World Unity/Volume 3/Issue 2/Text

[Page 77]

WORLD UNITY

A Monthly Magazine

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Joan Human: RANDALL, Editor Hones Haunt, Managing Editor

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itance of the past, has to offer us, it is hardly

possible to suppress the view that the main- tenance of China into the modern era is of positively providential significance for the development of mankind. It is of course true that the Chinese spirit . . . signifies from an evolutionary int of view an “older" type of the genus man t an the genus which has been evolved in the West. There are certain points, however, at which the concept of age and youth have no connection with out concepts of height and depth. . . . The older ele- ment is, as it were, a conglomeration of sources of strength which can be directly assimilated by the future in the stream of events. . . .

It is in this sense that Chinese wisdom is the cute and salvation of modern Euro . Curious as it may sound, the old Chinese ilosophy and wisdom possess the power of chil ishness. Old as the Chinese people is, there is nothing servile about it, but it lives in that spirit of innocence peculiar to children. The innocence is far removed from ignorance or primitiveness. It is the innocence of the man who is anchored in the deepest depths of being, there where the springs of life well up. For this reason, the Chinaman attaches in the first in- stance no importance whatever to what he does externally but merely to what he is as a potential being. This form of life is not an inanimate exist~ ence, but a peaceful and concrete reality from which influences emanate which are all the more powerful because they are n0t arrived at consciously, and be- cause the express something which is a matter of course an involuntary great calm and self-possession are thus formed. Man’s vision is 11m caught by the diminutive ego of an accidental rsonality, but penetrates to the wider horizon of umanity.

-—Tln Soul of Cbina

RICHARD WILHELM

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[Page 79]WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

VOL. Ill Novmna. 192.8 No. 7. EDITORIAL m

ELEMENTS OF A WORLD COMMONWEALTH

]. The People of Goodwill

of time is that living people are unable to estimate the relative measure of conflicting forces. Until they have been resolved in terms of external effect, the forces are m fact personalities and their momentum unpredictable in ad- vance of the aCtual event. But what is unknown of the present— its spiritual capacity—is practically unknown of the past, for the historical record describes only that which could be ac- complished and leaves out that which most wanted to be done.

The significant fact seems to be that humanity at all times is the meetingaplace of beings as diverse inwardly as stones from plants, or trees from animals—so diverse that universal com- munity may neither be realized nor imposed. The people of co- operation and goodwill are a different race, act so much in con- flict with Others as seeking separate ends. The mos: important event, historically, is the occasional rise of issues fundamental enough to create a cleavage of type—a cleavage which disre- gards the usual distinctions of race, class, language, civil author- ity and creed, and sharply divides the famm [mu tlu past.

When such an issue arises, gathering together the people of cooperation and goodwill in the area influenr l, we witness a tremendous advance in the tone and organism of human society. What they are unable to achieve individually, becomes achieved by their new power of association. The collective spirit fertilizes each member of the group, furnishing him not merely moral re- inforcement but the necessary psychological environment which

79

THE reason history cannot be written except in perspective 0 -

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shows dream translated into deed, aspiration transmuted into custom, faith realized in the true freedom of love.

Can this spiritual miracle be renewed?

Can this age, with its vast reinforcement in bath good and evil, its mastery of nature alongside its indifference to the in- wardness of living faith, its widened psychological horizons yet darkened and sunless in the absence of compelling love—can this age discover within itself some form of truth which will cleave asunder the false amalgamation of diverse peoples which civi- lization has become?

In the successive rise of religion, humanity has alone ac- quired that force of renewal, that inwardly creative power, capable of upholding civilization as the consummation of man's passion for beauty, for love, for truth. Without this kindling element, the decay of faith operates outward in producing a world based upon the antithesis of spirit and matter, civil rule and ec- clesiatical authority, wealth and poverty—the projection of man's inward division into all social affairs.

Beyond the modern recognition that the essence of every revealed religion is identical, the age requires some urge or inspiration to establish, not merely the formula, but the quick- ened heart of faith. No world order can be conceived which will serve to perpetuate indefinitely such diversity and division of aim and outlook as exist today.

Sooner or later, therefore, one is compelled to seek the elements of a world commonwealth act in truces between jealous social bodies maintaining the conflicts of the past, but in the gradual gathering of those persons who have emerged into a condition of freedom and peace enabling them to cooperate sincerely with Others for the general good. Such persons exist in all social bodies, East and West. They are sign and evidence of a new and higher wave of human progress. The portent of this “Machine Age"—its. unprecedented release of mental force —will yet be disclosed in a social environment repudiating the tribal instinct and vindicating the eternal vision of a unified mankind.

[Page 81]QWQWQ

THE ONE AND THE MANY / by

Ann HILLBL SILVER n. Tnph. Cloud“. 05;.

, NE of the major problems of philosophy throughout its history has been the problem of the one and the many— how to harmonize the diversity of physical phenomena with the unity of a creative purpose, how to ground

the manyfoldness of the world in a unifying concept.

This problem of philosophy has been carried over into the field of sociology and to this day one of the major problems of society is how to adjust the one to the many; how to insure the fullest expression of the individual’s capacity without destroy- ing society; how to save man from group tyranny whilst preserv- ing the hetitage and the continuity of the group. This same problem obtrudes itself into the realm of racial and national relationships. Can a way be found which will enable peoples to enjoy self-determination and fulfillment, without at the same time disorganizing the collocated life of the human race as a whole.

In primitive society the tribe was monolithic. Its solidarity was paramount and imperative. The individual was of little moment. He was absorbed. He borrowed his ideology from his tribe. His aetions were rigidly regulated by its code and taboos. His personal habits and customs were the habits and customs of his tribe. The deity which he worshipped was the tribal deity. The individual, however, was sheltered bath physically and mentally in this world of group domination. The strong cohesion of the tribe was made possible by a profound sense of mutual responsibility. The growth of the individual, however, was

stunted. There was little room in this compaa world of mass 8:

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struCture and corporate aetion for the individualist, the rebel and the careerist. Beyond the boundaries of his tribal home even his Gods dared not venture.

Life moved on. The despotism of the organized group was slowly attenuated. Increased knowledge, economic competence and security encouraged the individual to challenge the autoc- racy of the organized social unit. He had discovered his own private life. Within him he had come upon a world distinct in many ways from the world about him. He had been swept en- joined through life by the vast tides of mass traditions. He now was aware of main-springs within himself—of personal sources of judgment and sanction.

Within the last half of a millenium three great movements in European civilization accentuated the primacy of the in- dividual as against the group, the state, and the chutch. The first movement was the Renaissance. The second was the Prat- estant Reformation. The third was the French Revolution. In all these three movements of thought man's tights emerged triumphant, whether it was the intelleCtual claim of man to freedom, or the religious claim of man to spiritual autonomy, or the political claim of man to political sovereignty.

This new flowering of freedom aggravated the problem of the one and the many. It led to conflict—unrestrained individ- ualism on the one hand and traditional group solidarity on the other.

In our day it has become necessary to emphasize anew the cooperative quality of human existence. Individualism has over- reached itself to the extent that education has become aware of the imperative need to stress anew the fact that the highest life is made possible only through progressive community life, that no man can grow through his own resources solely, and that it takes the best in our neighbor to bring out the best in us.

The same swift development in individualization has within the last century transpired in the case of nations as well. The ancient political philosophy of territorial imperialism has given way to the philosophy of nationalism. Nations ate clamoring

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for self-determination. The last war, we were told, was fought for the right of self-determination for all peoples.

This over-emphasis of national independence and self-sufli- ciency has also led to conflict and in many instances to a de- cadent type of patriOtism. It has now become necessary to em- phasize national interdependence—to stress the simple truth that a nation like an individual can .realize its highest destiny only through international contacts and cooperation.

And religion, too, has travelled the same road from the one to the many, from uniformity to diversity. The dogma of one religion for all within a given tribe or state or‘race or continent has slowly yielded t.) the principle of religious freedom and the privilege of non-conformity. Religious authority is now sought for Mt in the mass concepts of the past—tradition, nor in the mass organization—the church, but in the voluntary sanctions of the human spirit—in man.

The problem of the one and the many is seemingly a basic problem in human life.

What then is the task of civilization in the midst of this conflict of the one against the many? Clearly the goal of civiliza- tion must be not to superimpose an artificial uniformity upon all races, nations and creeds. It must nor be to drive all into one common mold, so that they will all emerge looking alike and acting alike and thinking alike. That is retrogression. That is primitive.

The Bible indicates in a legendary but profound manner that the Golden Age of Innocence for mankind ended and the dolorous but heroic progress of civilization began when God confused the speech of the men at the foot of the Tower of Babel and scattered them to the four corners of the earth. For it is only out of the conflict of opposing concepts and ideas, out of the individualization of attitude and outlook and out of the clash and turmoil of contrasted thought that the spark of the new idea is born and the new revelation is vouchsafed to mankind.

The task of civilization then is act to constrict all men into one Procmstean bed of uniformity, but to discover their

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common human needs on the basis of the common human de nominator and to organize them into voluntary cooperative effort to meet these needs.

I cherish the inviolability of a man 's personality and revere the personality of the group, and I would n0t desecrate these sanCtities by some enforced and unnatural fusion. I do n0t wish to wash out their distinCtive and colorful identities, to destroy that uniqueness which time and ancient loyalties have builded. It would prove a distinct loss to civilization.

Men may meet without amalgamation. Men may unite without admixture. On the plane of common human aspirations all men may meet without sacrificing their characteristic cultures or modes of life.

When I think of the meeting of the East and the West, for example, I do n0t have in mind the absorption of the one by the other or the super-imposition of Western European cultural, political or religious hegemony over the peoples of the East. I entertain the hope that the peoples of these two worlds, his- torically and geographically fashioned so differently, may dis- cover in their common and vital human needs a basis for coopera- tion and that through the free exchange of their best thoughts they may learn how to satisfy these needs.

When, for example, the man from India will realize that his greatest need is the conquest of disease and the man from Sweden or Norway or Germany will realize that his is the self-same need, and when the best minds of these countries will meet to pool their intelleCtual resources and their experiences and to- gether proceed to wrestle with this self-same challenging prob- lem, they will then have truly met and a strong bond of unity will have been forged between them. They may continue to re- tain each his historic integrity, his intrinsic self, his speech, his customs and his manners, but on one terrace of coparcenary interests they will have met and a spiritual covenant will have been established between them.

Or, for example, when the man from Russia will realize that his greatest need is the stamping out of illiteracy, super-

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stition and ignorance and the man from South America or Africa - will realize that he, too, shares the same need, and these peoples, separated by continents and so differently shaped by destiny, will get together upon this one common platform in mutual help- fulness and stimulation, they will have met, truly, in the only true way in which peoples may meet.

Thus when Jew and Christian, Muhammadan and Buddhist, and men of all faiths, will realize that their source is one—God, and their destiny one—the service of man, and when they will join in fellowship to fulfill their desriny, they will have met, really. The walls of their churches will continue to separate them, but the spirit of their faiths will unite them. Their prayer books will continue to be many; their prayer will be one.

This, I believe, is the task of the twentieth century, perhaps the task of the next ten centuries.

What keeps peoples and religions from meeting? Imperialism! ”the archaic nation of the domination of the many over the one.

‘We know what political imperialism is. I need not dwell upon it. There are Other types of imperialism. There is religious imperialism and racial imperialism. These two imperialisms are making it impossible today for peoples and religions to meet in human confraternity.

The religious imperialist looks upon religion not as the supreme adventure of the human soul, the pilgrimage of the un- satisfied and frustrated child of man to the far-oif shrine of divinity. He regards religion as a set of fixed concepts touching ultimate realities, revealed at a specific moment to a chosen individual or to a chosen group and entrusted into its charge and keeping. The final and absolute truth is already here, pos- sessed by an hierarchy or sect and expressed in sacred texts. The privileged possessors of divine truth and favor are therefore justified in seeking to impose the perfect truth upon all Others, through kindness to be sure, and if necessary, even through compulsion.

As long as religious imperialism endures, religions will not meet. As soon as religious groups realize that they have no

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truth that is absolute, finalznd exclusive, that all faith is long- ing, all truth a groping and all dogma but temporary resting places for the advancing spirit of man, they will then be prepared to meet.

What is true of religious imperialism is true also of racial imperialism. Pseudo—scientific propaganda for racial imperialism has been widely disseminated in the world during the last decade. It was fostered to cover up the vicious motives of the war. It was a blind for economic imperialism. I happen to be the pos- sessor of blond hair and blue eyes and belong to -a Nordic people, therefore, I am the salt of the earth. My race is creative. My race is superior. You have dark hair and brown eyes, you belong to a Mediterranean or Asiatic race, therefore you are inferior. Your race is mongrel. It can never rise to leadership in civiliza- tion. Therefore, your race should by right be dominated by .the superior race. The docuine of racial superiority has always been used by the exploitets of mankind. The people in the South used it as an excuse for denying the colored man his elementary human rights and his legitimate opportunities.

There is, of course, no pure ace in the world today. Anyone who has even a smattering of history knows that all through the dark centuries following the collapse of the Roman empire, Europe was a veritable stamping gmund of peoples, tribes and races, who moved to and {to acnoss its lands in vast migrations. mingled and co-mingled, and mixed their bloods with the in- digenous populations, so that today there is not one people in Europe that can tightly claim racial homogeneity.

