World Unity/Volume 3/Issue 6/Text

WORLD UNITY

A Monthly Magazine for time 1060 mi :1» world outlook upon pmmt development: of pbilcmpby, science, religion, ethic: and :5: am

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Joan Human RANDALL. Editor Hones Haunt, Managing Editor HELEN B. MACMILLAN, Built“: Manager

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Editorial 0ﬂiw—4 East 11th Street, N cw York City

\Vonw Um" MAGAZINE is ublishcd by WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING Com- RATION, 4 East nth Street, Npcw York City: MARY Ramsay Movws, pmidmt; Houcn HOLLBY, vice- u’dent; qumcn Morrow, treasurer; Joan HgnMAN RANDALL, “mug. Pu lishcd monthly, 35 cents a copy, $3.59 a car no the United States, $4.00 in Canada and $4.50 in all other countncs _posta 1n- cludcd). Tm: \Voxm Um'nr Pumsnmo Comu'rxou and Its editors 0 act invite unsolicited manuscripts and art material, but weltomc cprresppndcncc on articles related to the aims and of the magazmc. Prmted m U. S. A. Contents copyrighted 192.9 by 031.0 UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION.

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ACE is the garment we are born in and is set in our

biologic or blood inheritance; civilization—or cul-

ture, to use a more comprehensive term—is the garment we learn to wear and depends on physical and social environment: time, place, parents, teachers, soci- ety. The author of this chapter holds, in common with his fellow-anthtopologists, that no necessary or innate conneCtion between race and civilization has yet been proved, and that while such conneCtion is conceivable it is highly improbable. He holds further that thete is no warrant fat the assumption that certain races are “highet” than others, or that there are any "pure" races, or that race mixture: or “hybrid races" are bio- logically (or culturally) inferior; or even that any exist- ing classification of mankind according to biologic or heritable features and psychologic or cultural traits has any scientific merit or furnishes any real clue as to how peoples and cultures are genetically related. . . .

Such racial minutes as we have in America today are in no essential difi'erent from race mixtures which have been going on for thousands of years in Europe and Asia, and which we have no reason to believe have ever resulted in inferior races or in breaking up civilization.

Our problems, then, are n0t those of race and civili- zation, but of too little understanding and too much prejudice. . . . Like human behavior, civilization is made and not born. Like life itself, it must he nourished day by day, ceaselessly, with new energy and new materials, or it sickens and dies.

-R4a and Civilization in Wbitber Mankind

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[Page 367]WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

VOL. III MARCH, 192.9 No. 6 EDITORIAL m

THE NATURE OF WORLD AFFAIRS

on the average person, internationalism has arisen as a dominant fact in a quantitative far more than qualitative sense. By the construction of railroads, villagers first ac- tually became conscious of the distant city—through the

increasingly intricate system of credits and exchange which mod- ern industrialism has made its highway, village-minded workers and business men in cities have been forced to recognize the larger social horizon. The proof that warfare no longer permits neutrality, but penetrates the entire world struCture with irre- sistible forces, completes the experience by which living men and women have been given the first, introductory lessons in world citizenship.

Thus, for the first time in history, people in private life and modest circumstances pass their days amid world affairs and are quickened to some degree of internationalism by fear and appre- hension, or by ambition and hope, even when conscious of no spiritual inﬂuences at work and oblivious to any moral value in the trend of the age. Their field of observation has been vastly enlarged; their minds are given a greater range of facrs to deal with; their lives are conditioned by the destinies of men in dis- tant lands; but the transformation so far is physical, in terms of augmented space, rather than spiritual, in terms of deepened significance.

It is as though a man blind to the mystery of the tree in his own dooryard had been given a telescope capable of revealing a universe beyond the local moon and stars. His indifferent and unseeing gaze encounters objectivities whose reality reaches him

through uncountable periods of elapsed time; but he apprehends 367

[Page 368]368 won!) UNITY unonzmn

them less than he apprehends the goods displayed in windows along Main Street, and remains as foreign to their proffeted meaning as to the personal lives of the workers in his own fac- tory. Whether one point of light is a star receding or a sun new- born; whether anathet whorl of brilliance is a world in agony or a comet rushing to destroy this little earth—he does act as]: and cannOt know with the inwardness of real knowledge, for his own being is lost in the darkened mirror of a self become derivative and second hand.

The whole implication of world affairs focusses upon the screen of local events in every community, were there but men and women vital enough to witness the movements of truth and love in human life. Internationalism is but a mask of glamor covering the faces of people we see daily, but have never learned to know.

It is more essential to understand the nature of world affairs at this time than to fulfil faithfully the task of keeping up with the mere details of ‘ ‘foreign" events and international issues.

So far, we have but attempted to extend our local moral ir- responsibility into the new and larger realm. We strive for no true justice at home—that justice which relates human beings to universal purpose—consequently our prejudices are expanded when we deal with things abroad. We examine the world scene to find justification for economic, religious, racial or political concepts ofi'ering some temporary advantage in our own environ- ment. We must condone war if we sanction any form of injustice in the city or hamlet where we live.

But the time will come—perhaps has already come—when the nature of world affairs will be disclosed as that full area of human action in which cause and effect are finally conjoined; that rounded environment in which irresponsibility can no more be evaded; where, in brief, the modes of human conduct must be made to correspond with the laws of mind and soul.

