual judgment in questions of belief and of conduct; the other calls for the surrender of intellectual integrity. The claim that the Scriptural Revelation of truth is final is not supported by the words of Christ; and it is contrary to commonsense. For is it not preposterous that religion should develop gradually through centuries of time and then suddenly come to a full stop in one generation? Likewise it is contrary to reason. Truth undoubtedly is absolute; but man's perception of it is always relative and incomplete. It is conditioned by man's intellect, his stage of development, his personal experience, and his environment, and it changes as he develops. With every step in advance his horizon widens and his view enlarges. The law is the same in the realm of religion as it is in the realm of philosophy and science. Final theology is as impossible as final chemistry or final hygiene.

In early civilizations, religion was an integral part of all social institutions and colored the whole life of the people. Antagonism between science and religion was unknown because [Page 107]

OUR RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND

they were inseparably incorporated into one system which developed and decayed as a whole. But the fierce determination of the Medieval Church to maintain its theology intact at all hazards and the resultant fanatical resistance to incipient empiricism broke up the medieval synthesis. Rudely alienated from a religion which preached the gospel of love, and, since it possessed temporal power, proved the truth of its dogma to heretics by means of imprisonment and torture, the first extreme reaction of science was a thoroughgoing denial of the God in whose name its adherents had been persecuted, and a mechanistic conception of Nature which looked upon the world as a purely material order ruled by mechanical and mathematical laws. In such a universe there was no place for moral values and spiritual forces. Physicists ceased, therefore, to search for the solution of ultimate problems and metaphysics fell into desuetude. Thenceforth the devotees of religion and the votaries of science were separated into two hostile camps.

The Encyclopedists, the Humanists and the apostles of Enlightenment of the eighteenth century conceived of religion merely as an agglomeration of speculations about the Unknowable. Its relation to social evolution, in their minds, was purely that of an obscurantist force; and progress, they believed, resulted solely from the favorable reaction of man to his physical environment and to the increase of positive knowledge of the material world. They strove, therefore, to do away with the hampering mass of religious tradition and to build civilization upon a rational and naturalistic basis; and through the force of their initiatory ideas the ancient regime of the "Divine Right of Kings" and of the hereditary aristocratic hierarchy was uprooted.

The seeds sown in the eighteenth century bore fruit in the nineteenth. The bourgeois state which replaced the aristocratic order sought with a single mind material prosperity and commercial expansion, and it flourished mightily. But there was no commensurate advance in spiritual things. Consequently, as Comte had prophesied, Western Civilization, in the absence of any unifying spiritual force, and lacking a sound intellectual [Page 108]synthesis, tends to social disruption. Material progress has increased ancient rivalries by accentuating the contrasts between wealth and poverty and by enlarging the scope of international competition; and modern economic imperialism is as greedy and unmoral and even more fraught with danger of dissolution than the social imperialism of the ancient order.

This tendency to social anarchy is a direct result of antagonism between science and religion. It is an attitude that cannot be maintained without mutual debasement because in their purity science and religion are inseparable, they are simply the inner and outer aspects of the unit of experience. Science is concerned with the establishment of the order of phenomena in the material universe; it describes the steps that lead to results and proceeds by quantitative measurements. Philosophy and religion see life whole and interpret reality in terms of quality and value. They are clearly complementary in nature and method; they belong together and in a coherent society they cannot be separated without mutilation. Science, unillumined by the religious spirit, is a neutral force that is turned as readily to destructive as to constructive uses. And religion, encased in a static organization, and failing to keep pace with science, stagnates, loses its hold on rational minds and becomes a pestilential swamp in place of the purifying stream it was meant to be. The value of religion in its social function lies in its power to influence conduct and promote harmony. Science alters our ethical outlook by changing our views of the nature of the universe. It creates new obligations; the science of biology for instance, reveals new phases of duty in the fields of public hygiene and eugenics. In its application, science creates new situations: the interaction of science and industry has produced a condition of social interdependence and an economic system that is totally different from anything that has preceded it, and which creates entirely new ethical problems which religion, functioning properly, must recognize and solve.

The mutual hostility of science and religion does not prevent social interaction, it merely renders such interaction pernicious. It conduces to mental confusion, needless friction and [Page 109]

OUR RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND

emotional jars, to such conditions, in short, as prevail in families where parents spend their time together in bickering and reproaches and unfortunate children grow up in an atmosphere where love is not.

The mechanistic conception of the godless science of the nineteenth century colored all the social institutions and entered into every phase of life. Positing matter and force as the beginning and end of life, everything in it became the result of their action and interaction. Even consciousness was considered as merely the product of the higher organization of matter; and scientists declared that "the brain secretes thought as the liver secretes bile." If conscious life is simply sensation in various developments and associations, then it follows that pleasurable sensation is the goal of aspiration and the resultant standard of values is entirely material.

The political economy derived from this conception built up a policy of self-seeking, short-sighted states in whose mutual relations might alone made right. The individualism that in the eighteenth century had expressed itself in a wholesome reaction against the despotism of Church and State developed in the nineteenth century into an aggressive nationalism. Competition was recognized as the basic law of economic development. When evolution was scientifically demonstrated, the principles of evolution were construed in the light of the prevailing materialistic theory. It was the generally accepted axiom of the age that all progress is achieved through the struggle for existence and the survival of the fittest. The altruistic principle in life which Mr. Drummond terms "the struggle for the Life of Others" was wholly ignored, and the fittest to survive were not those acclaimed by the morality of all ages to be the best, those superior in truthfulness and justice, kindness and wisdom, but those excelling in avarice, brute strength, and craft. Further, the current mechanistic conception of political economy dehumanized industry by conceiving of workmen as "hands drawn from the pool of labor" and in general by centering attention upon a group of abstractions and totally ignoring vital aspects of the whole. [Page 110]While religious organizations denied the current materialistic science as a matter of belief, they were powerless to counteract it because their own conceptions, their methods and their arguments were derived from the Dark Ages; and in point of practice they themselves were deficient in spirituality and obviously influenced by the motive of worldly advantage: hence their contribution to the moral progress of this period was considerably lessened.

Protestantism was undoubtedly an important factor in the spread of democratic institutions in the nineteenth century. Faith in Democracy is essentially religious in its source in that it springs from a recognition of the brotherhood of man and a sense of the potentially equal worth of individuals. But in attaining concrete expression this ideal has been corrupted by the necessity of incorporation in a polity that is essentially unmoral. Therefore, instead of a "government of the people, by the people and for the people" universal suffrage and democratic devices have secured for us in the United States a government of alternating groups of professional politicians, endorsed by a majority of the citizens who find it worth while to vote, and modified by the action of the permanent blocs and 'other minority groups organized from time to time to put over particular measures and largely for the individuals whose special interests are thus represented. Further, social democracy has been fouled by the current conception that the goal of the individual, like that of the state, is material welfare. And the accepted measure of the worth of the individual has come to be, not clean living and service to the community, but the ability to earn money by hook or crook.

All of the institutions of modern society, religious, political, educational and social are "sicklied over" with the baneful cast of commercialism. And to the perpetuation of a materialistic regime the orthodox churches, Catholic and Protestant, have unconsciously contributed by upholding unmoral nationalism and an anachronistic international polity, by conservatism in supporting the existing system which incorporates so much that is inherently evil, rather than in seeking for a more ethical recon- [Page 111]

III

struction; and in general, in failing to maintain spiritual values and to discern and supplement the limitations of utilitarian morality by steadily focussing on the ultimate goal of society.