Again there are no superior races. There are no races endowed by nature with superior qualities of mind and soul. There are races more favored by circumstance, 'by environment, by geo- graphic position, by the fertility of the soil or by .the treasures underneath the soil.

The vaunted superiority of the peoples of northwestern Europe is of very recent date and is due largely to the shifting of the lanes of commerce from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic, and to the rich deposits of coal and iron in their mountains.

[Page 87]Jug mu: mo ran MANY 87

If these races had possessed superior natural endowments, they would have evolved the first civilization of mankind instead of the Ian. They would have been civilized before the Chinese were civilized or the Babylonians or the Egyptians or the Greeks or the Romans or the Arabs. Acmally they were barbarians when these people were evolving great civilizations and carving high- ways for human progress.

Furthermore, no race remains permanently superior. No race retains a position of supremacy for more than five or six hundred years. Races are like individual men. The individual has his period of infancy and of adolescence, and then his period of maturity when he is able to give expression to his innate capaci- ties and make his substantial contributions to society. Then in- evitably old age sets in and senility. No mind, however brilliant, can resist the weariness and the exhaustion which come with age.

So with the race. Races have their epochs of infancy and early development, and then their short golden age when they fashion out of the genius which is theirs those gifts which be- come their legacies to mankind. Then inevitably the reaction sets in—intellectual and spiritual exhaustion. The race goes to .sccd. Five hundred or even a thousand years may elapse before it will experience a new birth, a new ferment and stir. Then the race will forge its way anew to a creative life.

As long as the pseudo-scientific nations of race superiority endure in the world—and they are very powerful today,4so' powerful that they have been written into the immigration laws of our land—so long will races not meet, and world unity will still remain the fond dream of prophets and seers.

Surely our churches and our synagogues have much more to do in the world today than quarrel over definitions and the- ologies which are creatures of time and circumstance. Surely in a world which has just witnessed the ghastliest war of all times, organized religion should have recourse to penitence, severe self- appraisal and stocktaking rather than to theologic polemics. Nothing has so revealed to thinking men the pathetic irrelevancy

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of organized religion in the modern world as the last war. I say it with sadness in my heart. Nathing has so sharply illus~ trated the eclipse of the power of organized religion as a deter- mining factor in the deliberations of civilized peoples as this last 'war. In the midst of a world gone mad with sin and lust and brutality our churches and our synagogues stood absolutely helpless. The voice of the church was seldom raised during those years of frightful moral disasters. Our churches functioned as the lackeys of the State. We were used. We were exploited by those spoilers and marauders who precipitated the appalling catastrophe which destroyed so many of God’s beautiful chil- dren and brought so much of sorrow and desolation into the habitations of men. We were exploited! We were used! We blessed the flags of battle! We sprinkled holy water upon the bayonets and the cannons!

Surely, if organized religion is to reclaim its place of leader- ship in the conduct of human affairs it must lead a crusade for the fulfillment of its historic mission—peace. Surely in an age and in a land swamped by crime, by juvenile delinquency, by the tragic evidences of broken homes and lowered standards of private and public morality and in the midst of a rampant materialism the churches have a herculean task to perform. Should they not rather unite to fight these evils, than fight each other?

World unity is oat an ideal which can be achieved merely by wishing. It can be achieved only through tireless labor and endless persistence by all lavers of goodness, truth and beauty.

Peace among nations and creeds will net come as a radiant maiden bearing gifts. It will come, as .all human ideals have come, as a man of sorrows, spat upon, mocked and denied.

The task is neither easy nor pleasant. Men will misunder- stand us. Men will accuse us of lack of patriotism. Men will charge us with treason and disloyalty. All toilers for the new day were damned as traitors. But 'if this ideal is clear to our hearts, if we are true disciples of Jeremiah or Jesus or Buddha or Confucius or Zoroaster or ’Abdu'l-Baha, we must be prepared to take on the cross and the crown of leadership.

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RACIAL DIFFERENCES AND WORLD UNITY

6:

F RANK H. HANKINS Dam of Sociology, Snitb Collage

affairs is that the nation is the unit of modern world ‘ organization. It is equally obvious that this has not always been the case. Modern nations are more or less artificial units resulting from the complex interaction of geo- graphic,-racial, economic and political factors. The nineteenth century, in fact, may be called the century of nationalism, be- cause in that century a considerable number of modern nations took on more or less definite form and the spirit of nationalistic patriOtism became the ruling passion in international diplomacy and war. 80 pronounced, therefore, is the spirit of national inde- pendence and separatism at the present epoch that the problem of world unity resolves itself into the problem of bringing sep— arate nationalities into some more definite form of international cooperation and organization.

To this end it is well to clearly understand the basis of national unity. On this point popular thought and pre-war political science are in almosr perfeCt agreement. In the famous definition of Professor John W. Burgess, "‘a nation is a people of an ethnic unity inhabiting a territory of a geogra phical unity.” There are thus two fundamental elements in the political scien- tist's concept of nation, namely, territory and etgmic grouping. Popular thought likewise conceives of France, Germany and other nations as special, rather well defined areas inhabited by people who differ more or less essentially in racial constitution. Moreover, every people thinks of itself in terms of territory amt! race. The sentiment of pattiOtism is warmly attached to the

s;

. NE of the most obvious facts of modern international

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concept of the national territory, the fathetland or the mather- land, and also to the concept of the national race or people. It is in consequence of such psycho-social sentiment that the nation is thought of almost, if am quite, as a personality with a special origin and a unique destiny. Not only popular thought, but scholarly treatises consequently speak of the different na- ' tionalistic groups as separate and diStinct races. Not only the man on the street but the politician, the war propagandiSt and even the historian and social scientist, commonly and in loose fashion speak of the American race, the English race, the French race, the German race, and so on.

It can, however, be shown, not only that there is no such thing as an American, English, French or German race, but also that the national territorial divisions are temporary, artificial and in many respects antiquated. Let us take first, territory.

If we consider, for example, the northern and southern boun- daries of the United States we find them to be largely the con- sequence 0’ historical accident. There is no natural reason, either geographical or economic, racial, religious or moral, why the boundary between Maine and New Brunswick should be located where it is. Except for the historical accident of judicial decision, Nova Scatia and New Brunswick might very well have been parts of the United States. The natural northern boundary of New England, if it has any at all, would be the St. Lawrence River. On the weSt, the forty—ninth parallel—likcwise a purely artificial line—was the result of hiStorical compromise. At one time we threatened to go to war in order to establish the 54° 40' as the official boundary. That would have been equally artificial. In that part of the world there is no natural boundarv excepting the Arctic Ocean. Similar considerations apply to much of the south“ est boundary.

It is of some interest in this conneCtion to recall that the New England States at the time of the Hartford Convention of 1814 were full of separatist sentiment. From what we know of the evolution of nations there can be no doubt that, if New England had succeeded in withdrawing from the Union in 1814.

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she would have by this time thought of herself in terms of an th’HSlfied national unity with more or less striking differences of race, religion, customs and morals. In other words, she would have had all the elements necessary to create an intensified New lingland patriotism. She would also probably have developed her own army and navy, insisted upon having her own repre- sentatives at foreign courts, and sought separate and independent expression in all international affairs. Similar considerations apply to the South, had it succeeded in withdrawing sixty odd years ago.

The boundaries of European nations are equally artificial. In. view of the fact that provinces have been handed back and mrth between France and Germany—have been similarly cut off and added, or added and cut off, from the northern and the eastern boundaries of bath France and Germany—no one would contend that the German boundary today is natural. In fact, the boundaries of every one of the European nations is largely a consequence of what for lack of a more perfeCt term we may call historical accident, or the chance result of a complex tangle of social factors.

The best proof of the unnaturalness of these European boun— daries is the frequent violation of economic and industrial ad- vantage. The separation of Silesia from her natural market; the separation of Lorraine iron from the coal of Westphalia; the artiliciality of the Polish frontiers with its patchwork Corridor— thcse are merely outstanding illustrations among many. Even more convincing is a comparison of the prc-war map of Europe with the map of 192.0. Such a comparison would seem to indi- cate that the old map was sliced up in the most haphazard fashion by a new body of map-makeis who evidently found great satis- faction in making many new nations where none had existed before.

The conclusion of the matter would seem to be that natural boundaries which are more or less satisfaCtory at one stage of national or continental evolution may become quite unnatural and wholly unsatisfactory at another. For example, the boundary

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between the United States and Canada was a matter of compara- tive indifference a hundred years ago when there were vast stretches of untracked forest and enormous areas of unsettled territory between Ottawa and New York. Today, however, modern methods of transportation, road building and com- munication, together with the tremendous increase in popula- tion, has anihilated distance and wiped out unsettled territory. Quebec is much closer to New York- today than Boston was a century ago, n0t merely by telephone, telegraph, wireless and airplane, but even by overland transport. The grOWth of inter- national trade, the rapid exploitation of natural resources and the consequent geographical division of labor have made ter- ritories which previously were economically separate and inde- pendent so mutually interdependent that the prosperity of each is dependent upon the prosperity of all. National boundaries, therefore, are n0t only largely mythical, but they tend to become outworn and antiquated.

It is even easier to show that the idea of nationalistic races is purely mythical. If we are to reason exaCtly on this problem we must first clarify our n0tions of race. A race may be defined as a group of human beings set apart from other human beings by one or more inherited characteristics. We cannot here go into an elaborate discussion of this concept. It can be shown, how- ever, that the term race is used with many degrees of compre- hensiveness. We speak of the human race, of the white race, of the Nordic race, of the Caledonian race, and so on. It is obvious that the term "human race” would distinguish all humans from anthropoids or other mammals. The white race includes a limited proportion of the human race. The Nordic race is a special divi- sion of the white race. The Caledonians would constitute a special red-headed section of the Nordic race. We might even go farther and find that among the Caledonians there were certain strains more or less readily distinguished from others. By making the distinguishing charaCteristics more and more detailed we should finally end by finding that every family strain constitutes a more or less distinguishable section of mankind.

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If, however, we are to think of race in conneCtion with nation, and especially the European nations, we must think in terms of the larger groups represented by the terms Nordic, Mediterranean and Alpine. The queStion arises, therefore, whether there is any European nation which may be said to be so exclu- sively inhabited by members of one or the Other of these three primary European races as to produce an unity between race and nation. Let us take for consideration France and Germany, be- cause bath popular and scientific thought has conceived of these two peoples as of widely different racial composition.

The anthropologists, however, find that there is no such thing as a French or a German race. Both nations are inhabited by varying proportions of all three European stocks. Southern France, for example, is vety largely Mediterranean, but so also is Southern Germany. The Alpine stock has penetrated across France to Brittany and is found in considerable purity in the Auvergne region, but it is also numerous in southern and eastern Gcrmany. The Nordic race likewise has penetrated clear across I’rance, being found n0t only along the south-western coast and in the northern provinces, but also in the Garonne Valley. It results that some parts of France are more Nordic than many parts of Germany; that Other parts are more Alpine than many parts of Germany; that still Other parts are more Mediterranean than many parts of Germany. But exactly similar statements can he made in a comparison of Germany with France. The point need not be labored, because it is becoming clear that all the constituent elements in western European nations are not only very much mixed today, but have been since prehistoric times.

What is important, however, is the discovery that in the process of the evolution of modern nations the separate provinces which existed until quite recent times were accustomed to think of themselves in exaCtly the same terms as modern nations now think of themselves. For centuries and until well into modern times, the Provengales of southern France thought of themselves as distinct in territory, race, religion and morals from the Nor- mans who, in turn, scorned the Bretons and the Lorrainets. It

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is an intereSting historical fat that in 1793, when the present territory of France was invaded by the Prussians, the Bretons refused to join in their repulsion. Brittany was in no danger and the Bretons lacked altogether that sentiment of common nation- ality which they now possess.

This point could be expanded indefinitely, and it could be shown that in like manner German national unity was an out- groxvth of politico-economic forces welding together a large group of free cities and separate principalities and kingdoms. Even the United States, which in many respects is one of the oldest of existing nations, similarly illustrates the slow grOWth of the sentiment of national unity and racial solidarity which is at the basis of the spirit of nationalism. In facr the spirit of 100 per cent Americanism, common to North, South, East and West, is a phenomenon of our own times.

We conclude, then, that the sentiment of nationality, which is the most potent force in modern international relations, is a produCt of definite historical forces. We conclude, also, that bath the sense of common'tertitory and of racial unity are prod- ucrs of political and economic forces operating over a long period of time. What seems to have happened in all of these nations \\ as the gradual development of a political authority more or less respecred over an ever-widening territory. In the course of time this provincial power succeeded in creating common habits of thought and feeling and mutual economic interdependence among several neighboring provinces to such an extent that the spread of nationalistic patriOtism superseded that of provincial isolation.

If this analysis is correct, we may suppose that the present weak and limited power of the League of Nations may under auspicious circumstances gradually grow in strength and ascend- ency until its prestige is recognized by increasing porportions of modern nations. In that case the time will come when its power would be such as to create sentiments of common interest and common destiny giving rise to a secure emotional basis for world unity.