[Page 369]

THE N ATURALIZATION LAW OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

61

S. G. PANDIT Mm, Lu Angola, California

Ha: Racial Prejudice Become a National Policy?

us first naturalization statute passed by Congress (Match

2.6, 1790) provided that any alien being a free white

person who shall have resided within the limits and under

the jutisdittion of the United States for the term of two

years, may be admitted to become a citizen thereof. The policy was to encourage immigration and naturalization of aliens in order to hasten the growth of a new nation and develop its vast resources. Indeed the most gigantic importation of human beings to toil as slaves—unpatalleled in the history of mankind—was being carried on then, and for more than half a centuty thereafter, in order that their forced labor might reclaim the wilderness and make it blossom so as to feed and clothe their masters of an alien race. It was thought advisable to withhold from slaves—both the white indentured slaves and the vast number of black chattel slaves from Aftica—all political power by denying to them the privilege of voting. Hence the requirement that the aliens to be naturalized should be "."ftee The word "white” was used in the law for a similar purpose. Its eﬂ'eCt was to exclude from naturalization the Negroes—most, if not all, of whom—were then slaves. The popular race differentiation in the United States has always been between “white" and “colored’ '—meaning by the latter term a person with Negro blood—little or much—in his veins. The word “white" has generally been used in the federal

and in the state statutes, in the publications of the United States, 369

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and in its classification of its inhabitants, to include all persons noc otherwise classified. (See "A Century of Population Grthh in the United States," published by the Department of Commerce and Labor in 1909. See also United States Census classifications from 1790 to 1850). A statute of Arkansas requires separate accommodation in travel for the "white and African races," and provides that all persons nOt visibly African "shall be deemed to belong to the white race." Acts 1891 p. 17 c. 17, sec. 4. See also Laws Florida 1909, p. 39, c. 5893; Acts Virginia 1902. to 1904 (Extra Sess.) p. 987, c. 609, subc. 4 (Code 1904, Sec. 12.94 d); Civil Code South Carolina 1902., See. 2.158. Concerning the use of the word “white" in treating of schools, see Civil Code South Carolina 1902., sec. 12.31; Kentucky Statutes 1909 (Russell's) Seetions 5607, 5608, 5642., 5765 (Ky. Stat. 1909, Sec. 452.3, 452.4, 442.8, 4487). The Constitution of Oklahoma (article 2.3, See. 11) reads as follows: .

“Wherever in this Constitution and laws of this state the word 'colored' or ‘colored person,‘ ‘Negro' or ‘Negro race’ are used, the same shall be construed to mean to apply to all persons of African descent. The term ‘white race' shall include all other persons."

Says Circuit Judge Lowell (In re Halladjian, 174 Federal Re- porter 834, 843):

“While an exhaustive search of the voluminous records of this court, sitting as a court of naturalization, has been impos- sible, yet some early instances have been found where act only western Asiatics, but even Chinese, were admitted to natural- ization."

The federal census classified Chinese as white until 1860. According to the census of 1910 (vol. I p. 1070) there were at that date 1368 naturalized Chinese and 483 who had received first papers.

With the development of agitation against Chinese labor immigration to this country there gradually grew a desire to exclude Chinese from the privilege of citizenship. When Con- gress, at the end of the Civil War, was discussing and formulating

[Page 371]NATUMLIZATION LAW OF THE UNITED STATES 371

legislation which would admit Negroes, then emancipated, to citizenship, the suggestion was made in the Senate that the term “white person"1night be dropped from the existing statute, thus making Negroes eligible. But it was opposed by some senators on the ground that that would leave the way open for Chinese to be naturalized. It is true that the term “Asiatics” was some- times employed in that debate, but the context makes it perfectly clear that it was used to mean ”Chinese." Congress thereupon amended the naturalization law by the Au of July 14, 1870, which provided that ”The naturalization laws are hereby ex- tended to aliens of African nativity and to persons of African descent. "

In 1873 the United States Statutes were edited and compiled as 'fThe Revised Statutes," in which the foregoing amendment appeared as: .

“SeCtion 2.169: The provisions of this title [naturalization] shall apply to aliens of African nativity and to persons of African descent. "

There was no mention of “white persons" or of any others than Africans in the first compilation of the Revised Statutes relating to naturalization. So that between 1873 and 1875, that is until the amendment and re-enacnnent of the foregoing section by Congress in 1875, only Africans or Negroes, could be legally admitted to citizenship. By action of Congress in 1875, however, settion 2.169 of the Revised Statutes assumed its present form:

”The provisions of this title [Naturalization] shall apply [to aliens being {tee white persons, and] to aliens of African nativity and to persons of African descent."

The growth of labor agitation against the Chinese con- tinued. Says Professor D. 0. McGovney in the Iowa Law Bul- letin for May, 192.3:

'flt was not until 1878 that any reported opinion held any other race [than Negro] ineligible, in that case a Chinese [In re Ah Yup, 5 Sawy. 155, Fed. Gas. No. 104 (Cite. Ct. D. California, 1878)], and there is conclusive evidence that Chinese were nat- uralized bath before and after that decision."

[Page 372]372. wonm mun: MAGAZINE

On May 6, 1882., Congress in an Act suspending Chinese labor immigration for ten years, provided:

“Section 14. That hereafter no State Court or Court of the United States shall admit Chinese to citizenship, and all laws in conﬂict with this act are repealed."

Thus Congress seems to have felt that only by specific legis- lation for that purpose could Chinese he definitely excluded from naturalization under the meaning of the term “free white person" of the Naturalization law. The Chinese Exclusion ACt of 1882., however, gave the start to a restrictive interpretation of the term “white petsons’ ’ in section~2169 of the Revised Statutes providing for naturalization of aliens. Thereafter, in some judicial pro- nouncements one meets with the phenomenon of a change in sentiment and usage producing a change in the construction of a statute! As witness:

”Chinese persons n0t born in this country have never been recognized as citizens of the United States, nor authorized to become such under the naturalization laws," said the Supreme Court of the United States in 1893, in Fong Yue Ting v. United States, 149 U. S. 698, 716, 13 Sup. Ct. 1016, 37 L. Ed. 905.

As was said by Circuit Judge Lowell regarding the foregoing:

“So far as this statement construed in 1893 the existing statutes of the United States, even apart from the statute of 1882., it was authoritative. But it was n0t correct, if historically applied to the practice of federal courts one or two generations earlier. "

To the same effect as Fong Yue Ting (supra) are In re Ah Yup, Fed. Cas. No. 104; In re Gee Hop, (D. C.) 71 Fed. 2.74; In re Hong Yen Chang, 84 Cal. 163, 2.4 Pac. 156. In these cases the distinc- tion made was between Caucasian and Mongolian. .