The defection of the orthodox churches, Catholic and Protestant, in fulfilling the social function of religion, opened the way for a new type of social agitation, a movement for the complete reconstruction of society in accordance with an ideal of social perfection, a movement essentially religious in its fervor, though violently opposed to ecclesiasticism.

A cross section of society in the nineteenth century reveals two distinct layers: an upper layer consisting of a prosperous bourgeoisie, sanctified by alliance with eccliasticism, satisfied with the present and optimistic about the future; and a lower layer consisting of proletariat with a steadily deepening class-consciousness, seething with bitterness and seeking by means of labor unions, strikes, and political measures to secure for itself a fair share of the profits of industry. The Anarchists and Socialists of this period drew largely from the latter submerged layer, though there was a sprinkling of idealists from the upper layer. The liberals were almost wholly from the upper layer, being alienated from their own order by the selfishness and lack of moral imagination displayed by it in economic and social issues.

These groups served variously in forcing upon the public a recognition of the existence of radical social evils. But none of them worked out a complete social synthesis or evolved a truly constructive program. The anarchists indeed were wholly destructive in their ideas. Karl Marx's interpretation of history on which Socialism is based was essentially materialistic; and the heroic skepticism of the liberals made no appeal to the masses and it tended naturally to discouragement and cynicism.

The skepticism of this period was the natural reaction of thoughtful minds to the social sterility and the metaphysical puerility of the orthodox churches. In this era, indeed, science was avenged for all that religion had made it suffer in an earlier age. For by the development of science in the nineteenth century [Page 112]the foundations of orthodox religion were assailed, its hypothesis questioned, its conclusions denied, its interests challenged and its prestige damaged. By the cumulative force of the successive impacts of new developments in astronomy, geology, biology and anthropology, and the application of the method of historical criticism to the Biblical narrative, the established system of theology, based as it was upon the authority of Revelation and fast bound with an obsolete cosmography, was gradually undermined and the whole complicated structure began to crumble.

In consequence, the thoughtful and spiritually sensitive individuals who had been bred in the Church were between the devil and the deep sea. They were dissatisfied with the Church because of its impotence to remedy the glaring evils of Christendom. And because in the light of modern science and the higher criticism, they could not interpret the Bible consistently with facts and reason and still believe it an infallible and final Revelation; and because the dogma of everlasting torture as a penalty for failure to subscribe to Christian doctrines outraged their sharpened sense of justice, Christian creeds for them, had become incredible. And while, on the one hand, they could not give their allegiance to the Church without affronting their intelligence; on the other hand, they could not accept the current materialistic conception of science, which was essentially hedonistic in its ethical implication, without stultifying their spiritual nature.

The Christian Church had always claimed that it was the only true religion; hence the individual who discarded Christian dogma felt that he was through with religion altogether. Moreover, the Church had taught that the sanction for morality was the authority of Scripture; and when this is discredited, the foundations of morality are apparently sapped. In consequence the only rational motive for virtue is seen to be self-interest, and virtue is merely prudential, and the only deterrent from vice is the fear of being found out. Insensitive souls, on losing their inherited faith, readily accept this point of view and plunge into materialism. But those in whom the spiritual nature has been awakened find no joy in a life devoid of altruism; and from the [Page 113]

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poignant stage of negation that is their first recoil to disbelief, they turn to the cold comfort of stoic agnosticism.

The stoic perceives that the values inculcated by the abandoned religion still exist for him, and he realizes that in his own nature are the springs that compel recognition of them. Religion, he sees, achieves powerful results largely because it incorporates these values which find a response in the human heart. And though all the world without be indifferent or inimical to moral values, there is still some virtue in man. And standing on what Mr. Russell terms, "a firm foundation of unyielding despair," he hurls his challenge to religion.

"Hath man no second life? Pitch this one high! Sits there no judge in heaven, our sin to see? More strictly, then, the inward judge obey!"

Ethical aims, devoid of religious support, do, in the case of exceptional individuals, lead to lofty social idealism. But in time and under stress, even exceptional individuals weary of swimming against the current and become discouraged. Unique virtue is most difficult to maintain in a world conceived of as unmoral and which fails therefore to guarantee its ultimate triumph. The Promethean attitude cannot be sustained indefinitely: in the end the Titan succumbs to the gods.

From the point of view of spirituality, the greater part of the nineteenth century lay in a state of midnight darkness. In the nature of things no light could come from groups whose scientific outlook was derived from a mechanistic conception of the universe, or from adherents to orthodox religious organizations complacent in the face of grievous social evils, steeped in medieval theology and looking backwards, or from socially alive agnostics who failed to link social evolution to the cosmic order. The agony experienced by sensitive souls because of the brutality of the struggle for existence, the insensate ecclesiastical dogmatism, the spiritual homelessness and the whole confused milieu of the [Page 114]"Poor fragments of a broken world Whereon men pitch their tent" is strikingly expressed in the following stanzas of Matthew Arnold:

"The past, its mask of union on, Had ceased to live and thrive: The past, its mask of union gone, Say, is it more alive?

"Your creeds are dead, your rites are dead, Your social order too. Where tarries he, the Power who said,― See, I make all things new?"

It is always darkest just before dawn. Out of the travail of sensitive souls a new spirit was born and the elements of a new social synthesis came into being. And in the last quarter of the nineteenth century there appeared longed-for streaks of light that heralded the dawn of a new era. [Page 115]THE WISDOM OF THE AGES Edited by ALFRED W. MARTIN Society for Ethical Culture, New York

The Sacred Scriptures of Zoroastrianism

Forty centuries ago the ancestors of Gotama and of Zoroaster occupied the territory beyond the Himalayas, near the sources of the river Oxus. Not only did they live on common ground and speak a common language but they also cherished one and the same religion-the primitive Aryan religion.

From this Aryan home on the table-lands of Central Asia there spread in seven successive migrations the tribes that have peopled Europe and most of Asia. Of these migrations, the two earliest were those to India in the southwest and to Persia in the southeast the two countries witnessing a divergence of the primitive Aryan religion into Hinduism and Zoroastrianism respectively. And precisely as the warm, benignant climate and the rich fruitful soil of Western India fostered a brooding, meditative, reflective spirit, giving the religion of the country these characteristics against which Gotama registered his protests, so the less favorable conditions of life in ancient Persia (Iran) precluded philosophizing and necessitated watchfulness and courage and made industriousness the prime virtue, giving to the religion of the country the unique emphasis which its sacred scriptures put on work and the relation of work to salvation.

Persia's place among the nations of antiquity was second only to that of Greece and Rome. So great was her power in the fifth century before our era that the late Max Müller went so far as to say that if the battles of Marathon and Salamis had been lost to Greece, Zoroastrianism, which was the state religion of [Page 116]the Persian empire, would have become the religion of the civilized world. In other words, if by the grace of the Persian god, Ahura-Mazda, Darius had been victorious over Alexander the Great, belief in the Olympian deities and myths would never have replaced the teachings of Zoroaster. But Persia did not go down to permanent defeat. A thousand years later she was once more in the ascendant, till the year 641, when the Muhammadan invasion established Islam where Zoroastrianism had reigned. The great majority of the faithful refused to accept the new religion and were forthwith punished with exile. They found a refuge in the northwestern part of India, now known as the presidency of Bombay. There, today, one may see the descendants of those exiles, numbering nearly 100,000 souls; a people world-renowned for their intellectual and moral worth and for the perfervid enthusiasm with which they perpetuate the religion of their fathers; a religion that has contributed several important doctrines to Christianity, through Judaism; a religion that has left its solemn record, not only in the pages of its Sacred Book, the "Avesta" but also in the high-toned lives of the Zoroastrian colony at Bombay.