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European history affords many illustrations of the fan that groups tend to lose their sense of racial difl’erence when they become united in common endeavor. They then begin to empha- size their similarities; they invent myths to explain and to in- tensify the sense of common origin and destiny. The sentiment of race broadens so as to include under a common rubric, and that often an entirely new one, more or less diverse peoples who had previously cherished separate and individual race prides. No doubt such changes come slowly. They are a consequence primarily of the ceaseless change of generations, which permits youth to acquire the new emotional fetvors better adapted to the new elements in an ever-changing world.

In this country we now have a considerable number of rep- resentatives, n0t merely of the primary European races, but of all its atomistic nationalities. We thus possess an ethnic basis which will, under favoring conditions, permit us to recognize our kinship to all the nations of Europe. In time our polyglot and polychrome racial ingredients will be merged into a new ethnic unity, compounded of all the elements that Europe con- tains. Whether, therefore, we shall continue to hold ourselves aloof from the affairs of that continent will depend, not on aCtual racial differences, but on the evolution of economic and political affairs.

This problem resolves itself into the furtherance of those forces which create feelings of mutual interdependence. Such feelings are nourished by whatever emphasizes likeness of thought and of standard of life. They are above all nourished by the groxvth of economic mutuality. The greatest forces now making for in- ternational understanding are, therefore, the growth of inter- national trade and the expansion of international investments. Just as nationalistic capitalism enormously intensified the spirit of nationalistic Patriotism during the past hundred years, so the international capitalism of the future will prove to be the most powerful guarantee of peace and good-will among nations.

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APOSTLES OF WORLD UNITY

XII—NORMAN ANGELL

6)

JOHN Maz Dow o] Etumict, L'm’vma'ry o] Anion

" MONO the mass of printed books there are a few that may be counted as um, um books. The Contra: Social was indisputably one; and I venture to suggest to you that The Great Illluion is anather. The thesis of Galileo

was not more diametrically opposed to current ideas than that of Norman Angeli; yet it had in the end a certain measure of success"—it is with these words that a prominent Englishman, Viscount Esher, very aptly appraised the extraordinary con- tribution to modern thought contained in Norman Angell's famous work.

The Great Illusion was published in 1910. It was translated into some twenty languages and sold up to half a million copies. Its main argument is this: military force and victory have be- come futile for the promotion of man's most fundamental needs. such as economic welfare. subsistence and prosperity, because. in the modern world, our densely populated nations live by a complex process of labor-division and exchange of goods and services; this process can neither be efl'eCted nor even promOted through military power. Economic produCtion and world trade can function only through voluntary cooperation among nations. Nor is this all. What is infinitely more important than this elementary truth is the demonstration by T5: Great Illuu'on of the fact that a working condition of international society will never be reached, unless this interdependence of nations with the subsequent futility of military force is more generally realized.

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Not only is it an illusion to believe that a nation can, by itself alone, achieve security and economic welfare, but it is equally futile to attempt to change international order without nrst changing the ideas underlying and dictating national policies. Economic internationalism as the prerequisite of borh the full development of each nation's existence and of inter- national polity; is the one great problem of social progress, which alone will make possible the pooling of military forces

‘ur the purpose of restricting aggression and outlawing war.

What has made international relations so unsatisfactory in the past is neither an inherent imperfeCtion or viciousness in the human race, nor any fore-ordained manifestation of divine providence, but a rather simple set. of fallacies or ”illusions," embodied in the failure to realize that nations live by a very mmplex process of labor division and exchange of products, absolutely dependent in its functioning upon the maintenance of international order. To challenge these illusions was the task which Norman Angell had set himself, and which he has so brilliantly accomplished.

In the history of ideas, Norman Angell's thesis will stand out with increasing clarity as a contribution of unparalleled originality. In the midst of the recent European crisis when the race for armaments and preparations for war were at their height, this slender and intrepid British writer stepped forth to challenge Ms contemporaries with a shower of clean-cut logic, the like n! which it would be hard to find. With a directness quite dis- tznct from the fine sentiments and emotions of the courageous handful of adherents of the peace movements in Europe, he inter-

t-ctecl into the discussion of his days an entirely new approach:

"I am not a pacifist," he correCtly stated in the introduction of i. is book. He came to see the desirability of world peace through the inductive method, the logic of facts: if welfare be what we want to achieve, if bread and happiness be among the aims of mankind, then the nations are certainly pursuing the wrong path with their armaments and their reliance on strength and wars. In our economically interdependent world we need one another's

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labor, cooperation and markets. The world has become such an intricate mechanism, and is imbued with such a sensitive organ- ism, that no single part can be affected by military aggression without the other parts suffering thereby. And as this inter- dependence increases with the evolution of transport and com- munication of world trade, commerce and international ex- pansion of capital, military force becomes more and more futile and ineffective.

In demonstrating this world trend toward a greater unity and interdependence of nations, Norman Angeli attempts to show the almost mechanical chataCter of that interdependence. As society becomes more complex, the factor of coercion dimin- ishes in effectiveness. Sugar cane can be cut by slave labor, under the compulsion of the slave driver's whip. But you cannOt have your appendix cut that way. Mere threat and coercion in that case must fail. In order to get what we need in modern society, whether it be markets, profits, or services, we must place in the hands of the Other party of the operation tools and knowledge. If colonies are to become good markets they must be industrially developed. But that means giving them power which can be used against the imperial power of the mother country. Thus came about the development of colonies into dominions. To the degree to which the person or community that we desire to compel is strong to do our will he or it is strong to resist it. A country strong enough to pay indemnities is a country strong enough to insist that it shall not. "If," says Norman Angel], “in this modern world of ours you give the other fellow strength whetewith to perform your services, you have given him strength wberewith to back his claim that it shall be done on conditions satisfactory to himself. "

It is this mechanism of mutual dependence which Norman Angeli emphasizes and demonstrates in its operation in number- less illustrations. He is not so much concerned with proposing a definite machinery, such as a league of nations, treaties for the outlawry of war, or a world court; to him such institutions as these are merely the outcome, the necessary and inevitable out- come of changed ideas.

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But Norman Angell is more than a brilliant writer and originator of new ideas: he is also a great humanizer of knowl- edge. The greatest of all causes to which man can lend his mind in these days, that of internationalism, has found its popularizer m Norman Angeli. With Richard Cobden he has been ranked "among the greatest of our pamphleteers, perhaps the greateSt since Swift," by the London Nation; a critic in the Daily Mail claims that no book has attracted wider attention or has done more to stimulate thought in the present century than TI): Great Illtm'on. So much is certain: it has provoked one of the great controversies of this generation, and whether we like it or not, Norman Angel] is a prophet whose prophecies have come true. One can hardly open a newspaper or periodical with- out some fresh vindication of the once rejeCted and despised doctrine of Norman Angellism.

In common with all prophets, Norman Angel] has shared the fate of being misunderstood, ridiculed or accused of low and selfish motives. A fully developed myth has gtown around his doctrine, obscuring its very essence. A surprisingly large seetion of otherwise well-informed public opinion takes it for granted that Norman Angel! is that Englishman who said ”war has hecome impossible." As a matter of fact, he has never said any~ thing of the sort. What he did say was that war had become futile. He rather overemphasized the likelihood of war as long as the current ideas of international relations retained their hold. He claimed that no nation would gain from war, that to annex territory would nOt help a country a whit, and that colonies were not worth fighting over, because the interlacing of finances, of wealth and prosperity in a continuously shrinking world make war disastrous to b0th, vietor and vanquished alike. It is the belief in the gainfulness of war that constitutes the ”great illusion," nm the possibility of its recurrence. The alleged conflict of interest between nations underlying current world politics is completely refuted with Angell's doctrine. In a flaw- less intelleCtual appeal to the present generation he insists that only a complete change of ideas concerning national advantage

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will bring about the stability of society and the permanent foundation of a secure civilization.

Economic theory owes much to Norman Angel], although his ideas have am yet deeply entered into the standard texts of the science. Scarcely has any writer since Adam Smith more lucidly exposed the fundamental import of labor division, none has more perfecrly demonstrated why physical force must become ineffective with growing interdependence. Angell's incessant emphasis upon the necessity of creating a new state of mind, con- sistent with our present knowledge and circumstances of inter- national economic relations, is such as to assure him a place among the economists of the world. Economic facts are n0t all- important, but they count heavily: We muSt understand before we control. If we are to become better, we must learn to ream soundly! _

In his pOSt-war book ”The Fruits of Victory," Angell re- views his argument again and takes issue with his critics and the world at large for having refused to accept his doctrines. even after the bitter lessons of the War—and the Peace.

The inStinct of power, he points out, sanCtioned and strength- ened as it is by “pattiOtism," has remained practically un- challenged in the present world. So deeply is it rooted within us. that we shall continue to yield to it until we realize its danger,— just as religious wars continued until a changed mental attitude resulted in tolerance among the different creeds.

Once the economic futility of military power is made clear to all the world, civilization will be on a firmer basis. This struggle of ideas is, of course, quite disturbing to certain deeply ingrained prejudices like economic nationalism and the impulse of self—assertion, and there are interested minorities who are always opposed to any change. Just as slavery has never been economically profitable to society, especially if looked at from the viewpoint. oi b0th parties concerned, so all forms of domina- tion or coercion of one nation by anather are economically dis- advantageous for both parties, because of the waste of energy involved. The economic principle which implies the attainment

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of a "maximum of welfare with a minimum of effort” can only be served through voluntary cooperation in place of the time- worn illusions of power and victories.

When Woodrow Wilson, during a critical period of America's history, stated that ”no nation can any longer remain neutral as against any wilful disturbet of the peace of the world," he uttered a doctrine which had really originated with Norman Angell. When every schoolboy of today realizes that war is no longer a paying proposition—if it ever was—he has absorbed some of Norman Angell's teachings, and when learned economists begin to admit the unprofitableness of the forceful transfer of wealth, indemnities, seizures of territory, they merely disclose the victorious assimilation by them of the ideas first ennunciated

n Tl): Great Illmion.

It is quite likely that Norman Angell would refuse to be glassed among the ”Apostles of World Unity." But no man has done more than he to remove the rocks obstructing the path to- wards a more united world. “It cannot be too often repeated that war is the failure of human wisdom," he insists, "and the one way to avoid it is for men to make themselves wiser." All he wished to make clear is that in an interdependent world military

orcc has lost its efl'eCtiveness in the attainment of those ends

which it is commonly supposed to promOte; it is futile, irrelevant— that is the dOCtrine of this new school of political thought. 11' the public mind can be made to accept this idea, then the old methods of living against each other will have made place to a new method of living together, and law will have supplanted mrce. The international problem can no longer be met by the antiquated readiness of the militarist to ”fight it out," still less by the pacifist's passive resolve nm to fight: the struggle has become one of ideas!

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PROGRESS BY TELIC GUIDANCE

6} MARY HULL

V. Our Religious Background

N indicating the relation of our various educational institu- tions to the problem _of telic guidance in the fourth number of this series, I reserved the discussion of religion for sub- sequent articles. The present situation of religion is so

complicated that I can picture it clearly only by sketching it in on the background of the recent past. That is the task of this chapter. In the following chapter I hope to bring the piCture up to date and conclude the discussion beginning here.

In primitive society, religion answers the need of coming into effective relationship with the power that manifests in the universe. In the course of progress, as man obtains increasing control of his physical environment and his consciousness ex- pands, the need for inner harmony becomes more insistent than the need for outer harmony, conscience develops and the in- dividual experiences an inner compulsion to ethical conduct; he recognizes, also, that there are ethical reserves on which he can draw, a power not himself which makes for righteousness. and he identifies this ethical force with the power that manifests in the world without.

Religion has a social funCtion as well as an individual func- tion. The ethical element in religion is first stressed when primi- tive men begin to unite. For the exigencies of social life demand some check upon individual impulse. The need for inner harmony and the necessity for social harmony develop pari passu; and their increasing intensity is commensurate with the deepening of individual consciousness and the complexity of social life.

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The social funCtion of religion, therefore, like the individual function, is synthetic.

In its individual function, religion stills the tumult of con;

Iicring desires and unifies the individual and redeems his life

from futility by the conception of a comprehensive purpose that relates him to the ”scheme of things entire”; and it enables him to secure inner harmony by the subjugation of his lower instincts to his higher nature through which he ”tunes in" on the spiritual force of the universe.

In its social function, by insisting on the dominance of ulti- mate values, religion provides an authoritative standard of tight and wrong and furnishes a common basis for conduct that is socially desirable. Further, it mOtivates theconduct it inculcates. I’m the religious spirit alone can successfully stem the powerful tide of the egoistic impulses and furnish a motive strong enough to subordinate the self to social ends. Through these offices and through the sympathy aroused by the consciousness of a common source and destiny and of the potentially equal worth of in- dividuals there is generated a cohesive force that unifies society.

The foregoing statement is the ideal. The ideal in religion as in Other institutions fails of perfeCt realization. And it some- times happens, in cases where religion is organized in an un- progressive ecclesiastical system, that the failure to fulfill its social function is so pronounced as to constitute, in some re- spects, an inversion of purpose.