Somewhat later it was decided that Japanese were also excluded from naturalization, as they belonged to the Mongolian race. In 1e Saito, 62. Fed. 12.6; In re Buntato Knmagai, 163 Fed. 92.2.; In re Knight, 171 Fed. 2.99; In re Yamashita, 33 Wash. 2.34, 70 Pac. 482., 94 Am. St. Rep. 860.

Western Asiatics generally, including Hindus, Arabs, Ar-

[Page 373]NA'ruuLuAnon uw or 11111 UNITED suns 373

menians, Syrians and Persians, if they succeeded in proving to the satisfaction of the naturalization court that they belonged to the Aryan or Semitic branch of the Caucasian or white race, were admitted to citizenship, though not without opposition from the representatives of the government at the naturalization hearing.

In 1918 and 1919 Congress passed statutes admitting to citizenship under specially favorable conditions ”any person of foreign birth who served in the military or naval forces of the United States during the present war &c. . . . for the period of one year after all of the Arnerican troops are returned to the United States."

Under these laws Japanese and Chinese applicants who‘had served in the army or navy of the United States during the world war were admitted to citizenship in a few instances. A federal district court in a Japanese case, In re Saito (unreported, 1919) said:

”Was it act as much our duty to extend the protection which citizenship only would afford to the Orientals in our service as it was to extend it to others? We had drafted. them into our serv- ice and they had thought enough of us to be willing to serve, to risk their lives in our service. Was Congress unwilling to grant citizenship to those among them found to possess the qual- ifications required of Others? I hope it is n0t improper to say that I do nor believe that Congress was so illiberal."

The Supreme Court of the United States, however, decided in 192.5 in the case of Hidemitsu Toyora v. Unite d States, that

"any alien” in the laws of 1918 and 1919 meant‘ ‘any alien eligi- ble for naturalization under previous laws including section 2.169 Revised Statutes. And Chinese and Japanese being nor “white persons" were declared excluded from the benefits of the above- mentioned war legislation relating to naturalization.

In the case of Ozawa v. United States, (2.60 U. S. 178) the Supreme Court had before 1t for the first time a question involv- ing interpretation of the term ”free white person' ’of the natural- ization statute as applied to a Japanese. The court decided that

[Page 374]374 wonm merry MAGAZINE

a Japanese, nut being a Caucasian is, under a long line of deci- sions of federal and state courts, ineligible for citizenship. The following year (192.3), the Supreme Court had before it for in- terpretation the meaning of the same phrase in its application to a Hindu (United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind, 2.61 U. S. 2.04). The court opined that the Hindus belonged by race to a more or less debatable zone of borderline cases; nay, it even conceded that they may be Caucasians. But the decision went against the Hindu's admission to citizenship on the extta-legal ground of his "unassimilability." Thus if one is n0t a Caucasian he is out, but if he is a Caucasian he is n0t necessarily in, so far as his statutory racial qualification for naturalization is concerned. That must be determined, says the court, by ”the gradual process of judicial inclusion and exclusion.”

It is impossible to escape the conclusion that the opinion and decision of the United States Supreme Court in the Bhagat Singh Thind case is clearly erroneous. How can the errors therein be explained? One heard around the ministerial oﬂices of the coutt, for some time after the decision was rendered, that it was a political decision. Later one heard distinguished jurists sug- gesting that since England rules India she is necessarily interested in trying to make it out that Indians belong to a race infetior to the English, and in getting the world at large also to adopt that view. And more than once one heard suggestions that the unconscious operation of such feeling in the mind of Justice Sutherland—the writer of the opinion in the Thind case, and by birth an Englishman—would suffice to explain its anomalies. And one frequently heard the suggestion that if the case had been assigned to a judge belonging to an oppressed race the opinion written would have supplied clear grounds for the eligibility for naturalization of Hindus and the decision would have been rendered accordingly. Anyone accustomed to self-analysis and to watching the queer unconscious workings of the Psyche in men and women would find it difficult to brush away the foregoing suggestions unceremoniously.

Thus in the history of the United States naturalization law

[Page 375]NATURALIZATION LAW O! m UNITED STATES 375

we find that the term “white person" has, through judicial interpretation, acquired successively different meanings: (r) a catch-all phrase to include all persons not Otherwise classified, and particularly to exclude the Negro, who was by many in the southern states of the Union regarded as an animal and denied the possession of a soul. (2.) Caucasians, whether of western Asia or Europe; but excluding Mongolians because of the prejudice developing against the Chinese. (3) An undefined meaning, de- priving the law of all certainty and uniformity and favbring judicial legislation under the guise of interpretation, to make the meaning of statutory words conform to popular prejudice for the time being, and dignified as ”judicial inclusion and ex- clusion."

The black or Negro race, as said before, was made eligible by statute in 1870. Later such American Indians were made eligible as gave up tribal life and adopted the ways of civi- lization. In 192.4, however, Congress declared all American Indians born within the territorial limits of the United States citizens of the United States. So that the only people excluded from nat- uralization today are Mongolians (Chinese, Japanese, Malays) —if we were to take the racial division of Caucasian, Mongolian, Negro, and American Indian—and such Others as are made to belong to a debatable racial zone by the process of judicial legislation, and at present made to include Hindus.