For the discovery of the sacred scriptures of Zoroastrianism, we are indebted to a young Frenchman, Anquetil du Perron, who, in 1754, while browsing in the Royal Library at Paris, came upon a few dusty sheets of manuscript written in a Sanskrit dialect, known as Pahlavi. These proved to be a portion of the "Avesta." Determined to see the rest of this literature and to give France the first translation of it all, Anquetil embarked for Bombay, the home of Zoroastrian exiles, and at the end of ten years returned to Paris and there fulfilled his desire.

This sacred literature consists of six main parts:

I-The Yasna ("worship")—a liturgy recited by the priests at the offering to the divinities of the Zoroastrian pantheon.

II-The Gathas (hymns)—Chapters 28-54 of the Yasna, the oldest and most revered part of the sacred scriptures, consisting of metrical texts in the form of utterances of Zoroaster or of revelations of Ahura-Mazda to Zoroaster. [Page 117]

THE SACRED SCRIPTURES OF ZOROASTRIANISM

III-The Vispered-"All Lords" (of the ritual). A collection of litanies included in the "Yasna" and addressed, for the most part, to one or another of the seven archangels.

IV-The Yashts ("praises"). Twenty-one hy nns, mostly dedicated to divinities subordinate to Ahura-Mazda.

V-The Vendidad (anti-demonic law). A prose ceremonial code of purification, expiation, together with moral exhorta- tions. This book resembles somewhat the Book of "Leviticus" in the Old Testament and deals, like it, with questions of clean and unclean. These, however, refer, not to an inward spiritual state, but to external physical conditions of the body. That is unclean which is possessed of a demon and the object of purifica- tion is exorcism or expurgation of the evil spirit.

VI-Khorda-Avesta (shorter Avesta). A collection of prayers for private use by both laity and priests.

Very striking, in this canonical literature, is the change of atmosphere and thought into which we move when passing from the Gathas to the Yashts. Ahura-Mazda is still supreme and about him are the Amesha-Spentas (archangels) the Yazatas (angels), of whom Mithra (Lord of Truth) is chief, and the Fravashis, (guardian angels) all of them made objects of worship. In the Yashts, too, Zoroaster is still prophet of the Faith, but no longer the fervid moral and religious reformer, eagerly ad- vancing his gospel of God and duty in the face of the severest opposition; no longer is he the truly human being in his feelings of elation and discouragement as the fortunes of his ministry rise and fall; he is a purely supernatural person, discoursing with Ahura-Mazda on theological subjects. Sacrifice, rather than obedience to the moral law, is now the center of the religious life and prayer has given place to magic spells in which scrupulous care must be taken to invoke the right name of deity-so far- reaching is the contrast between the content of the Gathas and of the Yashts.

To these canonical works which constitute all that we have of the sacred Scriptures of Zoroastrianism must be added two that are included in "Sacred Books of the East." [Page 118]The Bundahish, a work dating from the ninth century A.D. dealing with eschatology (the doctrine of the last things) and containing much material from lost Avestan books. The other uncanonical work is the Dinkard, containing chiefly synopses of material in earlier sacred books.

Our prime concern is with the Gathas because they constitute the earliest portion of the Zoroastrian Scriptures and from them we learn all that we authentically know of the person and ministry of Zoroaster. Here he is described as: "The holy Zarathushtra-who first thought what was good, who first did what was good; who was the first Priest of the Sacred Fire, the first Warrior, the first Plougher of the ground, who first knew and first taught the word of holiness and obedience to the Word; who had a revelation of the Lord; in whose birth and growth the waters and plants rejoiced and all the creatures of the good creation cried out, Hail!" (Yasht XXIV).

Just here a word of caution should be interjected against the popular habit of regarding Zoroastrians as "fire-worshippers." This is as serious a mistake as calling Buddhists "idol-worshippers," Hindus "sun-worshippers," or orthodox Christians "cross-worshippers." When the Hindu said, "O Savitri, thou Sun," he was not thinking of the fiery ball that rises over the Himalayas and sets behind the Indus, but rather of the Power within or behind the sun, responsible for every function it fulfills. Similarly, the Roman Catholic, when he kneels before his crucifix it is as an aid to spiritual concentration, the real object of his worship being the Christ, or God, or the Virgin Mary, as the case may be. In like manner too the Zoroastrian fire serves a symbolical function. Well do I remember the language of the lamented Jeneghier D. Cola, (the distinguished representative of Zoroastrianism at the World's Parliament of Religions) when discussing with him the meaning of fire as a religious symbol. He said: "While our eyes are fixed on the sacred flame our hearts are humbled before Ahura-Mazda, our God." To the Parsee, fire is the most perfect symbol of deity. Its purity, its power, its refulgence, its incorruptibility, its glory, [Page 119]

THE SACRED SCRIPTURES OF ZOROASTRIANISM

each of these suggests to him an attribute of deity and so he keeps the sacred flame constantly burning, as a helpful symbol, an aid in concentrating thought upon his God. The fire is scrupulously guarded from every sort of pollution and fed with carefully selected sandalwood. The priest wears a veil over his nose and mouth that his breath may not blow on the fire; his hands are encased in gauntlets and the wood is handled with tongs. Furthermore, this choice of fire as the supreme symbol of deity illustrates the influence of environment upon religious ideas. Iran (ancient Persia) was a veritable fire-country, bespread with naptha springs, surrounded by burning mountains, overhung with meteoric lights and stars that shone through the clear atmosphere so brilliantly as to seem articulate with spiritual meaning and suggestion.

From the Gathas we learn that Zoroaster's name was Zarathushtra, that he belonged to the Spitama clan and that the sense of his mission came to him in a succession of seven visions. Duly ordained of Ahura-Mazda he went forth proclaiming his divine appointment as protector of herdsmen and cattle and announcing the certainty of rewards and punishments hereafter. But as in the case of Jesus, who was obliged to go from Nazareth to Capernaum before he could receive a respectful hearing, and of the Buddha who went from Kapilavastu to Benares and of Muhammad, who went from Mecca to Medina, so in the case of Zoroaster, who met with hostility from the very start, the statement was once more verified that "a prophet is not without honor, save in his own home-town." In the third of the Gathas we read:

"Whither, to what land, shall I go to escape opposition? They keep me from the noble and from the priest, while neither the traders of the land, nor the princes, please me. They follow the Druj (demon of the Lie). How shall I please thee, Ahura-Mazda? (Yasna XLVI 1).