"With the appearance of a new religious idea,’ nOtes the {oIk-psychologist, Le Bon, ”a new civilization is born: religion is the only factor capable of aCting rapidly upon the character“ of a people; on the other hand n0thing is so destructive as the dust of dead gods. " Here is succinCtly stated the two fundamental social reactions of religion in history. Normally religion is a nucleus out of which'gteat civilizations develop. Expressed in a definite organization and program it furnishes a conscious psychic discipline which gives solidarity to the group. In its purity, M) long as it is an attitude of mind conducive to harmony, it is a consttuaive, progressive force. But in a decadent stage, no

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longer fluid and vital, but petrified into an exclusive, cut and dried system of theology, it becames a reacrionary, destructive force.

In the study of comparative religion, if we dig down through the accretions of centuries of time formed by the becloudin g myths of fanciful devotees, the edicts of synods, and the arbitrary in- terpretations of eminent ecclesiastics, we reach finally a common universal formation. Beginning with certain fundamental prin- ciples variously expressed, the history of the great world religions run a similar course, a course, atlas, of progressive degradation.

Each one originates with a great prophet accrenited with divine knowledge, devotion to whose personality and teachings forms the basis of a subsequent religious order. The followers of the prophet, usually after his death, build up an organization and a theological system with the exalted purpose of perpetuating his memory and the principles he taught. Accordingly they em- body these principles along with a basic conception of the universe drawn from contemporary science and philosophy in a religious creed to serve as a framework of suggestion on which the believer may organize his thoughts. And to make the moral synthesis enjoined by the founder more easily attainable for him they establish a spiritual discipline, a system of influences de- signed to afford a cOnstant stimulus to the higher sentiments. .

Each theological sysrem ends in confusing the instrument with the purpose, by exalting the organization above the founder and its elaborately fabricated creed above the latter's simple teachings, and by making Observances and rituals and sacraments more important than the conduCt they were meant to inspire. Gradually as the process of crystallization proceeds, worldliness creeps in and spiritual aims are sacrificed for material gains. In some instances, with the decline of spirituality and the increase of material possession and temporal power, imperial ambition develops and the Church seeks to bring all men under its sway. employing for this purpose means ranging from subtle mental compulsion to physical force of the most brutal kind. This is the final stage of debasement.

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Usually as religious organizations approach the final stage 01' degradation, the more progressive and spiritually minded members revolt and form a new and purer cult. Sometimes the parent church splits into a number of new sects simultaneously, cach one emphasizing some timely aspect of truth n0t stressed hxtherto, as a tree sometimes sends out nearly lateral branches m all direCtions when the top-shoot is damaged. But eventually these new sects in their turn pass through a stage of decadence sxmilar to that of the parent Church.

And in these periods of religious decadence, those individuals who are progressive and intellectually rather than spiritually based react by cutting loose from religion altogether; for judging religion by the type familiar to them, they despise it as an or- uanized sy'Stem of superstition and tyranny and turn with relief to agnosticism.

Obviously religious organizations would not pass through .1 stage of decadence unless they contained some seeds of decay. Since in Western Civilization our concern is with the Christian religion we naturally ask ”what is the root of evil in Christian-

ty" whose founder embodies humanity's highest conception of

altruism and spirituality, that the civilization informed by the (.hristian ideal is characterized by greed and is torn by disruptive

nrccs. To my mind, aside from the tendency to exalt the organi- -

ution beyond the purpose it serves, which seems to inhere in all types of organization, there are two main defects which in their direCt and indirect influence account for the failure of ( hristianity to generate the spiritual cohesive force that social mlndarity requires. One of these defects is exclusivemu and the other is the dogma of infallibility.

All religious systems are exclusive in some degree. Each one txaggetates the importance of its particular system. Still the "rcat Oriental cults recognize the validity of other faiths, in- tluding Christianity, and the Incarnation of Divinity likewise 1n the founders of these faiths. Thus in the Hindu Scripture the Lord announces, ”Whenever righteousness declines and chaos reigns, O Bharata, I become flesh and dwell among men. To

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succour the good, to confound the evil, and to set virtue on her throne, from age to age I am born."

But Christianity claims that its founder alone is Divine and its system comprises all truth and all Other systems are false This attitude begets arrogance, and arrogance always displaces spirituality. Feeling superior, Christianity assumes the right to dominate peoples of inferior faiths, and domination invariably runs into exploitation. Opportunity for exploitation encourages? greed and the sanctification of exploitation results in hypocrisy From the premise that Christianity alone possesses the truth-ii follows that the Christian ideal of unity is that of supplanting other faiths and converting the whole world to its doctrines Exclusiveness leads, thus, to arrogance, intolerance. and loss oi spirituality, greed and hypocrisy; and these qualities are ali inimical to world unity.

The evils that exclusiveness breeds are matched by those that issue from belief in an infallible Church and belief in at. infallible and final Scriptural Revelation. The one demands thc surrender of individual judgment in questions of belief and 0! conduct; the other calls for the surrender of intellectual integrity.

The claim that the Scriptural Revelation of truth is final is not supported by the words of Christ; and it is contrary to com- monsense. For is it nOt preposterous that religion should develop gradually through centuries of time and then suddenly come to a full stop in one generation? Likewise it is contrary to reason Truth undoubtedly is absolute; but man's perception of it is always relative and incomplete. It is conditioned by man's in- telleCt, his stage of development, his personal experience, and his environment, and it changes as he develops. With every step in advance his horizon widens and his view enlarges. The law is the same in the realm of religion as it is in the realm of philosophy and science. Final theology is as impossible as final chemistry or final hygiene.

In early civilizations, religion was an integral part of all social institutions and colored the whole life of the people. Antagonism between science and religion was unknown because

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they were inseparably incorporated into one system which de- \‘L‘loped and decayed as a whole. But the fierce determination of the Medieval Church to maintain its theology intaCt at all hazards and the resultant fanatical resistance to incipient em- piricism broke up the medieval synthesis. Rudely alienated from a religion which preached the gospel of love, and, since it pos- scsscd temporal power, proved the truth of its dogma to heretics by means of imprisonment and torture, the first extreme reaction of science was a thoroughgoing denial of the God in whose name us adherents had been persecuted, and a mechanistic conception of Nature which looked-upon the world as a purely material order ruled by mechanical and mathematical laws. In such a universe there was no place for moral values and spiritual forces. Physicists ceased, therefore, to search for the solution of ultimate problems and metaphysics fell into desuetude. Thenceforth the devotees of religion and the votaries of science were separated into two hostile camps.

The Encyclopedists, the Humanists and the apostles of En- h ghtenment of the eighteenth century conceived of religion merely as an agglomeration of speculations about the Unknow- ahlc. Its relation to social evolution. in their minds, was purely that of an obscurantist force; and progress, they believed, resulted mlcly from the favorable reaction of man to his physical environ- mcnt and to the mcrease of positive knowledge of the material world. They strove, therefore, to do away with the hampering mass of religious tradition and to build civilization upon a ra- tional and naturalistic basis; and through the force of their in- niatory ideas the ancient regime of the ”Divine Right of Kings" and of the hereditary aristocratic hierarchy was uprooted.

The seeds sown in the eighteenth century bore fruit in the nineteenth. The bourgeois state which replaced the aristocratic order sought with a single mind material prosperity and com- mercial expansion, and it flourished mightily. But there was no commensurate advance in spiritual things. Consequently, as (.lomte had prophesied, Western Civilization, in the absence of any unifying spiritual force, and lacking a sound intellectual

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synthesis, tends to social disruption. Material progress has in- creased ancient rivalries by accentuating the contrasts between wealth and poverty and by enlarging the scope of international competition; and modern economic imperialism is as greedy and unmoral and even more fraught with danger of dissolution than the social imperialism of the ancient order.

This tendency to social anarchy is a direct result of antagon- ism baween science and religion. It is an attitude that canno: be maintained without mutual debasement because in their purity science and religion are inseparable, they are simply the inner and outer aspeCts of the unit of experience. Science is concerned with the establishment of the order of phenomena in the material universe; it describes the steps that lead to results and proceeds by quantitative measurements. Philosophy and religion see life whole and interpret reality in terms of quality and value. They are clearly complementary in nature and method; they belong together and in a coherent society they cannOt be separated without mutilation. Science, unillutnined by the religious spirit. is a neutral force that is turned as readily to destructive as to consttuCtive uses. And religion, encased in a static organization. and failing to keep pace with science, stagnates, loses its hold on tational minds and becomes a pestilential swamp in place of the purifying stream it was meant to be. The value of religion in its social function lies in its power to influence conduct and proximate harmony. Science alters out ethical outlook by changing our views of the nature of the universe. It creates new obligations; the science of biology for instance, reveals new phases of duty in the fields of public hygiene and eugenics. In its application, science creates new situations: the intetaCtion of science and industry has produced a condition of social interdependence and an economic system that is tOtally different from anything that has preceded it, and which creates entirely new ethical problems which religion, functioning properly, must recognize and solve.

The mutual hostility of science and religion does n0t pre- vent social interaction, it merely tenders such interaction per- nicious. It conduces to mental confusion, needless friction and

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emotional jars, to such conditions, in short. as prevail in families where parents spend their time together in bickering and re- proaches and unfortunate children grow up in an atmosphere “here love is not.

The mechanistic conception of the godless science of the nineteenth century colored all the social institutions and entered

ntO every phase of life. Positing matter and force as the begin-

ning and end of life, everything in it became the result of their action and interaction. Even consciousness was considered as nwrely the product of the higher organization of matter; and scncntists declared that ”the brain secretes thought as the liver secretes bile." If conscious life is simply sensation in various developments and associations, then it follows that pleasurable «cnsation is the goal of aspiration and the resultant standard of values is entirely material.

The political economy derived from this conception built up a policy of self~seeking, short-sighted states in whose mutual relations might alone made right. The individualism that in the eighteenth century had expressed itself in a wholesome re- action against the despotism of Church and State developed in the nineteenth century into an aggressive nationalism. Compe- tition was recognized as the basic law of economic development. \K'hen evolution was scientifically demonstrated, the principles of evolution were conStrued in the light of the prevailing mate- rialistic theory. It was the generally accepted axiom of the age that all progress is achieved through the struggle for existence and the survival of the fittest. The altruistic principle in life u hich Mr. Drummond terms ”the struggle for the Life of Others" was wholly ignored, and the fittest to survive were not those acclaimed by the morality of all ages to be the best, those su- perior in truthfulness and justice, kindness and wisdom, but those excelling in avarice, brute strength, and craft. Further, the cur- rent mechanistic conception of political economy dehumanized industry by conceiving of workmen as ”hands drawn from the pool of labor” and in general by centering attention upon a group of abstraCtions and t0tally ignoring vital aspecrs of the whole.

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While religious organizations denied the current material~ istic science as a matter of belief, they were powerless to counter- act it because their own conceptions, their methods and their arguments were derived from the Dark Ages; and in point of practice they themselves were deficient in spirituality and ob- viously influenced by the mative of worldly advantage: hence their contribution to the moral progress of this period was considerably lessened.

PrateStantism was undoubtedly an important facror in the spread of democratic institutions in the nineteenth century. Faith in Democracy is essentially religious in its source in that it springs from a recognition of the brotherhood of man and a sense of the patentially equal worth of individuals. But in at- taining concrete expression this ideal has been corrupted by the necessity of incorporation in a polity that is essentially unmoral. Therefore, instead of a ”government of the people, by the people and for the people" universal suffrage and democratic devices have secured for us in the United States a government of alternat- ing groups of professional politicians, endorsed by a majority of the citizens who find it worth while to vore. and modified by the aetion of the permanent blocs and ‘Other minority groups organized from time to time to put over particular measures and largely for the individuals whose special interests are thus repre- sented. Further, social democracy has been fouled by the current conception that the goal of the individual, like that of the State, is material welfare. And the accepted measure of the worth of the individual has come to be, not clean living and service to the community, but the ability to earn money by hook or crook.

All of the institutions of modern society, religious, political, educational and social are "sicklied over" with the baneful cast of commercialism. And to the perpetuation of a materialistic regime the orthodox churches, Catholic and Protestant, have unconsciously contributed by upholding unmoral nationalism and an anachronistic international polity, by conservatism in sup- porting the existing system which incorporates so much that is inherently evil, rather than in seeking for a more ethical recon-

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sthtion; and in general, in failing to maintain spiritual values and to discern and supplement the limitations of utilitarian morality by steadily focussing on the ultimate goal of society.

The defeCtion of the orthodox churches, Catholic and Prat- estant, in fulfilling the social function of religion, opened the way for a new type of social agitation, a movement for the complete reconstruCtion of society in accordance with an ideal of social perfeCtion, a movement essentially religious in its fer- vor. though violently opposed to ecclesiasticism.

A cross secrion of society in the nineteenth century reveals two distinct layers: an upper layer consisting of a prosperous bourgeoisie, sanctified by alliance with eccliasticism, satisfied with the present and optimistic about the future; and a lower layer consisting of proletariat with a steadily deepening class~ consciousness, seething with bitterness and seeking by means of labor unions, strikes, and political measures to secure for itself a fair share of the profits of industry. The Anarchists and Socialists of this period drew largely from the latter submerged layer, though there was a sprinkling of idealists from the upper layer. The liberals were almost wholly from the upper layer, being alienated from their own order by the selfishness and lack of moral imagination displayed by it in economic and social XSSUCS.