In the end of the last century and in the first years of this century a great number of frauds in naturalization were brought to the attention of the government, out of which grew a demand for laying down strict procedural rules for the naturalization of aliens. Theodore Roosevelt, then President, appointed a com- mission of three to look into the matter and to recommend appropriate legislation to Congress. The recommendations of the commission, with slight modification, were embodied by Congress in the Naturalization Act of June 2.9, 1906. Section 15 of this act provides for the cancellation, at the suit of the United States, of certificates of naturalization which should be proved to have been “procured by fraud" or “illegally procured.” Dur-

[Page 376]376 woun um'rr mourns

ing the World War in the attempt to cancel certificates of certain citizens of German birth, some courts started the practice of in- terpreting "illegally procured" of the statute to mean “granted contrary to law" (See Grahl v. United States, 2.61 Fed. 487, 489). Under this interpretation of ”illegality" in section 15 of the statute of 1906, certificates of Japanese soldiers and sailors serving under the American ﬂag in the World War and admitted to citizenship at the end of the war, were cancelled at the instance of the government. In the case, In re Yamashita, 30 Washington 2.34, the Supreme Court of Washington in 1902.,- had held that a certificate issued to a Japanese is void on its face, as the courts are without jurisdiction to naturalize a Mongolian. The Supreme Court of the United States in Yamashita v. Hinkle (2.60 U. S. 199) held in 1912., that a Japanese was n0t eligible for natural~ ization, and as this ineligibility appeared upon the face of the judgment of the Superior Court (of the State of Washington), admitting Yamashita to citizenship, that court was without jurisdiction and its judgment void.

The case of Unite" States v. Bhagat Singh Thind was decided by the United States Supreme Court in February, 192.3, in which it held that a Hindu was ineligible for citizenship because of his race. The government immediately instituted proceedings, under secrion 15 of the Act of June 2.9, 1906, for the cancellation of the certificates of about 60 or 70 Hindus who had been natural- ized during the preceding 15 years or more. In some cases on the analogy of the Yamashita case the suggestion was thrown out that the naturalization court had admitted the applicants with- out jurisdiction. In Other cases thecertificates were held to have been “illegally procured,” that is, granted contrary to law (United States v. Mozumdar, 2.96 Fed. 173; judgment affirmed. Mozumdar v. United States, 2.99 Fed. 2.40; United States v. Ali, 7 Fed. [ad] 72.8). From the middle of 192.3 to the end of 192.5 about fifty cases for cancellation of Hindu (Indian) citizenship were brought by the government in different parts of the United States, and in every instance the decision went in favor of the government and the Indians were deprived of their citizenship.

[Page 377]NATUMUZATION LAW 01’ 1112 UNITED STATES 377

One case from Los Angeles, California—that of Akhay Kumar Mozumdat—was appealed to the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit at San Francisco. But the finding of the United States District Court of Los Angeles that Mozumdar's certificate was illegally procured and decreeing its cancellation was approved by the appellate court. .

The case of United States v. Sakharam Ganesh Pandit was tried in the United States DisttiCt Court at Los Angeles before Federal Judge Paul J . McCormick on December 15 and 16, 192.5. The defences stricken out of the defendant's answer on mation of the government, were based on (1) Res adjudicata, (2.) the Statute of LimitatiOns, and (3) Laches. The defence of equitable estoppel was the one on which evidence was heard at the trial of the case. The decision was in favor of the defendant and against the government's petition to cancel his certificate; and for the first time the government had failed to win one of these can- cellation cases against Indians. Most lawyers and government officials were surprised at the court's decision and felt the judg- ment was erroneous and would be reversed on appeal. The court found that the defendant was duly and regularly naturalized in 1914 by a court having jurisdiCtion; that the United States had appeared at the hearing of his application for naturalization and contested his application on the identical grounds on which cancellation is sought, cross-examined his witnesses and argued the case and presented a brief in opposition; that the United States took no steps for a review of the case or for cancellation of his certificate until 192.3; that defendant relied upon the finality and binding force of the judgment admitting him to citizenship and the non-action of the United States to have it set aside; and so relying, began the study of law, passed the examination, was regularly admitted as attorney and counsellor in the State Courts of California, and was regularly admitted as proctor, advocate, attorney, counsellor and solicitor in the United States District Courts and later in the Circuit Court .of Appeals of the United States for the N inth Circuit; that he secured commission as natary public from the Governor of California; that he bought a home

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in California; &c., &c.; and that the cancellation of defendant's naturalization certificate would involve the loss of his commission as natary public, of his right to practice law in California and in the United States, the loss of his home in California, &c.; and:

"That the defendant at the time of his naturalization com- plied with all of the provisions of the statutes on naturalization in every particular, and there was no irregularity or fraud in the procuring and granting of said naturalization to defendant, and at the timesaid natutalization certificate was granted and issued to the defendant the great weight of authority was to the effect that the defendant was entitled to be naturalized and there was no authoritative decision to the contrary. T hat the defendant was, at the time of his naturalization, ever since has been and now is a person morally, mentally and physically qualified and fit to be naturalized as a citizen of the United States."

The government appealed the case to the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, and met with defeat in that court also (United States v. Pandit, 15 Fed. [id] 2.85). the court suggesting in its opinion that while erroneous rulings of courts may be contrary to law they must be distinguished from illegal rulings which occur where the power is lacking to make any ruling on the subject matter‘or affecting parties to the con- troversy. It further held that the appellee's right to citizenship, in 1914, "having been distinCtly put in issue, the United States appearing and contesting, and the issue directly determined by a court of competent jurisdiCtion, the judgment, am having been modified or reversed, cannot now be disputed."

Towards the end of 191.6 Senator Reed of Pennsylvania in- troduced, in the second session of the 69th Congress, Senate Joint Resolution 12.8 "providing for the ratification and con- firmation of the naturalization of certain persons of the Hindu race.” It was referred to the Senate Committee on Immigration which held hearings on December 9th and 15th. But it never gOt out of the committee to the ﬂoor of the Senate, and died with the 69th Congress.

A little earlier there was introduced in Congress by Dr.

[Page 379]NATURALIZA'HON LAW OF THE UNITED STATES 379

Copeland, junior senator from New York, a bill amending sec- tion 2.169 Revised Statutes and defining “white persons" for naturalization purposes, the definition including Hindus in the meaning of the term. This bill did am even reach the stage of hearings in any committee of the senate, and died automatically with the 69th Congress.