In the Gathas we are told of the "call" of Zoroaster to become a moral leader, reformer and founder of religion. One day, so the story reads, the cry of the oppressed peasants of [Page 120]Bactria went up to Heaven. The celestial host hearing the cry promptly held a conference at the throne of the supreme god, Ahura-Mazda. Whereupon it was voted to call Zoroaster to deliver the oppressed people. But, on receiving the divine summons, he hesitates, as Gotama and Jesus hesitated on the eve of their assuming the prophetic role. Finally Zoroaster accepts the call and goes forth to preach the will of Ahura-Mazda, as against that of the false gods of the oppressors who promptly become "devils" (daevas) in the eyes of the Zoroastrians. Legendary as the account of these incidents obviously is and producing doubt in many a mind of the historicity of Zoroaster, —even as the corresponding legends of Jesus gave rise to the suspicion that no such person as he ever lived,—yet is this skepticism unwarranted in the estimation of leading scholars. Zoroaster, they hoid, is, like Moses, too deeply rooted in tradition to be wholly discredited. Professor George F. Moore in his "History of Religions" declares that "no serious student any longer doubts that Zoroaster was an historical person." (p. 363). Moreover the very legends that have grown up about him testify, as in the case of those concerning Jesus, to his spiritual greatness; for no such wonder stories as are recorded of him, are ever told of men of ordinary mould. Great personalities are trees and legends are the vines of reverence, admiration and affection that twine about them.

From the Gathas, too, we learn of the poor success that attended Zoroaster’s first public preaching and of the visit of King Vishtaspa, who gave him his patronage and protection, who "broke with his weapon a path for the truth" and became the arm and support of the Zoroastrian faith, raising it to power and spreading it abroad, even as did King Asoka the Buddhist faith, both sovereigns serving as model for the portraiture of the ideal king.

The Gathas, moreover, give us a glimpse of the social and economic conditions of the time. Zoroaster denounces unjust judges, "corrupt rulers who for gain put power into the hands of the wicked; tyrannical princes, opponents of the true re- [Page 121]

THE SACRED SCRIPTURES OF ZOROASTRIANISM

ligion, testifying thus to the similarity of conditions that brought the Hebrew Prophets to the fore in the religious life of Israel. Thus it would appear that Zoroaster did not agree with those of his compatriots who regarded penances, prayers, sacrifices and fastings as of paramount importance in religion, who thought it right to pass half the day in begging food in order that the remainder might be spent under a shady tree in undisturbed meditation and prayer. From all this he recoiled, holding that prayer should always be a means, never an end; that work is the completing of prayer, the hands fulfilling the prayer of the heart; that industry is more than meditation and settled agricultural life better than wandering, nomadic life. All who agreed with him settled down on the plains of Iran. For their encouragement and inspiration Zoroaster made known to them a great saying which he declared had been revealed to him by his God to the effect that there are four places most dear to him: where the sacred fire burns; where homes are established, with wife and children, with fire and plenty; where the most corn and fruit are raised; where dry lands are irrigated and marshy lands drained.

O Maker of the material world, thou Holy One! Which is the first place where the Earth ('The Genius of the Earth') feels most happy?

Ahura-Mazda answered: 'It is the place whereon one of the faithful steps forward, O Spitama Zarathustra! with the log in his hand, (the wood for the fire altar) the Baresma in his hand (now called barsom,-a bundle of sacred twigs which the priest holds in his hand while reciting the prayers)."

O Maker of the material world, thou Holy One! Which is the second place where the Earth feels most happy?

Ahura-Mazda answered: 'It is the place whereon one of the faithful erects a house with a priest within, with a wife, with children, and good herds within; and wherein afterwards all cattle continue to thrive, virtue to thrive, (by the performance of worship) fodder to thrive, the wife to thrive, the fire to thrive, and every blessing of life to thrive." [Page 122]O Maker of the material world, thou Holy One! Which is the third place where the Earth feels most happy? Ahura-Mazda answered: 'It is the place where one of the faithful sows most corn, grass, and fruit, O Spitama Zarathustra! where he waters ground that is dry, or drains ground that is too wet.'

O Maker of the material world, thou Holy One! Which is the fourth place where the Earth feels most happy? Ahura-Mazda answered: 'It is the place where there is most increase of flocks and herds.' (Yasna V 15).

What a mighty inspiration it must have been to these people who had settled on a soil that required persistent and arduous labor to make it productive and life-sustaining, to hear that the very place of their abode was most pleasing to their God! [Page 123]

THE WORLD WE LIVE IN

Men live less and less in geographical and more and more in spiritual communities. The involuntary elements of existence tend to be limited to the regional area, the voluntary elements find increasing opportunity of self-expression through association of likeminded people selected out of the entire population by identity of interests and ideals. In this department, World Unity Magazine will publish each month a brief description of some important modern movement, voluntary in character and humanitarian in aim, believing that knowledge of these activities is not only essential to the world outlook, but also offers the true remedy for the sense of isolation and loneliness which has followed the breakdown of the traditional local neighborhood.

THE UNIVERSITY CITY OF PARIS

by LUCIA AMES MEAD Author of "Law or War," etc.

On the site of the old fortifications in Paris, on the borders of the Park Montsouris, there is rising an unique educational center known as La Cité Universitaire. Seven hundred years ago, students from all over Europe flocked to Paris in the days before "Gutenberg made thought cosmopolite, and stretched electric wires from mind to mind." Latin was the medium of communication and the Latin Quarter took its name from that fact. On the hill where now rises the Pantheon, speaking like Plato out of doors, Pierre Abelard lectured to a throng too vast to be housed in any building. Abelard counted among his disciples, a pope, twenty cardinals and more than fifty bishops and archbishops. The University of Paris was later built near by to which students flocked from all nations and the Latin Quarter had its own monuments, its own manners and customs and special privileges granted by Philippe-Auguste. The University represented about one-third of Paris in his day. Since 1880, the character of the Latin Quarter has gradually altered and it has now become only a name. The old [Page 124]graduates who deplore the disappearance of the life they lived there in Bohemian fashion and who regret the new exodus of students as ruining the traditions of the days of Renan, Pasteur, and Taine are not heeded by the advocates of the new project. The scientific rooms and lecture halls remain as formerly, but the new residence of students is to be made far more wholesome and congenial and quite as near the lecture halls as are most of their rooms today.

Over 26,000 students are regularly matriculated in the five faculties of the University of Paris, more than a quarter of these being foreigners; all the important schools and university faculties of England have one-third fewer foreigners. To these should be added the foreign students in the Central School of Arts and Manufactures, the High School of Electricity, the Agronomic Institute, the School of Mines, the School of Oriental Languages and the School of Fine Arts.

The number of American students has doubled since 1921. Few students are of the well-to-do class. Many an ill-nourished youth climbs four flights to an attic room, gets his own meals over a spirit lamp and darns his own stockings in lonely evenings as he thinks of his home far away which he may not see for years. "Gay" Paris is not a festive place for the young brothers of those who fell on the Marne who, as they take their notes in lecture halls, are harassed with anxiety over the poverty of widowed mothers and little brothers looking to them as the future mainstay of the home. The best intellectual work cannot be done when one cannot afford the little fee now required for admission to museums, when the theater is not to be thought of, and there is no opportunity for social intercourse.

A captain of industry, M. Emile Deutsch de la Meurthe, realizing the great handicaps under which many students suffered, a few years ago offered to the University of Paris ten million francs to provide inexpensive accommodations for 350 men and women students, provided a Council of administration composed of members of the faculty, city functionaries, and some students should have control of it. Thereupon, M. André Honnorat, then [Page 125]

THE UNIVERSITY CITY OF PARIS

minister of public instruction, conceived the idea of a Cité Universitaire of which the French unit, provided by M. Deutsch de la Meurthe, should be the nucleus and the whole to be a genuine garden-city of students established on the plan of the English universities of Oxford and Cambridge. It was necessary to select a large enough area to permit future extension. The State consented to donate an excellent area, known to be the healthiest in the city. Here grounds for sport, a swimming pool, and botanical collections are provided for and, when fully developed, will make one of the most artistic and delightful university centers to be seen in any land. The architect, M. Lucien Bechman, instead of following the conventional Renaissance style, made a great departure for the French buildings, adopting the style of gabled buildings with mullioned windows of Oxford university and with very happy results.