These groups served variously in forcing upon the public a recognition of the existence of radical social evils. But none of them worked out a complete social synthesis or evolved a truly constructive program. The anarchists indeed were wholly de- structive in their ideas. Karl Marx's interpretation of history on which Socialism is based was essentially materialistic; and the heroic skepticism of the liberals made no appeal to the masses and it tended naturally to discouragement and cynicism.

The skepticism of this period was the natural reattion of thoughtful minds to the social sterility and the metaphysical puerility of the orthodox churches. In this era, indeed, science was avenged for all that religion had made it sufl'er in. an earlier age. For by the development of science in the nineteenth century

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the foundations of orthodox religion were assailed, its hyp0thesis questioned, its conclusions denied, its interests challenged and its pr. stige damaged. By the cumulative force of the successive impaCts of new developments in astronomy, geology, biology and anthropology, and the application of the method of historical criticism to the Biblical narrative, the established system of theology, based as' it was upon the authority of Revelation and fast bound with an obsolete cosmography, was gradually under- mined and the whole complicated structure began to crumble. In consequence, the thoughtful and spiritually sensitive in- dividuals who had been bred in the Church were between the devil and the deep sea. They were dissatisfied with the Church because of its impotence to remedy the glaring evils of Christen- dom. And because in the light of modern science and the higher criticism, they could not interpret the Bible consistently with fans and reason and still believe it an infallible and final Revela- tion; and because the dogma of everlasting torture as a penalty for failure to subscribe to Christian dOCtrines outraged their sharpened sense of justice, Christian creeds for them, had become incredible. And while, on the one hand, they could not give their allegiance to the Church without aifronting their intelligence; on the Other hand, they could not accept the current materialistic conception of science, which was essentially hedonistic in its ethical implication, without stultifying their spiritual nature. The Christian Church had always claimed that it was the only true religion; hence the individual who discarded Christian dogma felt that he was through with religion altogether. More- over, the Church had taught that the sanCtion for morality was the authority of Scripture; and when this is discredited, the foundations of morality are apparently sapped. In consequence the only rational mOtive for virtue is seen to be self-interest, and virtue is merely prudential, and the only deterrent from vice is the fear of being found out. Insensitive souls, on losing their inherited faith, readily accept this point of view and plunge into materialism. But those in whom the spiritual nature has been awakened find no joy in a life devoid of altruism; and from the

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poignant stage of negation that is their first recbil to disbelief, they turn to the cold comfort of stoic agnosticism.

The stoic perceives that the values inculcated by the aban- doned religion still exist for him, and he realizes that in his own nature are the springs that compel recognition of them. Religion, he sees, achieves powerful results largely because it incorporates these values which find a response in the human heart. And though all the world without be indifferent or inimical to moral values, there is still some virtue in man. And standing on what Mr. Russell terms, "a firm foundation of unyielding despair," he hurls his challenge to religion.

"Hath man no second life? Pitt}; this one high! Sits there no judge in heaven, our sin to see? More strictly, t/mz, the inward judge obey! ' '

Ethical aims, devoid of religious support, do, in the case of CXCCPtionan individuals, lead to lofty social idealism. But in time and under stress, even exceptional individuals weary of swimming against the current and become discouraged. Unique virtue is most difficult to maintain in a world conceived of as unmoral and which fails therefore to guarantee its ultimate triumph. The Promethean attitude cannot be sustained indefi- nitely: in the end the Titan succumbs to the gods.

From the point of view of spirituality, the greater part of the nineteenth century lay in a state of inidnight darkness. In the nature of things no light could come from groups whose scientific outlook was derived from a mechanistic conception of the universe, or from adherents to orthodox religious organiza- tions complacent in the face of grievous social evils, steeped in medieval theology and looking backwards, or from socially alive agnostics who failed to link social evolution to the cosmic order. The agony experienced by sensitive souls because of the brutality of the struggle for existence, the insensate ecclesiastical dogma- tism, the spiritual homelessness and the whole confused milieu of the

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"Poor fragments of a broken world Whereon men pitch their tent”

is strikingly expressed in the following stanzas of Matthew Arnold:

"The past, its mask of union on, Had ceased to live and thrive: The past, its mask of union gone, Say, is it more alive?

"Your creeds are dead, your rites are dead, Your social order too.

Where tarries he, the Power who said,— See, I make all thing: new?”

It is always darkest just before dawn. Out of the travail of sensitive souls a new spirit was born and the elements of a new social synthesis came into being. And in the last quarter of the nineteenth century there appeared longed-for streaks of 1i ght that heralded the dawn of a new era.

[Page 115]Wflmflfi

THE 'WISDOM OF THE AGES Edited by

ALFRED W. MARTIN Society [or £36124! Cuban, Nov York

The Sacred 5‘ m' 1mm: of Zoroastrian»:

ORTY centuries ago the ancestors of Gatama and of Zoroaster

occupied the territory beyond the Himalayas, near the

sources of the rivet Oxus. Not only did they live on common

ground and speak a common language but they also cher- ished one and the same teligion—the primitive Aryan religion. From this Aryan home on the table-lands of Central Asia there spread in seven successive migrations the tribes that have peopled Europe and most of Asia. Of these migrations, the two earliest were those to India in the southwest and to Persia in the south- cast—the two countries witnessing a divergence of the primitive Aryan religion into Hinduism and Zoroastrianism respectively. And precisely as the warm, benignant climate and the rich fruitful soil of Western India fostered a brooding, meditative, reflective spirit, giving the religion of the country these characteristics against which Gatama registered his prOtests, so the less favor- able conditions of life in ancient Persia (Iran) precluded philos- ophizing and necessitated watchfulness and courage and made industriousness the prime virtue, giving to the religion of the country the unique emphasis which its sacred scriptures put on work and the relation of work to salvation.

Persia's place among the nations of antiquity was second only to that of Greece and Rome. 80 great was her power in the fifth century before our era that the late Max Mfillet went so far as to say that if the battles of Marathon and Salamis had been

lost to Greece, Zoroastrianism, which was the state religion of us

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the Persian empire, would have become the religion of the civilized world. In other words, if by the grace of the Persian god, Ahura-Mazda, Darius had been victorious over Alexander the Great, belief in the Olympian deities and myths would never have replaced the teachings of Zoroaster. But Persia did not go down to permanent defeat. A thousand years later she was once more in the ascendant, till the year 641, when the Muhammadan invasion established Islam where Zoroastrianism had reigned. The great majority of the faithful refused to accept the new religion and were forthwith punished with exile. They found a refuge in the northwestern part of India, now known as the presidency of Bombay. There, today, one may see the descendants of those exiles, numbering nearly 100,000 souls; a people world- renowned for their intelleCtual and moral worth and for the perfervid enthusiasm with which they perpetuate the religion of their fathers; a religion that has contributed several important doarines to Christianity, through Judaism; a religion that has left its solemn record, not only in the pages of its Sacred Book, the "Avesta" but also in the high-toned lives of the Zoroastrian colony at Bombay.

For the discovery of the sacred scriptures of Zoroastrianism. we are indebted to a young Frenchman, Anquetil du Perron, who. in 1754, while browsing in the Royal Library at Paris, came upon a few dusty sheets of manuscript written in a Sanskrit dialect. known as Pahlavi. These proved to be a portion of the “Avesta.” Determined to see the rest of this literature and to give France the first translation of it all, Anquetil embarked for Bombay, the home of Zoroastrian exiles, and at the end of ten years returned to Paris and there fulfilled his desire.

This sacred literature consists of six main parts:

I—The Yama ("worship")—a liturgy recited by the priesrs at the offering to the divinities of the Zoroastrian pantheon.

II—The Gatba: (hymns)—Chapters 18—54 of the Yama. the oldest and most revered part of the sacred scriptures, con- sisting of metrical texts in the form of utterances of Zoroaster or of revelations of Ahura-Mazda to Zoroaster.

[Page 117]THE SACRED SCRIPTURBS OP ZOIOASTRIANISM 117

III—The Vispeted—"All Lords” (of the ritual). A collation of litanies included in the ”Yasna" and addressed, for the most part, to one or another of the seven atchangels.

lV—The Yashts (”praises”). Twenty-one hy'nns, mostly dedicated to divinities subordinate to Ahura-Mazda.

V—The Vendidad (anti-demonic law). A prose ceremonial code of purification, expiation, together with moral exhorta- tmns. This book resembles somewhat the Book of ”Leviticus" m the Old Testament and deals, like it, with questions of clean and unclean. These, however, refer, not to an inward spiritual state, but to external physical conditions of the body. That is unclean which is possessed of a demon and the objeCt of purifica- tion is exorcism or expurgation of the evil spirit.

V I—-Khorda-Avesta (shorter Avesta). A collection of prayers for private use by bOth laity and priests.

Very striking, in this canonical literature, is the change of atmosphere and thought into which we move when passing mm: the Gatlm: to the Yatlm. Ahura-Mazda is still supreme and about him are the Ameslm-Spenta: (archangels) the Yazata: Qangels), of whom Mithra (Lord of Truth) is chief, and the 1*r..'r.u/2i:, (guardian angels) all of them made objeCts of worship. In the Quint, too, Zoroastet is still prophet of the Faith, but no longer the fervid moral and religious reformer, eagerly ad- xancing his gospel of God and duty in the face of the severest opposition; no longer is he the truly human being in his feelings nf elation and discouragement as the fortunes of his ministry NSC and fall; he is a purely supernatural person, discoursing with Ahura-Mazda on theological subjeCts. Sacrifice, rather than obedience to the moral law, is now the center of the religious Iztc and prayer has given place to magic spells in which scrupulous care must be taken to invoke the right name of deity—so far- reaching is the contrast between the content of the 64:64: and u! the Yeti)”.

To these canonical works which constitute all that we have M the sacred Scriptures of Zoroastrianism must be added two that are included in “Sacred Books of the East."

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The Bundabisb, a work dating from the ninth century AD. dealing with eschatology (the doarine of the last things) and containing much material from lost Avestan books. The Other uncanonical work is the Dinlmrd, containing chiefly synopses of material in earlier sacred books.

Our prime concern is with the Carl)“ because they constitute the earliest portion of the Zorggstrian Scriptures and from them we learn all that we authentically know of the person and ministry of Zoroaster. Here he is described as:

‘ “The holy Zarathushtra—who first thought what was good, who first did what was good; who was the first Priest of the Sacred Fire, the first Warrior, the first Plougher of the ground, who first knew and first taught the word of holiness and obedi- ence to the Word; who had a revelation of the Lord; in whose birth and groxvth the waters and plants rejoiced and all the creatures of the good creation cried out, Hail!” (Yasht XXIV).

Just here a word of caution should be interjected against the popular habit of regardin g Zoroastrians as “fire-worshippers. " This is as serious a mistake as calling Buddhists ”idol-wor- shippers," Hindus “sun-worshippers," or orthodox Christians "cross-worshippers." When the Hindu said, ”O Savitri, thou Sun,” he was not thinking of the fiery ball that rises over the Himalayas and sets behind the Indus, but rather of the Power within or behind the sun, responsible for every function it fulfills. Similarly, the Roman Catholic, when he kneels before his crucifix it is as an aid to spiritual concentration, the real object of his worship being the Christ,' or God, or the Virgin Mary, as the case may be. In like manner too the Zoroastrian fire serves a symbolical funaion. Well do I remember the language of the lamented Jeneghier D. Cola, (the distinguished repre- sentative of Zoroastrianism at the World's Parliament of Re- ligions) when discussing with him the meaning of fire as a religious symbol. He said: ”While our eyes are fixed on the sacred flame our hearts are humbled before Ahura-Mazda, our God.”

To the Parsee, fire is the most perfeCt symbol of deity. Its purity, its power, its refulgence, its incorruptibility, its glory,

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—-each of these suggests to him an attribute of deity and so he keeps the sacred flame constantly burning, as a helpful symbol, an aid in concentrating thought upon his God. The fire is scm- pulously guarded from every sort of pollution and fed with care- fully selected sandalwood. The priest wears a veil over his nose and mouth that his breath may act blow on the fire; his hands are encased in gauntlets and the wood is handled with tongs. Furthermore, this choice of fire as the supreme symbol of deity illustrates the influence of environment upon religious ideas. Iran (ancient Persia) was a veritable fite-country, bespread with naptha springs, surrounded by burning mountains, over- hung with meteoric lights and stars that shone through the clear atmosphere so brilliantly as to seem articulate with spiritual meaning and suggestion.

From the Gatlm: we learn that Zoroaster's name was Zara- thushtra, that he belonged to the Spitama clan and that the sense of his mission came to him in a succession of seven visions. Duly ordained of Ahura-Mazda he went forth proclaiming his divine appointment as prateCtor of herdsmen and cattle and announcing the certainty of rewards and punishments hereafter. But as in the case of Jesus, who was obliged to go from Nazareth m Capernaum before he could receive a respectful hearing, and of the Buddha who went from Kapilavastu to Benares and of Muhammad, who went from Mecca to Medina, so in the case of Zoroaster, who met with hostility from the very start, the statement was once more verified that “a prophet is not without honor, save in his own home—town." In the third of the Gatlm: we read:

”Whither, to what land, shall I go to escape opposition? They keep me from the noble and from the priest, while neither the traders of the land, nor the princes, please me. They follow the Druj (demon of the Lie). How shall I please thee, Ahura- Mazda?" (Yasna XLVI 1).