The fate of the foregoing bills in the last Congress is a pretty clear indication that there is no chance, under existing condi- tions, of any legislation by Congress favoring the naturalization of Hindus, as Indians are called in this country.

The government, however, was act to be baffled with two defeats in the United States Courts in its case against Sakharam Ganesh Pandit. So it filed, in January, 192.7, in the Supreme Court of the United States, its petition for a writ of certiorari to the United States Circuit Court of Appeals for the 9th circuit. The Supreme Court, in a memorandum filed on March 14, 192.7 (2.73 U. S. 759, 47 Sup. Ct., 473, 71 L. Ed. 878) denied the govern- ment's petition. Thereupon the government dismissed the fifteen pending cases in different parts of the United States against Hindus for the cancellation of their citizenship, and it also de- clared that it would n0t start cases against the few Hindu citizens who had not been sued for the cancellation of their citizenship certificates.

Perhaps the quotation of a few general reﬂeCtions on the character of the racial discrimination involved in the United States naturalization laws, by distinguished American jurists will be permissible at this point. Said that eminent judge of the Michigan Supreme Court, Justice Campbell, in 1866:

"No one has, so far as I know, advanced the absurd notion, that a preponderance of mixed blood, on one side or the other of any given standard, has the remorest bearing upon personal fit- ness or unfitness to possess political privileges. The subject can- not be discussed upon philosophical grounds, because there is no philosophical distinction involved" . . . but only "an ex- tensive and remarkable prejudice, which has been recognized in all countries as one of the peculiar features of American society."

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Professor D. 0. McGovney, of the College of Jurisprudence of the University of California, writing in the Iowa Law Bulletin for May, 192.3, pointed out, at p. 2.16, that it may be deduced from the tables in the Census of 192.0 that the t0tal number in the United States of those who are, under present court decisions, certainly ineligible for citizenship as well as those doubtfully ineligible (as Asiatics Other than Chinese, Japanese, Malays and Hindus) is 2.44.585, and went on to say:

"How insignificant is this total of 144,585 of certain or doubtful racial ineligibles compared with the six or seven million racially eligible aliens. Is this small number denied the oppor- tunity to attain citizenship merely as a vent for that genial trait that manifests itself in cutting off one's nose to spite one’s face? Or is some national welfare accomplished?

”While the country is urging its campaign of Americani- zation, including naturalization, upon its millions of aliens, and relying upon the personal fitness tests to prOteCt itself against the objectionable among its 1,000,000 Polish aliens, its 1,400,000 Russian aliens, its 1,600,000 Italian aliens, and merely sets up the same tests for its 73,803 foreign born Negroes, its 5,603 resident Filipino-Malays, why does it n0t rely upon the same tests for its pitiful number of representatives of ancient civil- izations? " As Justice Campbell said, there is no philosophical relationship between racial descent and capacity to vote. By the Fifteenth Amendment (to the United States Constitution) the American nation has endorsed that opinion. By it neither the United States 1101' any state may deny any citizen the right to v0te because of race or color. If race or color serves no basis for distinction between citizens, it affords none for keeping personally fit permanent residents in a status in which that illogical dis- tinction may be made against them.

“Who will say that for ownership of land, and productive use of it for the feeding of the nation, racial descent is a logical or sensible qualification. Should any court of last resort invoke a technical logic to support such a distinction, what would be

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gained? Shall greed and covetousness forever be allowed to set up some hollow excuse for coveting the neighbor's ox?

“The fact is that permanent residents are a part of the com- munity. That all should be given the opportunity to make the most of themselves is obviously sound policy. There is no doubt, of course, that a homogeneous society is the most congenial. But just as some individuals must give up some of their desires in organized society, so must communities such as states take the burdens of the Union along with its benefits. Measures de- signed to perpetuate disabilities merely aggravate the evil.

"The continuance of the Status of alienage beyond the mo- ment at which the resident alien becomes personally fit is, . . . a disadvantage to the nation, with patentially grave national responsibilities. Realizing this, we are seeking to induce our millions of resident aliens to fit themselves to share the burdens of citizenship and relieve the nation of its responsibility. Realiz- ing also that even as aliens they reside in and form a part of our communities as human economic elements, we have given them civil rights beyond the power of the states to deny. Just as in- dividuals have their ethics bolstered and their temporary un- ethical impulses restrained by society, so groups or communities such as states profit by the restraining judgments and inﬂuence of the nation, in one generation it may be this state or those states, in anather generation it may be anorher state or states.

"The determination of when alienage most or may cease is a national problem. The nation has been brought to a realization that it has all the foreign born that it can absorb into its political society at present and has almost closed the outer doors. Let us shut them more closely if necessary, but let us repeal this foolish racial discrimination against a few thousand of our millions of alien residents. It may be that only a few hundreds of the now racially ineligible to naturalization can qualify under the per- sonal fitness requirements, but a repeal of the racial discrimina- tion will square us with our sense of propriety, our sense of justice, and will square us internationally."

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SCIENCE, PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION

6] EDWIN ARTHUR Bun'rr Dam of Pﬂloufiy. Ulium'a of China

I.—Tmz HUMAN MEANING or SCIENCE

s'r what ought we to have in mind when we use the word science? In an age calling itself scientific and deluged with literature discussing the achievements of science this would seem to be a pertinent question to raise.‘

If we begin by nating what people actually do have in mind when they use the term we shall find them dividing into two general groups, the dividing line being determined by whether they have had systematic discipline in scientific research or n0t. The man in the street, who has had no such discipline, will be apt to think of science in terms of the more or less startling re- sults which are offered to him on the authority of men of science. The novel ways in which he is hidden to think of his world, and which he is told embody the authenticated outcome of scientific investigation, exhaust the meaning of science to his mind—a situation entirely natural in an age in which science has won prestige and power but in which scientists themselves are yet few and strange. If his interest be predominantly ptac- tical, as is the case with most of us, this authority gained by science over his thinking will be due to the obviously essential part which scientific knowledge has played in the invention of the tools that have so remarkably increased during the last hundred and fifty years human control over nature. The evidence of this increase is around him in such astonishing actualiti-es as the railroacl, the telegraph, the radio, the aeroplane; a still more 30:.