These buildings, eight in number, ingeniously arranged surrounding a central green area, provide those conveniences of central heating and running hot water which will be a boon to students accustomed to the hardships of going without what Americans have come to consider as necessities. 350 rooms, neatly furnished, are provided at only ninety francs a month each-less than half that demanded for an unwarmed room in an attic in an old house. Halls, libraries, playgrounds, a concert hall are likewise provided and in the restaurant a meal can be had for no more than three francs-less than fifteen cents.

M. Deutsch de la Meurthe and the Rector of the University were not content with simply aiding poor French students. Realizing the needs of many from foreign lands and the advantages of international intercourse, they opened their gates to the foreign men and women students, as John D. Rockefeller, Jr., has done in the great International House which faces Grant's tomb upon the Hudson. Who can doubt that the acquaintance fostered here by informal social intercourse may have its effect on the future history of the world. Arrangements are made for students of one country to exchange rooms with the students of another country and thus attain a larger linguistic and international [Page 126]experience. Fifty American students are to be housed in the French dormitory and fifty French students in the American dormitory. The American building is planned to house 260 American students, half men and half women, the sections entirely separated from each other, and is to cost $400,000. There are to be reception rooms, and a large room for dances and reunions with provision for artists' studios.

One-half the $400,000 has already been raised and the remainder is still to be secured. It is hoped that eighty universities and colleges will each pay $2500 for a room to be named after the donor college, a plan already inaugurated by gifts from Harvard and Smith colleges. The aspect of the building should be of a distinctly American character and as attractive as the new buildings in Harvard, Princeton and Chicago universities.

The presidents of Yale, Columbia, Harvard and Chicago universities have united in saying, "In our judgment, the plan of the Cité Universitaire is a most important educational undertaking and American participation should be secured promptly."

The Cité Universitaire is under the control of the University of Paris and is its property, the control and management of each dormitory being placed in the hands of a Council, a majority of whom are citizens of the nation which has built it. On the American Council are two members designated by the American University Union of Paris; one, by the American Chamber of Commerce of Paris; one, by the American Woman's Club of Paris, and three members at large, one of whom, a member of Morgan and Co., Paris, will act as permanent treasurer. This Council will fill its own vacancies, make regulations, and appoint the director who with his family will live in the dormitory and select the students who may be admitted to its privileges.* $500,000 has been raised in England for a British building and committees in Spain, Mexico, Holland and Cuba are negotiating for sites. Within three years nine foundations were made at the University City for the benefit of students of different nationalities.

Dr. and Mrs. Homer Gage of Worcester, Massachusetts, are largely responsible for the initiative regarding the American dormitory. Inquiries should be sent to The American Committee Cité Universitaire, room 2008, 50 East Forty-Second Street, New York City. [Page 127]

THE UNIVERSITY CITY OF PARIS

At a dinner given March 9, 1928, in New York, in honor of Senator Honnorat, President of the National Foundation for the Cité Universitaire, Hon. Charles E. Hughes said: "Sometimes we are strangely illogical. We desire Americans to go abroad for trade. But ultimately our civilization will be judged by our cultural advances. We think it quite appropriate that foreign students should come to our universities. In truth it is more important that a goodly number of our students should go abroad. It is in this contact of minds in liberal studies, in the generous comradeship of the cultivation of the arts that we shall in large measure promote the better understanding. . . . Many nations are erecting their buildings. Shall the United States, the richest of all, not do its part? I can conceive nothing which would be such a monument to American indifference as the absence of an American building in the Cité Universitaire. You cannot escape this exigency. It exists. . . . Politics is a superficial phenomenon. The great universities of Europe tell a story of devotion to the highest aims, of increasing knowledge, of achievements in arts and sciences opening the avenues to the higher levels of living which make the records of dynasties and empires, of the prowess of military heroes, and of the triumphs of the popular leaders of a day seem of slight relative consequence in the history of the race. The University of Paris is an institution not simply of France but of civilization. It is ours, as Shakespeare and Moliere, as Dante and Goethe are ours. It is international in the sweep of its all-pervading influence. . . . When we have won the life of relatively abundant leisure which science and organization may make possible, and seek to enjoy and develop the resources of the spirit, we shall find that in this most difficult of all human enterprises France has been one of the great leaders to point the way."t

Since this article was prepared, a generous donation has been made by Mr. John D. Rockefeller Jr., to the American section of La Cité Universitaire. [Page 128]

UNITY AND DISUNITY IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

Edited by DEXTER PERKINS Department of History and Government, University of Rochester

The New China and the Outside World

IN OCTOBER 10 last General Chiang-Kai-Shek was inaugurated as President of the Chinese Republic. The occasion serves as a symbol of the restoration of a truly national government in China for the first time in seventeen years. It raises the whole question as to the future of one of the greatest and most populous countries of the world, and as to the attitude which the peoples of the Occident will take toward this rising power of the Orient.

It is, of course, far too early to prophesy as to the solidity of the new edifice which the Chinese Nationalists are now striving to build up. The form of government which exists in China today may or may not prove to have elements of solidity. The curse of China during its more recent history has been the ambition and ruthlessness of its military chieftains. It is by no means certain that this great obstacle to effective unification and progressive self-government has been removed. Only the future can decide as to just how strong the civilian and truly disinterested elements will prove to be in the construction of a new Chinese nationality.

But what of the outside world in its relation to the new China? In what sense is it possible to assist in the process of healthful development? What should be the broad policy for the Western powers in connection with the new republic? [Page 129]

THE NEW CHINA AND THE OUTSIDE WORLD

Such a question is by no means easy to answer. But it may at least be possible to indicate what are Chinese aspirations in their relations with other powers.

The most important demand which the new China makes upon the powers of the Western world is the demand for tariff autonomy. Ever since 1843, the development of a revenue from customs has been hampered by the agreements into which China entered with other powers. These agreements not only seriously limited the rate of duty which the Chinese government was permitted to levy upon imports, but by laying down the principle of most-favored nation treatment, as it is called, gave to every nation entering into such an accord with China, the maximum rights and privileges conceded to any other nation. In this way the Chinese customs service came under the rigid supervision of other states.

Ever since 1902 the question of the revision of the rates has been under discussion. At the Washington Conference of 1921-22 arrangements were made for a possible raising of the rates, and for the convening of a Tariff Conference. But the conference was long postponed, and when it did meet it did not succeed in revising China's tarif schedules, though it adopted a resolution in which the principle of tariff autonomy was recognized.

The Chinese have been growing more impatient at this restriction on their sovereignty. They began in 1926 to move for the abrogation of those treaties whose revision dates had expired, or, in other words, refused to consider as renewed treaties negotiated with a specific limit of time. And on July 7 of this year Dr. Wang, the Nationalist Foreign Minister, declared that his government would take immediate steps, "in accordance with proper procedure," to terminate those unequal treaties which are still in full force and effect.