In the Gatlm: we are told of the ”call" of Zoroaster to become a moral leader, reformer and founder of religion. One day, so the story reads, the cry of the oppressed peasants of

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BaCtria went up to Heaven. The celestial host hearing the cry promptly held a conference at the throne of the supreme god, Ahura-Mazda. Whereupon it was voted to call Zoroaster to deliver the oppressed people. But, on receiving the divine sum- mons, he hesitates, as Gotama and Jesus hesitated on the eve of their assumiiig the prophetic role. Finally Zoroaster accepts the call and goes forth to preach the will of Ahura-Mazda, as against that of the false gods of the oppressors who promptly become ”devils" (daevas) in the eyes of the Zoroastrians. Legendary as the account of these incidents obviously is and producing doubt in many a mind of the historicity of Zoroaster, -—even as the corresponding legends of Jesus gave rise to the suspicion that no such person as he ever lived,—-yet is this skepticism unwarranted in the estimation of leading scholars. Zoroaster, they hold, is, like Moses, too deeply toated in tradi- tion to be wholly discredited. Professor George F. Moore in his "History of Religions" declares that ”no serious student any longer doubts that Zoroaster was an historical person." (p. 363). Moreover the very legends that have grown up about him testify, as in the case of those concerning Jesus, to his spiritual greatness; for no such wonder stories as are recorded of him, are ever told of men of ordinary mould. Great person- alities are trees and legends are the vines of reverence, admiration and affeCtion that twine about them.

From the Gatlm, too, we learn of the poor success that attended Zoroaster's first public preaching and of the visit of King 'Vishtaspa, who gave him his patronage and proteCtion, who "broke with his weapon a path for the truth" and became the arm and support of the Zoroastrian faith, raising it to power and spreading it abroad, even as did King Asoka the Buddhist faith, both sovereigns serving as model for the portraiture of the ideal king.

The Gatbm, moreover, give us a glimpse of the social and economic conditions of the time. Zoroaster denounces unjust judges, ”corrupt rulers who for gain put power into the hands of the wicked;" tyrannical princes, opponents of the true re-

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hgion, testifyin g thus to the similarity of conditions that brought the Hebrew Prophets to the fore in the religious life of Israel.

Thus it would appear that Zoroaster did not agree with those of his compatriOts who regarded penances, prayers, sacri- tires and fastings as of paramount importance in religion, who thought it right to pass half the day in begging food in order that the remainder might be spent under a shady tree in undis- turbed meditation and prayer. From all this he recoiled, holding that prayer should always be a means, never an end; that work is the completing of prayer, the hands fulfilling the prayer of the heart; that industry is more than meditation and settled agricultural life better than wandering, nomadic life. All who agreed with him settled down on the piains of Iran. For their encouragement and inspiration Zoroaster made known to them a great saying which he declared had been revealed to him by his God to the effeCt that there are four places most dear to him: where the sacred fire burns; where homes are established, with wife and children, with fire and plenty; where the most com and fruit are raised; where dry lands are irrigated and marshy lands drained.

0 Maker of the material world, thou Holy One! Which is the first place where the Earth ('The Genius of the Earth’) {eels most happy?

Ahura-Mazda answered: ‘It is the place whereon one of the faithful steps forward, 0 Spitama Zarathustra! with the log in his hand, (the wood for the fire altar) the Batesma in his hand (now called barsom,-—a bundle of sacred twigs which the priest holds in his 'hand while reciting the prayers).'

O Maker of the material world, thou Holy One! Which is the second place where the Earth feels most happy?

Ahura-Mazda answered: ‘It is the place whereon one of the faithful erects a house with a priest within, with a wife, with children, and good herds within; and wherein afterwards all cattle continue to thrive, virtue to thrive, (by the performance of worship) fodder to thrive, the wife to thrive, the fire to thrive, and every blessing of life to thrive.’

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0 Maker of the material world, than Holy One! Which is the third place where the Earth feels most happy?

Ahura-Mazda answered: ‘It is the place where one of the faithful sows most com, grass, and fruit, 0 Spitatna Zara. thustra! where he waters ground that is dry, 0: drains ground that is too wet.’

O Maker of the material world, thou Holy One! Which is the fourth place where the Earth feels most happy?

Ahura-Mazda answered: 'It is the place where there is most increase of flocks and herds.’ (Y asna V 15).

What a mighty inspiration it must have been to these people who had settled on a soil that required persistent and arduous labor to make it productive and life-sustaining, to hear that the very place of their abode was most pleasing to their God!

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THE WORLD WE LIVE IN

Men live less and less in geographical and more and more in spiritual communities. The involuntary elements of existence tend to be limited to the regional me. the voluntary element: find inmaing opportunity of telf-expteuion through usociatiou of likeninded people selected out o! the entire population by identity of interests and ideals. In this department, World Unit] Magazine will publish each month a brief description of some important modern movement, voluntary in character and humanitarian in aim, believing that knowledge 0! these activities is act only essential to the world outlook. but alto diet: the tune remedy for the tense of isolation and loneliness which has followed the breakdown of the traditional local neighborhood.

THE UNIVERSITY CITY OF PARIS

by

LUCIA AMES MEAD Awbor of "Lu 0' War," m.

N THE site of the old fortifications in Paris, on the borders

( of the Park Montsouris, there is rising an unique educa- tional center known as La Cité Universitaire. Seven

hundred years ago, students from all over Europe

flocked to Paris in the days before "Gutenberg made thought cosmopolite, and stretched electric wires from mind to mind." Latin was the medium of communication and the Latin Quarter took its name from that fact. On the hill where now rises the Pantheon, speaking like Plato out of doors, Pierre Abelard lectured to a throng too vast to be housed in any building. Abclard counted among his disciples, a pope, twenty cardinals and more than fifty bishops and archbishops. The University of Paris was later built near by to which Students flocked from all nations and the Latin Quartet had its own monuments, its own manners and customs and special privileges granted by Philippe- Auguste. The University represented about one-third of Paris in his day. Since 1880, the character of the Latin Quarter has

gradually altered and it has now become only a name. The old 11}

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graduates who deplore the disappearance of the life they lived there in Bohemian fashion and who regret the new exodus of students as mining the traditions of the days of Renan, Pasteur, and Taine are not heeded by the advocates of the new projeCt. The scientific rooms and lecture halls remain as formerly, but the new residence of Students is to be made far more wholesome and congenial and quite as near the lecture halls as are most of their rooms today.

Over 16,000 students are regularly matriculated in the five faculties of the University of Paris, more than a quartet of these being foreigners; all the important schools and university faculties of England have one-third fewer foreigners. To these should be added the foreign students in the Central School of Arts and Manufactures, the High School of Electricity, the Agronomic Institute, the School of Mines, the School of Oriental Languages and the School of Fine Arts.

The number of American students has doubled since 192.1. Few students are of the well—to-do class. Many an ill-nourished youth climbs four flights to an attic room, gets his own meals over a spirit lamp and dams his own stockings in lonely evenings as he thinks of his home far away which he may not see for years. "Gay" Paris is not a festive place for the young brothers of those who fell on the Marne who, as they take their notes in leCture halls, are harassed with anxiety over the poverty of widowed m0thers and little. brothers looking to them as the future mainstay of the home. The besc intellectual work canno: be done when one cann0t afford the little fee now required for admission to museums, when the theater is not to be thought of, and there is no opportunity for social intercourse.

A captain of industry, M. Emile Dentsch de la Meurthe. realizing the great handicaps under which many students suffered, a few years ago offered to the University of Paris ten million francs to provide inexpensive accommodations for 350 men and women students, provided a Council of administration composed of members of the faculty, city functionaries, and some students should have control of it. Thereupon, M. André Hannorat, then

[Page 125]THE UNIVERSITY CITY OF PARIS IZS

minister of public instruction, conceived the idea of a Cit! Uni-

mimirc of which the French unit, provided by M. Deutsch de

la Meurthe, should be the nucleus and the whole to be a genuine . garden-city of students established on the plan of the English universities of Oxford and Cambridge. It was necessary to selecr a large enough area to permit future extension. The State con- sented to donate an excellent area, known to be the healthiest in the city. Here grounds for sport, a swimming pool, and bo- tanical collections are provided for and, when fully developed, will make one of the most artistic and delightful university centers to be seen in any land. The architect, M. Lucien Bechman, instead of following the conventional Renaissance style, made a great departure for the French buildings, adopting the style of gabled buildings with mullioned windows of Oxford university and with very happy results.

These buildings, eight in number, ingeniously arranged surrounding a central green area, provide those conveniences of central heating and running hat water which will be a boon to students accustomed to the hardships of going without what Americans have come to consider as necessities. 350 rooms, neatly furnished, are provided at only ninety francs a month each—less than half that demanded for an unwarmed room in an attic in an old house. Halls, libraries, playgrounds, a concert hall are likewise provided and in the restaurant a meal can be had for no more than three francs—less than fifteen cents.

M. Deutsch de la Meurthe and the Reetor of the University were not content with simply aiding poor French students. Realizing the needs of many from foreign lands and the advan- tages of international intercourse, they opened their gates to the foreign men and women students, as John D. Rockefeller,]r., has done in the great International House which faces Grant's tomb upon the Hudson. Who can doubt that the acquaintance fostered here by informal social intercourse may have its effect on the future history of the world. Arrangements are made for students of one country to exchange rooms with the students of another country and thus attain a larger linguistic and international

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experience. Fifty American students are to be housed in the French dormitory and fifty French students in the American dormitory. The American building is planned to house 160 American students, half men and half women, the sections entirely separated from each other, and is to cost $400,000. There are to be reception rooms, and a large room for dances and re- unions with provision for artists' studios.

One-half the $400,000 has already been raised and the re- mainder is still to be secured. It is hoped that eighty universities and colleges will each pay $2.500 for a room to be named after the donor college, a plan already inaugurated by gifts from Harvard and Smith colleges. The aspeaof the building should be of a distinCtly American chataCter and as attractive as the new buildings in Harvard, Princeton and Chicago universities.

The presidents of Yale, Columbia, Harvard and Chicago universities have united in saying, ”In our judgment, the plan of the Cité Universitaire is a most important educational undertaking and American participation should be secured promptly."

The Cité Universitaire is under the control of the University of Paris and is its property, the control and management of each dormitory being placed in the hands of a Council, a majority of whom are citizens of the nation which has built it. On the American Council are two members designated by the American University Union of Paris; one, by the American Chamber of Commerce of Paris; one, by the American Woman's Club of Paris. and three members at large, one of whom, a member of Morgan and Co., Paris, will act as permanent treasurer. This Council will fill its own vacancies, make regulations, and appoint the direCtor who with his family will live in the dormitory and select the students who may be admitted to its privilegesf’ $500,000 has been raised in England for a British building and committees in Spain, Mexico, Holland and Cuba are negatiating for sites. Within three years nine foundations were made at the University City for the benefit of students of different nationalities.

" Dr. and Mrs. Homer Gage of Worcester, Massachusetts, are largely responsible {or the initiative regarding the American dormitory. Inquiries should be sent to The American Committee Cid Un'- t-mitain, room 1008, 50 East Forty-Second Street, New York City.

[Page 127]THE UNIVERSITY CITY OF PARIS 12.7

At a dinner given Match 9, 192.8, in New York, in honor of Senator Honnorat, President of the National Foundation for the CM Uniwm'tain, Hon. Charles E. Hughes said: "Sometimes we are strangely illogical. We desire Americans to go abroad for trade. But ultimately our civilization will be judged by our cultural advances. We think it quite appropriate that foreign students should come to out universities. In truth it is more important that a goodly number of our students should go abroad. It is in this contaCt of minds in liberal studies, in the generous comradeship of the cultivation of the arts that we shall in large measure promote the better understanding. . . . Many nations are eteCting their buildings. Shall the United States, the richest of all, not do its part? I can conceive nothing which would be such a monument to American indifference as the absence of an American building in the Cit! Uniwnitain. You cannOt escape this exigency. It exists. . . . Politics is a superficial phenomenon. The great universities of Europe tell a smty of devotion to the highest aims, of increasing knowledge, of achievements in arts and sciences opening the avenues to the higher levels of living which make the records of dynasties and empires, of the prowess of military heroes, and of the triumphs of the popular leaders of a day seem of slight relative consequence in the history of the race. The University of Paris is an institution net simply of France but of civilization. It is ours, as Shakespeare and Moliete, as Dante and Goethe ate ours. It is international in the sweep of its all-petvading influence. . . . When we have won the life of relatively abundant leisure which science and organiza- tion may make possible, and seek to enjoy and develop the resources of the spirit, we shall find that in this most difficult of all human enterprises France has been one of the great leaders to point the way."1‘

?Siuoe this article was ptepared, a generous donation has been made by Mt. John D. Rockefeller JL. :0 the American section of 11 Cid Unium‘m'n.

O

[Page 128]UNITY AND DISUNITY IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

Edited '5]

DEXTER PERKINS Department of Hider] and Com. Ulium'o of Roth!"

Tbe New Cbim: and tbe Outside World

gurated as President of the Chinese Republic. The occa-

sion serves as a symbol of the restoration of a truly

national government in China for the first time in seventeen years. It raises the whole question as to the future of one of the greatest and most populous countries of the world, and as to the attitude which the peoples of the Occident will take toward this rising power of the Orient.