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startling extension is promised by preliminary experiments on television, on the dissection of the atom, and on glandular in- jections. No one with alertness of mind could survive the Euro- pean War and note the extent to which scientific research was commandeered by bath sides in a supreme effort to master hitherto unmastered forces that might spell victory in the struggle, nor the mannetj in which, especially since the war, scientific founda- tions have proved themselves essential to any industrial corpora- tion that hopes to weather the stress of competition, without realizing that science is a practically important enterprise. It appears to be its business to attain a kind of knowledge whose possession is vitally important in the race for power and pros— perity. None of us would really be willing to surrender these achievements and attempt to get along without them; accord- ingly, the man who recognizes this fact, even though he have no more intimate vision of what science stands for, will find him- self in a sense irrevocably committed to it. Even though 'the' pressure of traditional religious interests may foster in his feeling a lingering distrust of scientific investigation, he cannot abandon himself to such motives without reservation. As a clearly prover: means to an end so firmly rooted in normal human desires that he cannot help sharing it, science commands his respect and secures his submission to its authority.

If one schooled in the procedure of scientific inquiry—a scientist, in short—be asked the question, he will almost cer- tainly point not to the results of science but to its method. For him, science is mainly a way of teaching results that can justify confidence when established by it, a way gradually built up through centuries of arduous intellectual effort. It is in what he feels to be the essential characteristics of this method that he will find the meaning of science. In his answer to the question he will point therefone to such matters as his principles of obser- vation, by which data likely to be significant are uncovered, to his use of already attested knowledge in the formation of hy- potheses and their development, to his. technic of experimental verification and the laboratories and delicate instruments which

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constitute indispensable aids in this verification, to the funda- mental concepts such as atom, space, mass, cell, nucleus, evolu- tion, reﬂex, which have proven themselves uniquely fruitful in attacking the problems which from time to time arise in scien- tific work. Science means to him an appealing enterprise which carries on by this method, and as a teacher he will care far more to have the minds of students who come to him permeated by the habits of thinking which express themselves in this method of intellectual advance than to have them accept the outcome of his investigations on the ground of any external authority, how- ever obviously well founded.

Now to have advanced this step in our understanding of the meaning of science is to have made a great gain in our ap- praisal of it.

But is even the conception of science as a method of inquiry into nature adequate to its live meaning for the modern world? My conviction is that it is n0t. I believe that if, after we have gained some discipline in scientific procedure and have allowed ourselves to share unreservedly the purpose informing it, we retire a bit after the manner of the philosopher, and reﬂeCt on the nature of this purpose and its value in relation to the Other ends of human life, we may find ourselves suspecting that one penetrates to the heart of the meaning of science for modern life only when the attitude, the ideal, if you will, that underlies its method and finds peculiar satisfaction in its results, is thoroughly understood and synthesized in the manner which it contacts with the other ideals which control modern life. It may be that the human importance of science lies in the end neither in its specific discoveries nor in its method, but rather in the kind of trans- formation that tends to follow in human character whenever the fundamental attitudes that are embodied in scientific research are adopted by an individual or community. Scientists themselves, while revealing these attitudes in their work, are apt to be blind to them for the same reason that all of us are unconscious of what we most constantly and intimately are; they live them, but do nor find it necessary {or the purpose of their work to know them.

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Here is precisely the'opportunity welcomed by students of philos- ophy, for if philosophy can make any conttibution of value to the history of thought it is by virtue of the fact that philosophers are interested in understanding to the full other intellectual enterprises such as science, while at the same time remaining sufficiently aloof from them to avoid blindness to their control- ling motivations. The philosopher wants if possible to know what it is to be a scientist withort being one himself, and thus to acquire a vantage point from which to survey the changes that are going on in an age of science and see clearly how the ideals at work in the scientist's thinking are related in social evolution to the ideals tevealed in Other great but different enter- prises, such as art, religion, and practical statesmanship. Whether the results attained by this somewhat parasitic procedure meet real human needs or not is of course for Others than philosophers to say. What I am suggesting as our leading theme, more specif- ically put, is something like this: Is there a definitely describable attitude toward life and the world that tends to follow when one has woven his controlling interests into a unity under the dominance of the scientific spirit; if so, what sort of attitude is it and of what scope and authority; and what are likely to be the consequences of its continued impact upon other attitudes that persist in modern life? And if we are to speak of the corol— laties of modern science for world unity, for philosophy, or for religion, let as mean the consequences of this attitude in what- ever transformation it tends to bring about in our convictions with respeCt to such subjects. The attempt to explore such a theme ought act to be without interest; I hope that it will n0t be without some definite reward.

Presumably no one will question the right so frequently exercised of speaking of our day as the age of science. To be sure, science is act the only claimant of such a uniquely descrip- tive position in the modern world. With equal historical justifi- cation we might speak of the age of democracy, of the age of capitalism, or of the age of nationalism. Without attempting to argue for a thesis that might be strongly defended. namely that

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it is the scientific leaven more than any Other that has made it possible for these phrases to seem relevant, it remains that if the phrase age of m‘mcc is pertinent at all we are hidden to look at Other ages, now become past history, in order to see whether we are likely to be right in out assumption that the vital mean- ing of any institution which can be intelligibly used in such a phrase is to be sought in the fact that it expresses a characteristic ideal that has been gradually if subterraneously maturing, a dis- tinctive feeling and conviction as to what is of fundamental value in life. Let us consider one or two parallels.