The attitude of the United States in connection with this problem has been one of a qualified sympathy for the Chinese contention. The American government was the first great government to recognize the Nationalist regime, and on July 25 it concluded a treaty by which the limitations on Chinese customs [Page 130]autonomy are, in theory, brought to an end. But the actual establishment of the new system is made conditional upon the taking of similar action by the other treaty powers. In other words, this country has given evidence of its essential sympathy with the point of view of the Chinese government. But it has not been willing to sacrifice its own special interests as regards Chinese tariffs, except on the condition that other powers will pursue the same course.

Unhappily, there is a good deal of opposition to the realization of the Chinese program. There is a tendency on the part of other powers to demand special consideration in connection with treaty revision, or to insist that customs proceeds be earmarked for certain specific purposes. The way to the realization of the ideal of customs autonomy is long and thorny.

Yet it is difficult to see how a strong central government I can ever be constituted in China unless it is assured of a considerable revenue, and that revenue will certainly be most easily secured through a revision of the customs schedules. Those who oppose customs autonomy sometimes lay emphasis upon the corruption and graft that is so often connected with administration in China, and prophesy that the money derived from customs autonomy will be ill used unless rigidly controlled. But, whatever truth there may be in any such view, it is difficult to see how progress can be made at all without taking some risks, or how settled government can evolve in China without placing some responsibility upon the Chinese.

The second outstanding grievance of the Chinese in relation to the Western World is the system of extra-territorial courts which exist in China, and by virtue of which foreigners are to a very large extent withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the Chinese courts. Such a system has been applied in other parts of the world; but it is believed by the Chinese to be today a derogation of national sovereignty, and a serious hindrance to the administration of justice. The Chinese have made an honest effort to reform their legal procedure, and to draw up modern codes. They wish to see this effort recognized. [Page 131]As a matter of fact, certain foreign powers no longer claim extra-territorial privileges in China. Austria, Germany, Russia and Poland have foregone the advantages of the old system, and their citizens are subject to the jurisdiction of the Chinese courts. It would be extremely interesting to know if these governments are satisfied with the results of the concessions they have made. A practical demonstration of the effectiveness of Chinese judicial tribunals would go far to beat down further opposition to the ending of extra-territoriality. In the meantime the whole question stands on the basis upon which it was left by the report of the Commission on Extra-territoriality which met in China in 1926. This Commission suggested certain measures of judicial reform, and held out the hope that in the future the desires of the Chinese might be granted. It also suggested certain modifications in the existing system.

These are the most immediate practical problems arising in the relations of China with the Western world. But, more important than any practical problem, is the spirit in which the relations of East and West are to be conducted in the future. We are witnessing at least the beginnings of the development of national sentiment in the Orient. How far this development of national sentiment becomes also anti-foreign sentiment will be largely determined by the temper in which the great questions of the future are faced, not only the questions of relations between governments, but also the question of relations between individuals. A selfish desire to get as much and give as little as possible, a feeling of arrogant race superiority, a reliance upon intimidation and coercion as distinguished from fair negotiation and reasonable understanding, will all bear the bitterest of bitter fruit in the Far East. There is no area in the world so filled with possibilities of large hopes or of deep fears as is the Orient. In its relations with these mighty masses, now stirring with a new race consciousness, the Western world will have need of all the patience, all the wisdom, and all the sympathy that it can bring to bear. [Page 132]

THE RISING TIDE

Notes on current books possessing special significance in the light of the trend toward world unity.

Edited by JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, JR. Department of Philosophy, Columbia University

Realpolitik and the Realistic Temper of Mind

Two significant analyses of the present European political situation have just appeared, one a detailed study by a Swiss scholar, the other a brilliant and impressionistic survey by a prominent French publicist. Both start from the same position, that peace cannot be expected to endure unless Germany is released from the humiliating and impossible position in which the Treaty of Versailles placed her; both make a plea for Franco-German understanding, goodwill, and cooperation, for the sake of the security of the entire world. Yet in spite of this agreement on diagnosis and cure, it is difficult to imagine a greater difference in temper of mind and attitude. In their spirit and intellectual method, Dr. Stegemann’s The Mirage of Versailles* and M. Fabre Luce’s Locarno: the Reality† are poles apart. It is certainly significant when two doctors of such opposed schools of thought insist on the same operation and treatment.

Dr. Stegemann is an historian, known for his detailed study of The Struggle for the Rhine, a conflict which he sees as the key to European politics from Caesar’s day to the present. He is also a disciple of that school of Realpolitik which looks on all national life as a striving for power after power, and impatiently brushes aside all that is real except military force and the far-sighted

• Hermann Stegemann, The Mirage of Versailles. Knopf. 360 pp. $5.

†Alfred Fabre-Luce, Locarno: The Reality. Knopf. viii, 209 pp. $3. [Page 133]

REALPOLITIK AND THE REALISTIC TEMPER OF MIND

schemes for its employment. Soaked in military and diplomatic history, he sees in every map, every agreement of statesmen, the sites of ancient battles and the salients and offensives of further struggles to come. For him, every nation has had, since the days of the Romans, an inescapable historic destiny to expand and increase its strategic power. The record of the past is the record of the plans of General Staffs for invasion and defense, and of diplomatic jockeyings for position and prestige. History is reduced to a vast game of chess, played on the green table with stakes of glacis and passes and salients. The leading players have for centuries kept the same objectives in view. The history of France is all summed up in the fight for the Rhine; that of England, in the struggle for world-dominion. Dr. Stegemann is capable of dismissing Czecho-Slovakia with the words, "Bohemia was intended to be the forward area of a great Danubian monarchy, to act as its base for attack and its flank protection." In his eyes, so slight a thing as a Communist revolution can have no ultimate importance for the laws of history." "The Russian power has so increased that it can set out as its own the old geo-political aims of Russianism, and unite the world-aim of revolution with pan-Russian ambitions. Russia again enters the path laid down for her by geographical law. Varangian, Muscovite, Petrine and Leninist Russia are equally revelations of one and the same geographical and historical personality."

Within the narrow limits of such strategical history, Dr. Stegemann is a fascinating writer. He displays verve and dramatic ability in tracing the inevitable operation of his "geo-historical laws." But most important of all for an American reader, his book is a revelation of an intellectual world that does not exist on this side of the water, except in the minds of Army and Navy staffs. It is a world the inhabitants of which have stepped out of Hobbes. To the end of time they will struggle for power, and order their lives in terms of military strategy. Their minds are so focussed on gaining control of territory favorable for further defense and offense that they can learn no lessons from even the unforeseen penalties of success. For them economic processes might [Page 134]as well not exist. The Great War was a reshuffling of the cards, the game goes on as before.

In other words, it is just such a world as a disillusioned and impartial mid-European spectator, who lived through the war and its aftermath, and is firmly resolved to put aside all sentimentality and silly hope, has seen about him, ever since he was born. For him, peace treaties, Leagues of Nations, Locarno agreements, have changed nothing. They are mere further incidents in the struggle for power. The old immemorial practices go on, the old attitudes persist. Europe and the world will be ruined unless they are changed; and they will not be changed.

It would be difficult to marshal incontrovertible facts against the interpretation which Dr. Stegemann so ably makes of the ambitions and lusts for power of the European states. With a wealth of historical detail he projects their moves since 1918 against the background of their past struggles. We all have our darker moods in which it seems that the brutalism of such Realpolitik is after all the truth. Yet one thing at least is certain: no changed attitude will ever come about, and no salvation, no continued life for Western civilization, is possible, so long as men think in the categories and the temper in which this book is written. It was just such a sense of the inevitability of approaching conflict which prevented the averting of danger before 1914. To one who has since 1918 hoped for other things, such a work comes like a cold shock. And at the end one is left with the suspicion that it was just such a shock Dr. Stegemann desired to produce. If anything could bring about a revulsion and a change of heart, it would be such an unmasking of contemporary Realpolitik in its own terms.