It is, of course, far too early to prophesy as to the solidity of the new edifice which the Chinese Nationalists ate nov. striving to build up. The form of government which exists in China today may or may not prove to have elements of solidity. The curse of China during its more recent history has been the ambition and ruthlessness of its military Chieftains. It is by no means certain that this great obstacle to effective unification and progressive self-government has been removed. Only the future can decide as to just how strong the civilian and truly disinter- ested elements will prove to be in the construction of a new Chinese nationality.

But what of the outside world in its relation to the 118“ China? In what sense is it possible to assist in the process of healthful development? What should be the broad policy for the Western powers in conneCtion with the new republic?

12.8

. N OCTOBER IO last General Chiang-Kai-Shek was inau-

[Page 129]THE NEW CHINA AND THE OUTSIDE WORLD 12.9

Such a question is by no means easy to answer. Bat it may at least be possible to indicate what are Chinese aspirations in their relations with other powers.

The most important demand which the new China makes upon the powers of the Western world is the demand for tariff autonomy. Ever since 1843, the development of a revenue from customs has been hampered by the agreements into which China entered with Other powers. These agreements n0t only seriously limited the rate of duty which the Chinese government was per- mitted to levy upon imports, but by laying down the principle of most-favored nation treatment, as it is called, gave to every nation entering into such an accord with China, the maximum rights and privileges conceded to any Other nation. In this way the Chinese customs service came under the rigid supervision of Other states.

Ever since 1902. the queStion of the revision of the rates has been under discussion. At the Washington Conference of 1911-12. arrangements were made for a possible raising of the rates, and for the convening of a Tariff Conference. But the conference was long postponed, and when it did meet it did no: succeed in revising China's tariti schedules, though it adopted a resolution in which the principle of tariff autonomy was recognized.

The Chinese have been growing more impatient at this restric- tion on their sovereignty. They began in 192.6 to move for the abrogation of those treaties whose revision dates had expired, or, in other words, refused to consider as renewed treaties negotiated with a specific limit of time. And on July 7 of this year Dr. Wang, the Nationalist Foreign Minister, declared that his gov- ernment would take immediate steps, ”in accordance with proper procedure," to terminate those unequal treaties which are still in full force and effect.

The attitude of the United States in connection with this problem has been one of a qualified sympathy for the Chinese contention. The American government was the first great gov- ernment to recognize the NationaliSt regime, and on July 15 it concluded a treaty by which the limitations on Chinese customs

[Page 130]I 3 0 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

autonomy are, in theory, brought to an end. But the actual establishment of the new system is made conditional upon the taking of similar aCtion by the Other treaty powers. In Other words, this country has given evidence of its essential sympathy with the point of view of the Chinese government. But it has not been willing to sacrifice its own special interests as regards Chinese tariffs, except on the condition that other powers will pursue the same course.

Unhappily, there is a good deal of opposition to the reali- zation of the Chinese program. There is a tendency on the part of other powers to demand special consideration in connection with treaty revision, or to insist that customs proceeds be ear- marked for certain specific purposes. The way to the realization of the ideal of customs autonomy is long and thorny.

Yet it is difficult to see how a strong central government can ever be constituted in China unless it is assured of a con- siderable revenue, and that revenue will certainly be most easily secured through a revision of the customs schedules. Those who oppose customs autonomy sometimes lay emphasis upon the cor. ruption and graft that is so often connected with administration in China, and prophesy that the money derived from cuStoms autonomy will be ill used unless rigidly controlled. But, what- ever truth there may be in any such view, it is diflicult to see 'how progress can be made at all without taking some risks, or how settled government can evolve in China without placing some responsibility upon the Chinese.

The second outstanding grievance of the Chinese in relation to the Western World is the system of extra-territorial courts which exist in China, and by virtue of which foreigners are to a very large eXtent withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the Chinese courts. Such a system has been applied in Other parts of the world; but it is believed by the Chinese to be today a derogation of national sovereignty, and a serious hindrance to the administration of justice. The Chinese have made an honest effort to reform their legal procedure, and to draw up modern codes. They wish to see this efl'ort recognized.

[Page 131]THE NEW CHINA AND THE OUTSIDE WORLD 13!

As a matter of fact, certain foreign powers no longer claim extra-territorial privileges in China. Austria, Germany, Russia and Poland have foregone the advantages of the old system, and their citizens are subject to the jurisdiction of the Chinese courts. It would be extremely interesting to know if these governments are satisfied with the results of the concessions they have made. A praCtical demonstration of the effectiveness of Chinese judicial tribunals would go far to beat down further opposition to the ending of extta-territoriality. In the meantime the whole ques- tton stands on the basis upon which it was left by the report of the Commission on Extra-tetritoriality which met in China in x916. This Commission suggested certain measures of judicial tgform, and held out the hope that in the future the desires of the Chinese might be granted. It also suggested certain modifi- tations in the existing system.

These are the most immediate practical problems arising in the relations of China with the Western world. But, more im- portant than any practical problem, is the spirit in which the relations of East and West are to be conducted in the future. We are witnessing at least the beginnings of the development of national sentiment in the Orient. How far this development of national sentiment becomes also anti-foreign sentiment will be iargely determined by the temper in which the great queStions of the future are faced, nOt only the questions of relations between envernments, but also the question of relations between indi- tztluals. A selfish desire to get as much and give as little as pos- «:hlc, a feeling of arrogant race superiority, a reliance upon

ttmidation and coercion as distinguished from fair negotiation

.tntl reasonable understanding, will all bear the bitterest of bitter

ruit in the Far East. There is no area in the world so filled with

possibilities of large hopes or of deep fears as is the Orient. In

ts relations with these mighty masses, now stirring with a new

race consciousness, the Western world will have need of all the [‘JUC‘DCC, all the wisdom, and all the sympathy that it can bring (u hear.

[Page 132]THE RISIN G TIDE

Notes on current books possessing special significance in the light of the trend toward world unity.

Edited by

JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, JR. Dopamtmu of Pbilamply, Columbia Uniwnio

Realpolitik am! tbe Realifl'ic Temper of Mimi

wo significant analyses of the present European politicaf

situation have just appeared, one a detailed study by a

Swiss scholar, the Other a brilliant and impressionistzt

survey by a prominent French publicist. BOth Start from the same position, that peace cannot be expeaed to endure unlm Germany is released from the humiliating and impossible position in which the Treaty of V ersailles placed her; both make a plea for Franco-German understanding, goodwill, and cooperation, for the sake of the security of the entire world. Yet in spite of this agreement on diagnosis and cure, it is difficult to imagine a greater difference in temper of mind and attitude. In their spirit and intel- leCtual method, Dr. Stegemann's Tbe A'Iz'mge o] Vera'a'I/z'ci" and M Fabre Luce's Locamo: r/Je RealitJ'T are poles apart. It is certainly significant when two doctors of such opposed schools of thought insist on the same operation and treatment.

Dr. Stegemann is an historian, known for his detailed study of The Struggle for the Rlu'ue, a comma which he sees as the key to European politics from Caesar's day to the present. He is also a disciple of that school of Realpolitik which looks on all national life as a striving for power after power, and impatiently brushes aside all that is real except military force and the far—sightcd

‘Hermann Stegemann. TI» Mirage of me‘llu. Knopf. 360 pp. 5;. tAlfted Fabrc-Luce. Loam».- Tl»: Rum}. Knopf. viii, 2.09 pp. 33.

x32.

[Page 133]RBALPOLITIK AND THE RBALISTIC TEMPBR 01' MIND I33

schemes for its employment. Soaked in military and diplomatic luStOt'y, he sees in every map, every agreement of statesmen, the sztcs of ancient battles and the salients and ofi'ensives of further \zruggles to come. For him, every nation has had, since the days .u the Romans, an inescapable historic destiny to expand and in- trcasc its strategic power. The record of the past is the record of (?:L‘ plans of General Staffs for invasion and defense, and of diplo- m.tth jockeyings for position and prestige. History is reduced to a vast game of chess, played on the green table with stakes of

Eacis and passes and salients. The leading players have for cen-

mnes kept the same objeCtives in view. The history of France is .211 summed up. in the fight for the Rhine; that of England, in the \rruggle for world-dominion. Dr. Stegemann is capable of dismiss-

‘u Czecho-Slovakia with the words, "Bohemia was intended to

3c the forward area of a great Danubian monarchy, to act as its Exist for attack and its flank pt0tection.” In his eyes,_so slight a

Tzzng as a Communist revolution can have no ultimate impor-

tance for ”the laws of history." ”The Russian power has so in- trcased that it can set out as its own the old geo—political aims of Russianism, and unite the world-aim of revolution with pan- Russian ambitions. Russia again enters the path laid down for her by geographical law. Varangian, Muscovite, Petrine and Leninist Russia are equally revelations of one and the same geo- graphical and historical personality."

Within the narrow limits of such strategical history, Dr. Sregemann is a fascinating writer. He displays verve and dramatic ability in tracing the inevitable operation of his ”geo-historical laws." But most important of all for an American reader, his book is a revelation of an intelleCtual world that does not exist on this side of the water, except in the minds of Army and Navy staffs. It is a world the inhabitants of which have stepped out of Hobbes. -To the end of time they will struggle for power, and order their lives in terms of military strategy. Their minds are so

‘ucussed on gaining control of territory favorable for further de-

rL-nsc and offense that they can learn no lessons from even the un- mreseen penalties of success. For them economic processes might

[Page 134]I 3 4 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

as well am exist. The Great War was a reshuflling of the cards the game goes on as before.

In other words, it is just such a world as a disillusioned and impartial mid-European spectator, who lived through the war 'and its aftermath, and is firmly resolved to put aside all senti- mentality and silly hope, has seen about him, ever since he was born. For him, peace treaties, Leagues of Nations, Locatno agree- ments, have changed nothing. They are mere further incidents in the Struggle for power. The old immemorial praCtices go on, tht old attitudes persist. Europe and the world will be ruined unless they are changed; and they will not be changed.

It would be difficult to marshal incontrovertible facts againsz the interpretation which Dr. Stegemann so ably makes of the ambitions and lusts for power of the European states. With a wealth of hiStorical detail he projects their moves since 1918 against the background of their past struggles. We all have our darker moods in which it seems that the btutalism of such Real- politik is after all the truth. Yet one thing at least is certain: no changed attitude will ever come about, and no salvation, no con. tinued life for Western civilization, is possible, so long as men think in the categories and the temper in which this book is written. It was just such a sense of the inevitability of approach- ing conflict which prevented the averting of danger before 1914. To one who has since 1918 hoped for other things, such a work comes like a cold shock. And at the end one is left with the sus- picion that it was just such a shock Dr. Stegemann desired to produce. If anything could bring about a revulsion and a change of heart, it would be such an unmasking of contemporary Real- politik in its own terms.

To Dr. Stegemann, the League of Nations is primarily an instrument for enforcin g and guaranteeing the Treaty of Versailles. The Covenant aims to continue the strategic grouping of the World War. The new organization of Europe is thus founded on military power, on the condemnation of Germany to impotence. As to Versailles itself, ”If we look back from the German stand- point at the Versailles creation it is clearly seen that at Versailles

[Page 135]RBALPOLITIK AND THE REALISTIC TEMPE]! OF MIND I35

unspeakable things were done. The mirage of Versailles was first recognized to be a mirage when Europe was considered as a com- munity, and it was realized that the violation and enslavement of Germany, the heart of the wilfully broken and scattered European sxstcm, meant the deSttuction of all the Other states in this age v. hcn politically and economically all states are intimately con- netted one with another. The Treaty of Versailles enshrines an

rmtional political ideal."

W ill Locamo make a difference? ”Realistically" considered, it was an even stronger guarantee of French hegemony in Europe. l’rance went into the Ruhr primarily to coerce Britain into guar- .mtccing the Versailles settlement. "Whatevetvinjury France may lmvC done herself economically, politically she gained. She now stood no longer in an isolated position and had got rid of the danger of being left there; she had failed to obtain a carte blanche

narantee from Britain, but she had secured a written agreement

wgncd also by Germany. French statesmanship had triumphed. 'I he retreat from the Ruhr ended in a concentration on the Treaty u! Versailles." For her part, Britain restored at Locamo the bal- mm of power disturbed at Versailles, and freed herself from an entanglement with French policy that was threatening her freedom nr' action in the larger struggle for world-dominion. ”The Rhine l’JCt which was signed in London on December 1, 192.5, did noc mmpletely free Britain from her European anxieties. By it she hm he called to fight to preserve thestatus quo on the Rhine, but

1 released her policy from dependence on the European situation

.mtl. especially, from dependence on French policy. Britain had rt'ason to hail the issue of the struggle as a victory; it was perhaps the greateSt she had ever won on the diplomatic field." ”Never- theless Europe greeted the conclusion of the Rhine Pacr and the arbitration treaties as guarantees of peace, despite the fact that tht-y were construCted on false premises and that their significance

< slow in effect."

So far, Locarno has changed little. ”As a member of the Luague, Germany remains in the coils of encirclement. Is this grouping no longer an active facmt after Germany's entry and the

~

[Page 136]136 woxw UNITY MAGAziNE

system established by it falling to pieces? If that is the case, then perhaps there is a possibility of freeing the League from the fcttcrs placed on it by the Versailles Treaty, to make it truly universal and at the same time to establish a new Europe deceived by no mirage but one really at peace, in which Germany and the German people will again obtain their rights.