The extreme popularity in the late ancient and early medieval period in the western world of mysticism and of all practices that contribute to mystic attainment, even carried to the extreme of hermitry in an ..stonishing number of cases, has furnished many writers a descriptive phrase for the age in question. Now is this interesting phenomenon adequately explored unless we come to understand and appreciate the ideal of life and destiny that is being pursued, whether consciously or no, by those who commit themselves to this mystic endeavor? Hardly. In all ordi- nary uses of the term natural it is surely a highly unnatural procedure to turn one's back on the practical activities of every- day life and the companionship of society for the sake of some ' good that is to be secured by renouncing them. Only when we appreciate the historical changes which conditioned the appear- ance of such an ideal does the phenomenon seem intelligible, but when we do see the purpose which would express itself in this way the trend of the entire age opens readily before us. A time had come in the vast expansion and gradual degeneration of the Roman Empire when the normal activities of social life which earlier had led to their appropriate satisfactions no longer did so. Every institution that the ancient world had built up for the sake of developing the normal motivations of conduct seemed to have lost hope and patency. The world that man was naturally familiar with, the world of ordinary practical and social life, was running amuclt, the earnest men no longer honestly hoped that anything worth while could really be done with it.

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But human nature, particularly in its strange reaches of imagination and emotion, is almost inexhaustibly fertile. Con- ceptions had already been worked out, by oriental peoples who had never been able to accomplish much on the stage of this world's drama, of anather kind of good whose satisfaCtion was independent of the fortuitous play of success or frustration in the exercise of man's primary impulses. There was anather world, an inner realm of the spirit, possessing an eternal stability, prom- ising an enduring intensity of exaltation that fat transcended the transitory pleasures of natural impulse, and this world could be discovered and entered by any man who would surrender the things of the ﬂesh for the sake of that blessed attainment. In fact, the discovery was to be made simply by retiring to the re- cesses of one's own individuality, and isolated from nature and society contemplating the entire realm of being as caught up and held fast by the power of an eternal good. For the fullest realization, of course, severe sacrifices had to be made and the way of mystic discipline was hard, none the less the independence of the ideal and of the method of its attainment from the ordi- , nary processes of life was clear. Now in a day when Other goals ‘ had become sickeningly futile and the disappointed aspiration of the world was casting about for a more dependable point of attachment, is there any wonder that a vision of character and an ideal of destiny such as the age of mysticism reveals became widespread and controlled the conduct of large numbers of men?

Again, if we come doWn to that brilliant period of medieval life which begins with a strong revival of intellecmal interest in the late eleventh century and comes to full ﬂower in the thir- teenth, do we n0t find on examination that the transformation reﬂects a widespread change in the controlling ideals of the time and that its significance is most fully uncovered when we appre- ciate the nature of these novel visions of what is worth living for?

The mind of northern Europe, slowly working its way to- ward maturity under the tutelage of the church, came to the point where it was no longer content simply to repeat its lessons

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from the ancient text. It had to think about them on its own account and in its own way, not at first to question their truth, of course—it was as yet far from possessing the necessary critical power for that—but to make their meaning real in terms of its own experience and its own inherent ways of thinking. It was the age of faith seeking to understand and justify itself by reason. St. Anselm, in his Prorlogion and Car Bar Home, gives clear ex- pression to the temper of this type of speculation. “Credo," he says, "at intellegam." Faith is ultimate, in the reality of God and the truth of Christ's vicarious atonement, but the goal of faith, the larger attainment for the sake of which‘faith has its value, is faith's self-justification through rational understanding of her objeCt. The whole temper of the resulting movement in philosophy is well described by Professor Woodbridge when he speaks of “philosophizing on your knees." We believe in order that we may know what it is we believe and why our faith in it is justified.

To a mind without rational curiosity this might appear a strange pervision but once we see how, in terms of the necessary growth to self-consciousness of the mind of a race, such a trans- formed ideal would normally arise, so that blind faith—the mdo quid absurdam of Tertullian, ﬂinging full defiance in the face of reason—lost its supreme value and became supplanted by the ideal of a reﬂective faith, we have before us the clue to the age that is to follow. Given as men's vision of a praiseworthy char- acter that of acquaintance with the rational grounds of one's conviction rather than conviction without insight, and all the major characters of the period easily follow.

What has been illustrated by these two examples is in short but a familiar docrrine of historiography, namely that the most fundamental clues to the history of any complex course of human affairs are to be found in the ends most deeply prized and hatly pursued by the leading spirits who stamped their mark upon the time.

Now the point which I wish to gain support from these considerations is of course that if our own is in any vital sense

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the age of science We should look for its real significance in nath- in 3 short of a novel ideal of character, of what is most to be prized in human life and most intelligently putsued as a justifiably con- trolling value. But if there seem to be some preliminary sense in such a statement, two further questions become pertinent before we embark upon the main task of analyzing the nature of this ideal and considering it in its more important relations such as those to philosophy and to religion.

In the first place, in what definite way might we expect that this approach would throw illumination on the problems which most excite intelligent interest today, such as those aris- ing from the conflict of science and religion? Well, I think that an encouraging hint appears at this point when we note that practically all discussions of science and religion, taken from whatever angle, have proceeded on the assumption that there are in some sense two disparate spheres of experience in which each of these two institutions has its appropriate validity. The only exceptions to this assertion that I am familiar with are those scientists and philosophers strongly inﬂuenced by scien- tific results who have denied any legitimate place to religion at all. You are all acquainted with enough illustrations of this fact so that it is hardly necessary to produce a variety of exam- ples. Especially of course by those whose chief interest has been to champion the cause of religion one notes a universal tendency to restrict the legitimacy of science to a quite limited field, as a preparation for the contention that in the unlimited realm of reality at large faith in God and in the traditional holies of re- ligion is Still warranted.