To Dr. Stegemann, the League of Nations is primarily an instrument for enforcing and guaranteeing the Treaty of Versailles. The Covenant aims to continue the strategic grouping of the World War. The new organization of Europe is thus founded on military power, on the condemnation of Germany to impotence. As to Versailles itself, "If we look back from the German standpoint at the Versailles creation it is clearly seen that at Versailles [Page 135]

REALPOLITIK AND THE REALISTIC TEMPER OF MIND

unspeakable things were done. The mirage of Versailles was first recognized to be a mirage when Europe was considered as a community, and it was realized that the violation and enslavement of Germany, the heart of the wilfully broken and scattered European system, meant the destruction of all the other states in this age when politically and economically all states are intimately connected one with another. The Treaty of Versailles enshrines an irrational political ideal."

Will Locarno make a difference? "Realistically" considered, it was an even stronger guarantee of French hegemony in Europe. France went into the Ruhr primarily to coerce Britain into guaranteeing the Versailles settlement. "Whatever injury France may have done herself economically, politically she gained. She now stood no longer in an isolated position and had got rid of the danger of being left there; she had failed to obtain a carte blanche guarantee from Britain, but she had secured a written agreement signed also by Germany. French statesmanship had triumphed. The retreat from the Ruhr ended in a concentration on the Treaty of Versailles." For her part, Britain restored at Locarno the balance of power disturbed at Versailles, and freed herself from an entanglement with French policy that was threatening her freedom of action in the larger struggle for world-dominion. "The Rhine Pact which was signed in London on December 1, 1925, did not completely free Britain from her European anxieties. By it she can be called to fight to preserve the status quo on the Rhine, but it released her policy from dependence on the European situation and, especially, from dependence on French policy. Britain had reason to hail the issue of the struggle as a victory; it was perhaps the greatest she had ever won on the diplomatic field." "Nevertheless Europe greeted the conclusion of the Rhine Pact and the arbitration treaties as guarantees of peace, despite the fact that they were constructed on false premises and that their significance is slow in effect."

So far, Locarno has changed little. "As a member of the League, Germany remains in the coils of encirclement. Is this grouping no longer an active factor after Germany's entry and the [Page 136]system established by it falling to pieces? If that is the case, then perhaps there is a possibility of freeing the League from the fetters placed on it by the Versailles Treaty, to make it truly universal and at the same time to establish a new Europe deceived by no mirage but one really at peace, in which Germany and the German people will again obtain their rights.

"The League of Nations is in its present form, which luckily is capable of alteration, the forum to which the European community turns with hope. It is organically connected with the mirage of Versailles, but neither its existence nor its development depends on the maintenance of that connection. The new order of Europe which resulted from the Great War was founded on the condemnation of Germany to impotence; it demanded her subjugation, since the continuation of the German Empire in political impotence was regarded as a vital condition of the maintenance of the political status quo created by the Treaty of Versailles. But the time has come to make an end of it, since history shows us that not Germany, but Europe and Germany, will be ruined in consequence of it and that the sentiment of solidarity cannot thrive if there is no equality in strength and moral control of power. Only if this knowledge is able to influence events will that fate be banned which today no longer beckons with rosy fingers but casts a dread shadow on the curtain which veils the future from us.

"The history of Europe will be determined by the defeat of the Treaty of Versailles and the spirit that rules it."

The temper of M. Fabre-Luce's volume is in striking contrast to that of Dr. Stegemann's. Where the Swiss tries to be cynical, disillusioned, hard-headed, the Frenchman merely sees things as they are. He is neither a sentimentalist nor a Realpolitiker; he knows men and how they act, their aspirations as well as their follies and crimes. He realizes how complex are the motives that inspire men and nations, how easy it is to cry for the moon and how difficult to create even a workable institution. He brushes aside all doctrinaire absolutists, whether Nationalists or pacifists. His mind is pragmatic, flexible, eager to grasp a situation and work with its materials, willing to accept what cannot be changed, [Page 137]anxious to alter where alteration will be of real help. The motto of his book might well be the words, "Rigid theories, even when they are pacifist, have always some lurking affinity with war." There is much political insight and ripe wisdom in his description of the method of the true statesman, the new Machiavelli, who will be able to distinguish between the zones of the possible and the inevitable.

In The Crisis of the Alliances, M. Fabre-Luce brought this pragmatic, realistic attitude to bear on the causes of the War, breaking through the official French mythology. In The Limitations of Victory he surveyed the fruits of French policy. In the present volume he treats of Locarno and its aftermath "sans rées. Has nothing changed since 1914? he asks. Yes, much. No one now wants war, no one denies a common responsibility for the policies from which war springs, no one believes in unrestricted national sovereignty. The folly of economic nationalism is realized, the danger of uncontrolled foreign policy, the vast new forces, social and economic, world-wide in scope. New methods and instruments are needed to deal with this changed world. As such an instrument, the League may become either a blessing or a curse. Many of the common objections to it, to be sure, cannot withstand a realistic analysis. Yet there remain defects and inconsistencies. "The League is made for civilized, cultivated, democratic States, conscious of universal solidarity. Now there are not many such in the world." Regional alliances still exist. The Treaty of Versailles is still there to raise doubts and discussions. Shall the League enforce Versailles, or shall it be a medium of conciliation? War is forbidden, but how are disputes to be settled? To preserve peace, the League can threaten war. Above all, there has been no adequate substructure of genuine Franco-German reconciliation, without which no organization of Europe can succeed.

The primary task is not a reformation of the League’s structure, whether in the direction of a more democratic covenant, of strengthening the guarantees of Article 10, of adopting compulsory arbitration, or of enforcing disarmament. "The object of the work [Page 138]done at Geneva is to translate the community of interests now existing between the nations into law. Formulas which go beyond the reality of this solidarity would provoke legitimate reactions, and only delay the attainment of the object in view." Nor would frontier-rectification of itself solve the deeper problems. On the other hand, the doctrinaire French Nationalists have had their chance, and have miserably failed. The only alternative is the furtherance of the policy of Franco-German cooperation to which France was committed at Locarno.

Is Franco-German agreement possible? If so, on what conditions? The difficulties lie with the myth of a unique German war-guilt, imposed at Versailles; the opposition to the union of Austria with the Reich; the Franco-Polish alliance guaranteeing the Dantzig corridor; the Entente demand for German disarmament in a world of increasing armies and navies; the forbidding of colonies to Germany. M. Fabre-Luce discusses all these vexed problems without passion and with an appreciation of the many divergent points of view. No one of them can be solved overnight; yet, given time and a spirit of conciliation on both sides, no one of them is politically insoluble.

"If we are prepared to pay the price, we can therefore boldly rely on German collaboration. France would do well, in her own interest, to evacuate the Rhineland at once. As to reparations and war debts, France should ratify the Mellon-Béranger agreement, and then by reducing the reparation claim on Germany, work for a cancellation of the interallied debts. So far as possible, French and German industry should cooperate, even to the extent of a customs union.

Such a rapprochement between France and Germany is indispensable to the success of the League. We must learn or perish. We must find a fresh inspiration and formulate a definite practical program. The policy of the Nationalists must end in war. True patriotism under modern conditions is bound to be internationally minded. "European through egotism! That should be our motto. If we adopt it, France still has a great part to play."