”The League of Nations is in its present form, which lUCkll} is capable of alteration, the forum to which the European com- munity turns with hope. It is organically connected with the 11.: rage of Versailles, but neither its existence nor its development depends on the maintenance of that connection. The new order oi Europe which resulted from the Great War was founded on the condemnation of Germany to impotence; it demanded her sult- iugation, since the continuation of the German Empire in political impotence was regarded as a vital condition of the maintenance or the political status quo created by the Treaty of V ersailles. But titc time has come to make an end of it, since history shows us tl-at not Germany, but Europe and Germany, will be mined in conse- quence of it and that the sentiment of solidarity cannot thrive ii there is no equality in strength and moral control of power. Only if this knowledge is able to influence events will that fate be banned which today no longer beckons with rosy fingers but casts a dread shadow on the curtain which veils the future from us.

"The history of Europe will be determined by the defeat of the Treaty of Versailles and the spirit that rules it.”

The temper of M. Fabre-Luce's volume is in striking contrast to that of Dr. Stegemann's. Where the Swiss tries to be cynical. disillusioned, hardoheaded, the Frenchman merely sees things as they are. He is neither a sentimentalist nor a Realpolitik”; he knows men and how they act, their aspirations as well as their follies and crimes. He realizes how complex are the motives that inspire men and nations, how easy it is to cry for the moon and how diffi- cult to crc ite even a workable institution. He brushes aside all doctrinaire absolUtists, whether Nationalists or pacifists. His mind is pragmatic, flexible, eager to grasp a situation and work with its materials, willing to accept what cannot be changed.

[Page 137]RBALPOLITIK AND THE REALISTIC TBMPER OF MIND I37

mxious to alter where alteration will be of real help. The matto n: his book might well be the words, ”Rigid theories, even when they are pacifist, have always some lurking affinity with war.” There is much political insight and ripe wisdom in his description m the method of the true statesman, the new Machiavelli, who m“ be able to distinguish between the zones of the possible and the inevitable.

In The Crisis of tbe Alliances, M. Fabte-Luce brought this pragmatic, realistic attitude to bear on the causes of the War, breaking through the official French mythology. In T!» Limita- mm of Viflory he surveyed the fruits of French policy. In the present volume he treats of Locarno and its aftermath "mm r5365." Has nothing changed since 1914? he asks. Yes, much. No .me now wants war, no one denies a common responsibility for the policies from which war springs, no one believes in unre- \tricted national sovereignty. The folly of economic nationalism

~ realized, the danger of uncontrolled foreign policy, the vast

I?C\\' forces, social and economic, world-wide in scope. New methods and instruments are needed to deal with this changed world. As such an instrument, the League may become either a Messing or a curse. Many of the common objeCtions to it, to be mre. cannot withstand a realistic analysis. Yet there remain .ft-{ects and inconsistencies. ”The League is made for civilized, tuitivated, democratic States, conscious of universal solidarity. \‘mv there are met many such in the world." Regional alliances ~t:H exist. The Treaty of Versailles is still there to raise doubts .mi discussions. Shall the League enforce Versailles, or shall it be .l medium of conciliation? War is forbidden, but how are disputes m. be settled? To preserve peace, the League can threaten war. \huve all, there has been no adequate substructure of genuine I‘mnco-German reconciliation, without which no organization of Lumpe can succeed. _

The primary task is not a reformation of the League's struc- ture, whether in the direCtion of a more democratic covenant, of ~‘t rengthening the guarantees of Article 10, of ad‘optin g compulsory arbitration, or of enforcing disarmament. ”The object of the work

[Page 138]138 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

done at Geneva is to translate the community of interests now ex- isting between the nations into law. Formulas which go beyond the reality of this solidarity would provoke legitimate reactions, and only delay the attainment of the object in view." Nor would frontier-rectification of itself solve the deeper problems. On the Other hand, the dOCtrinaire French Nationalists have had their chance, and have miserably failed. The only alternative is the furtherance of the policy of Franco—German cooperation to which France was committed at Locarno. .

Is Franco-German agreement possible? If so, on what con- ditions? The difficulties lie with the myth of a unique German war- guilt, imposed at Versailles; the opposition to the union of Aus- tria with the Reich; the Franco-Polish alliance guaranteeing the Dantzig corridor; the Entente demand for German disarmament in a world of increasing armies and navies; the forbidding of col- onies to Germany. M. Fabte-Luce discusses all these vexed prob- lems without passion and with an appreciation of the many divergent points of view. No one of them can be solved overnight; yet, given time and a spirit of‘conciliation on both sides, no one of them is politically insoluble. "If we are prepared to pay the price, we can therefore boldly rely on German collaboration." France would do well, in her own interest, to evacuate the Rhine- land at once. As to reparations and war debts, France should ratify the Mellon-Béranget agreement, and then by reducing the reparation claim on Germany, work {or a cancellation of the interallied debts. So far as possible, French and German industry should cooperate, even to the extent of a customs union.

Such a rapprocbemmt between France and Germany is indis- pensable to the success of the League. We must learn or perish. We must find a fresh inspiration and formulate a definite praCtical program. The policy of the Nationalists must end in war. True patriotism under modern conditions is bound to be internationally minded. “European through egOtism! That should be our mono. If we adopt it, France still has a great part to play." The alliance with Germany must grow progressively stronger, and extend even to the settlement of Germans on French soil.

[Page 139]RBALPOLITIK AND THE RBALIS'I'IC TEMPBI OF MIND 139

“The policy we have outlined is the one from which France can derive most honor and advantage, but it is also the one which will call for the greatest elfon to cultivate a new spirit. In recom- mending it, we are taking an optimistic view of the vigor and youth of the country. It is a risk, but it is also a means of winning the stake. Perhaps we base expected too much of our times and our regime. Perhaps we shall only have a mediocre, abject peace, maintained by threats of war, a peace in which men will be 'too stupid to come to an understanding, and too cowardly to fight.’ Perhaps we shall live to see anather carnage. Perhaps those who had dreamed of better things for their country may confess them- selves defeated in the end. Perhaps . . . but they will first try their luck."

65

[Page 140]WORLD UNITY CONFERENCES

Under the Awpice: of W arid Unity Foundation

The World Unity Conferences are 1 medium by which responsible leaders of opinion can comm their message to the public without restriction of race. cless. nationality or creed. Upholding the ideals of brotherhood found in all religious and ethical teachings, the Conferences strive to qmcke: the spititueltesources of the community by bringing upon one platform gifted speakers representxm the universal outlook and capable of interpreting the meanings of the new age. World Unity (0n- {erences are held at frequent intern]: in cities of the United States and Canada. and this educathu. activity will be extended as soon es possible to Europe. A distinctive feature of the Confcrrnset consists in the local World Unit) Commh. composed of leading liberals. established in the various cities to further the world unity ideal. This department will publish the programs and report the activities of the World Unity Conferences and Councils.

Meeting: Held at Toronto, Ontario

October 8 and 9, 192.8

OCtober 8. 3 P.M. Informal Conference for Discussion. Chairman, Mrs. Dunnington Grubb, President of Woman': Art Association of Canada.

Leader of Discussion, Dr. John Herman Randall, DireCtor, Worii Unity Foundation.

October 8, 8 9.31. Public World Unity Conference.

Chairman, Hon. W. R. Riddell, Justice, Appellate Court, Canada.

Address: “The Hope of Peace", Reverend Canon Plumptrc. Rector, St. James Cathedral, Toronto.

Address: “The Things We Have In Common", Rabbi Ferdinand M. Isscrman, M.A., Holy Blossom Synagogue, Toronto.

October 9, 8 P.M. Public World Unity Conference.

Chairman, Dr. Maurice Hutton, Principal Emeritus, University College.

Address: ”Striking the Balance as to World Peace", Dr. Dexu-r Perkins, University of Rochester.

Address: ”Our Changing World and Its New Demands for Unity", Dr. John Herman Randall.

x40

[Page 141]\VORLD UNITY CONFERENCES [4!

World Unity Council of Toronto

Cluirman, Principal Maurice Hatton . Principal Emerita: of Univer- u't} College Rabbi Ferdinand M. Isserman Holy Blower» Synagogue Mrs. Dunnington Grub'b President of Woman': Art A:- Jociation of Canada Dr. E. A. Hardy Treasurer, World Federation of Education Anaciatiom Mrs. F. C. Ward National Prudent of IV. C . T. W. of Canada Rev. W. A. Cameron Yorkmimter C/mrclJ Miss]. M. Norton General Secretmy of Y. W. C . A. Dr. Trevor H. Davies Trinity Eaton Memorial Dr. james L. Hughes Past Impectar of School: Mrs. J. Pat McGregor President, Council of W omen Dr. J. R. P. Schlater Old St. Andrezw United C/mrcla Dr. George C. Pidgeon Bloor Street United Church

Mrs. John S. Bennett Praxident, W ommz': Canadian Club Mr. J. W. Hopkins General Secretmy of Y. M . C A '

Mrs. W. H. Price Premidmt, Toronto Home and School Council Dr. Murray G. Brooks Student Clarixtian Auociation of Canada Mrs. Robert B. Thompson Secretacy, League of Nation: Society Dr. D. D. McDonald Principal of ti): 0rde Model Scbool Mrs. J. W. Bundy Educational Convener of League of Nation: Society Dr. C. W. Pilcher C/mrcb PVorld Alliance for I n- ternational FriendJ/Jip Professor De Lury U niversitfy of Toronto Maurice Bucovetsky Your}: aszmmIa— Bo}: Parlia- ment of Canada Fred C. Meyer Immigration Group: of Canada

In connection with these meetings in Toronto, Dr. Randall as Director also spoke on various E‘rzascs of watld unity before the following representative or anizattons m the my: (.hnsnan ‘ rulents Association. at the University of Toronto; Havergal Col e ; Branksome Hall Gnrls School;

'-'~ «men's Cmadian Club; Woman's Art Association of Canada;

en's Club. at Jewish Synagogue;

! ?.c l'nited Church. Rev. \V. B. Caswell, pastor; Yearly Meeting of the Friends Society; The Theo-

( vpfucal Society and Other groups.

During the month of October the Foundation also continued two meetings in each of the fol-

m mg colleges: Wellesley College. Smith Colle . Mt. Holyoke College. at which Professor Kirtley

’ Mather of Harvard University and Dr. Ran all wete the speakers. The Director also addressed 13.: students at Clark University. Worcester, and at Worcester Academy.

[Page 142]N OTES AND ANNOUNCEMENTS

LACK of space has compelled the edi- ton to postpone the publication of two articles which had been planned for this issue: Can Rd“ Relatiombip: Bo Taught in tbt Cleaner»? by V erdine Peck Hull, Central High School, Cleveland, Ohio; and TI): Naturaliza- tion Law of The United Sum: of America, by S. G. Pandit, attorney, Los Angeles. Both have important bearing upon the subieCt of racial amity discussed by Dr. Silver and Prof. Hankins. and their publication in November would have made this number a symposium on intet-tacial relations. The attitude of the re- iigionist and of the scientific soci- ologist has, however. been ably pre- sented by these two authors and their agreement on fundamentals is an in- dication of the inevitable alliance between science and religion when basic human values are at stake.

Mary Siegrist's anthology of poems is also omitted this month for the same reason, to the keen regret of the editors, more especially as the

principal seleCtion, "Scum o' the Earth," by Robert Haven Schauffler, represents the vision of a poet dealing with the racial theme from a par- ticularly poignant point of view.

0..

In Norman Angeli, by John Mez, the series on workers for peace leaves the political and humanitarian field to annex the economic realm as equally contributive to international order Whatever Angell's positive achieve- ment in the development of eco- nomics may eventually be considered. he must remain as the first publicist who morally and cmationally re- deemed the processes of manufacmre and trade from the tradition of free- booters and included them definitely in the sphere of consttnCtive states- manship. The deathlenell of "Laissez faire" cleared the way {or an analysis of modern business by philosophers— the greatest challenge ever offered the discerning mind. Between the duality of business and government in the world today lies the dark gulf which breeds poverty no less than war.

[Page 143]Building Up The International Mind “‘52”

0 MUCH interest was aroused by Prof. Overstreet's article Building Up ~ r/w International Mind in World Unity for June, 192.8, that reprints have been made which are available in convenient pamphlet form at a nominal

t. 'st for distribution by readers to their associates and friends.

The reprint will be especially appreciated by teachers in daily contacr with five impressionable minds of children, but it is the parent, after all, who is

rnnuily responsible for inculcating those general ideas and principles which

. \;‘.lnd"' or conttaCt—the outlook of the younger generation.

PJfCflIS, in faCt—those at least who have found sympathy a stronger “~an than authority—when reading World Unit} might well realize that the -. imlistic attitude or formula of today is the convention and material faCt of ' murmw. The kind of world you want your children to grow up and live L’wlf lives in is the world envisioned and championed by every contributor

. H 1m"! L'mt) Magazine.

Aside, then, from its direCt and personal value to yourself as a source of Luilllfe and inspiration, World Unit] has the far greater indirec: significance

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