The alliance with Germany must grow progressively stronger, and extend even to the settlement of Germans on French soil. [Page 139]"The policy we have outlined is the one from which France can derive most honor and advantage, but it is also the one which will call for the greatest effort to cultivate a new spirit. In recommending it, we are taking an optimistic view of the vigor and youth of the country. It is a risk, but it is also a means of winning the stake. Perhaps we have expected too much of our times and our regime. Perhaps we shall only have a mediocre, abject peace, maintained by threats of war, a peace in which men will be 'too stupid to come to an understanding, and too cowardly to fight." Perhaps we shall live to see another carnage. Perhaps those who had dreamed of better things for their country may confess themselves defeated in the end. Perhaps . . . but they will first try their luck." [Page 140]

WORLD UNITY CONFERENCES

Under the Auspices of World Unity Foundation

The World Unity Conferences are a medium by which responsible leaders of opinion can conver their message to the public without restriction of race, class, nationality or creed. Upholding the ideals of brotherhood found in all religious and ethical teachings, the Conferences strive to quicke the spiritual resources of the community by bringing upon one platform gifted speakers representing the universal outlook and capable of interpreting the meanings of the new age. World Unity Conferences are held at frequent intervals in cities of the United States and Canada, and this educational activity will be extended as soon as possible to Europe. A distinctive feature of the Conferences consists in the local World Unity Councils, composed of leading liberals, established in the various cities to further the world unity ideal. This department will publish the programs and report the activities of the World Unity Conferences and Councils.

Meetings Held at Toronto, Ontario

October 8 and 9, 1928

October 8. 3 P.M. Informal Conference for Discussion. Chairman, Mrs. Dunnington Grubb, President of Woman's Art Association of Canada. Leader of Discussion, Dr. John Herman Randall, Director, World Unity Foundation.

October 8, 8 P.M. Public World Unity Conference. Chairman, Hon. W. R. Riddell, Justice, Appellate Court, Canada. Address: "The Hope of Peace", Reverend Canon Plumptre. Rector, St. James Cathedral, Toronto. Address: "The Things We Have In Common", Rabbi Ferdinand M. Isserman, M.A., Holy Blossom Synagogue, Toronto.

October 9, 8 P.M. Public World Unity Conference. Chairman, Dr. Maurice Hutton, Principal Emeritus, University College. Address: "Striking the Balance as to World Peace", Dr. Dexter Perkins, University of Rochester. Address: "Our Changing World and Its New Demands for Unity", Dr. John Herman Randall. [Page 141]

World Unity Council of Toronto

Chairman, Principal Maurice Hutton, Principal Emeritus of University College Rabbi Ferdinand M. Isserman, Holy Blossom Synagogue Mrs. Dunnington Grubb, President of Woman’s Art Association of Canada Dr. E. A. Hardy, Treasurer, World Federation of Education Associations Mrs. F. C. Ward, National President of W. C. T. W. of Canada Rev. W. A. Cameron, Yorkminster Church Miss J. M. Norton, General Secretary of Y. W. C. A. Dr. Trevor H. Davies, Trinity Eaton Memorial Dr. James L. Hughes, Past Inspector of Schools Mrs. J. Pat McGregor, President, Council of Women Dr. J. R. P. Schlater, Old St. Andrews United Church Dr. George C. Pidgeon, Bloor Street United Church Mrs. John S. Bennett, President, Woman’s Canadian Club Mr. J. W. Hopkins, General Secretary of Y. M. C. A. Mrs. W. H. Price, President, Toronto Home and School Council Dr. Murray G. Brooks, Student Christian Association of Canada Mrs. Robert B. Thompson, Secretary, League of Nations Society Dr. D. D. McDonald, Principal of the Orde Model School Mrs. J. W. Bundy, Educational Convenor of League of Nations Society Dr. C. W. Pilcher, Church World Alliance for International Friendship Professor De Lury, University of Toronto Maurice Bucovetsky, Youth of Canada—Boys Parliament of Canada Fred C. Meyer, Immigration Groups of Canada

In connection with these meetings in Toronto, Dr. Randall as Director also spoke on various phases of world unity before the following representative organizations in the city: Christian Students Association, at the University of Toronto; Havergal College; Branksome Hall Girls School; Women’s Canadian Club; Woman’s Art Association of Canada; Men’s Club, at Jewish Synagogue; The United Church, Rev. W. B. Caswell, pastor; Yearly Meeting of the Friends Society; The Theosophical Society and other groups.

During the month of October the Foundation also conducted two meetings in each of the following colleges: Wellesley College, Smith College, Mt. Holyoke College, at which Professor Kirtley Mather of Harvard University and Dr. Randall were the speakers. The Director also addressed the students at Clark University, Worcester, and at Worcester Academy. [Page 142]

NOTES AND ANNOUNCEMENTS

LACK of space has compelled the editors to postpone the publication of two articles which had been planned for this issue: Can Race Relationships Be Taught in the Classroom? by Verdine Peck Hull, Central High School, Cleveland, Ohio; and The Naturalization Law of The United States of America, by S. G. Pandit, attorney, Los Angeles. Both have important bearing upon the subject of racial amity discussed by Dr. Silver and Prof. Hankins, and their publication in November would have made this number a symposium on inter-racial relations. The attitude of the religionist and of the scientific sociologist has, however, been ably presented by these two authors and their agreement on fundamentals is an indication of the inevitable alliance between science and religion when basic human values are at stake.

Mary Siegrist's anthology of poems is also omitted this month for the same reason, to the keen regret of the editors, more especially as the principal selection, "Scum o' the Earth," by Robert Haven Schauffler, represents the vision of a poet dealing with the racial theme from a particularly poignant point of view.

In Norman Angell, by John Mez, the series on workers for peace leaves the political and humanitarian field to annex the economic realm as equally contributive to international order. Whatever Angell's positive achievement in the development of economics may eventually be considered, he must remain as the first publicist who morally and emotionally redeemed the processes of manufacture and trade from the tradition of freebooters and included them definitely in the sphere of constructive statesmanship. The deathknell of "Laissez faire" cleared the way for an analysis of modern business by philosophers—the greatest challenge ever offered the discerning mind. Between the duality of business and government in the world today lies the dark gulf which breeds poverty no less than war. [Page 143]

Building Up The International Mind

SO MUCH interest was aroused by Prof. Overstreet's article Building Up the International Mind in World Unity for June, 1928, that reprints have been made which are available in convenient pamphlet form at a nominal cost for distribution by readers to their associates and friends.

The reprint will be especially appreciated by teachers in daily contact with the impressionable minds of children, but it is the parent, after all, who is primarily responsible for inculcating those general ideas and principles which expand-or contract-the outlook of the younger generation.

Parents, in fact-those at least who have found sympathy a stronger bond than authority-when reading World Unity might well realize that the dealistic attitude or formula of today is the convention and material fact of tomorrow. The kind of world you want your children to grow up and live their lives in is the world envisioned and championed by every contributor to World Unity Magazine.

Aside, then, from its direct and personal value to yourself as a source of culture and inspiration, World Unity has the far greater indirect significance that it is fighting the good fight for the future of your children-the future You cannot guarantee by your own efforts alone. Subscribe today and mention World Unity to your friends.

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Vol. II April 1928 to Sept. 1928

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