One of the most astonishing forms of this dichotomy—as- tonishing, that is, in its ability to win approval among religious rircles—seems to me to be found in the usual manner in which religion has been justified in recent years by men of science who happen also to be strong in piety. These men are concerned to point out that the island of assured knowledge possessed by science is ever surrounded by an ocean of mystery and often appear what! a legitimate field for the exercise of religious faith

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simply in this consideration. Now we need not take issue with the fact thus affirmed—surely at no given time does science know all that we should like to know—nor would I dispute the con- tention that in the appropriate object of religious feeling an element of transcendence of finite knowledge, even of over- ' whelming mystery, is present. The thing that astonishes me is I that these matters, taken in themselves, should seem to oﬂ'er an adequate basis for religion, and that the questions that ought to be asked about such a foundation are not usually asked. For surely, on the one hand, the natural response of the scientist, as scientist, to this realm of the unknown, is simply agnostic and experimental; he admits his ignorance of it without any necessary bow of reverence, and is ready to entertain, again with- out any necessary complications with feelings of adoration, hy- potheses that might lead to verifying experiments on the nature of this or that specific part of it. The unknown is for him some- thing that might become known. And on the other hand, if we may take the history of theology as at all significant, the God of religious experience is surely far more than a mere Great Unknown. Is the Great Unknown personal? Of course we do not know. Is it morally good, bad, or indifferent? Again of course we do not know. Is it eternal, or is the advancing match of science destined to conquer it entirely at some distant but finite time? A third time we cannot say. Is it really the God of religion about which we cannOt make an affirmative answer to even such questions as these? Surely this we can answer with a ﬂat nega- tive. And it might well seem to a Rip van Winkle who should suddenly pop into our midst from an age of more vivid religious certainties a testimony to the complete intelleCtual bankruptcy of faith that anyone should seriously cling to such straws as these in his endeavor to avoid engulfment in the abyss of scep- ticism. At any rate it indicates strongly that an adequate reﬂec- tive grounding for religion in the light of the inﬂuences that are aetually moulding the modern world lies yet in the future.

But in what direction lies a more adequate analysis of the nature of religion and of its relations with science, and how can

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we tell that it is more adequate? Surely our approach offers encouragement here. If science is at b0ttom the exptession of a somewhat novel ideal that is slowly permeating the. thinking and feeling of the modern world, the way to proceed is surely to make an exhaustive study of the nature of this ideal and par- ticularly of the manner in which and the extent to which it is grounded in human nature and in the necessary relations of man to his environment. Only thus can we compare intelligently its relation to the ideals that have dominated Other ages, such as the age of religious faith, and see with any clarity 1n just what manner they must be woven together in the unified character which all of us in some fashion are seeking to realize.

It may be that the traditional assumption of disparate realms within which religion and science each has a legitimate place is a sound one. But previous inﬂuential attempts to offer a rational grounding for such an assignment, like that of the philosopher Kant, have lost cogency; how can we discover the precise line of separation and the function in human experience at large that can be assigned to these two great enterprises? Certainly it seems r at first sight that even a scientist, when he participates in a religious ritual which strengthens emotional attachment to high ideals is doing something not easily describable by any scientific term and yet something of legitimate value for life. But if we wish to estab- lish such a conclusion on solid ground and see just what form these different activities would take if brought together in a single harmonious character, can we do it in any other way than by attempting to see clearly just what the ideal of science is and just what function it will play in such a character when it has been fully understood and realized in its appropriate relation with Other valid ideals? And if such a separation is not a sound one, and science should in some sense displace religion entirely, can we justify this conclusion ultimately in any other way than by showing that the fundamental valuations revealed in science are all-inclusive and rightfully dominant in their relations with all competing values? At least this is the approach whose promise we are now setting out to explore.

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But what reason have we to hope much from the ideal of science? Well, ours is certainly an experimental and dissatisfied age, and that indicates that the great valuations controlling the life of former ages have all proven themselves inadequate at some important point. We may exemplify again from the ideals already considered, and n0te wherein their inadequacy lies.

It is fairly evident that the mystic ideal is one which cannor be adhered to with full consistency, at least not in practice. To escape from the world of commonsense action is really possible only by committing suicide, which the mystic does not really want to do. For the suspicion lurks that being alive may be a necessary condition of his ecstatic enjoyments. But being alive involves some attention to the practical affairs which form the fundamental concerns of the rest of us; even Stylites on his pillar had to eat, drink, and take care of the minimum requisites of bodily cleanliness. Now this involves a certain inconsistency with his controlling ideal, for not only does it mean that his transcen- dental absorptions have to be broken from time to time while these quite mundane matters are in the foreground of attention. but it means that other impulses ’than his dominant one have to be continually fostered with the consequent inevitability of temp- tations that he would like to banish completely, such as the temptation to glnttony and to sexual satisfaction. Moreover, this inconsistency is not the only or the most serious one. There is a social inconsistency as well, which by reason of the fact that the tendency of the mystic experience itself is to elevate thought and feeling beyond selfish objects of desire and attach it to more universal concerns, inherently prevents the attainment of genu- ine unity of character around the mystic purpose. For if the mystic continues to live, in however meagre a fashion, he will avail himself of the products of the economic aetivity of Others, who if they were to be converted to his goal would make its pursuit quite impossible for all except in the very mild fashion of the farmer-friars. But if he really believes his way of life to have essential. validity he must regard it as relevant to Others as well as to hiniself, and he cannOt rest quite content as a spir-

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itual imperialist who pursues his individual salvation at the cost of helping deny it to others. Yet further, because of the impartial point of view which the min mstica enforces, he will find his own thrills losing their zest when he reﬂects on the fact that other people do not care or know how to pursue them; he will be moved to spend a large part of his time preaching the gospel of salvation instead of practising it himself, thus mutely testify- ing to an inetadicable competition in his soul between his avowed ideal and anather, that of responsibility to a social good trans- cending any individual achievement, whatever its solitary appeal. The point need not be elaborated further; our concern is simply to bring out the fan that because of the fundamental conditions under which human existence must be carried on, the ideal of escape into anathe-r world of values than those of ordinary sense- experience cann0t really maintain itself unpoisoned, and so no matter how eagerly one age or anathet may commit itself to this nation of what is most worth while, a return will eventualiy have to be made to Other controlling purposes if it still seem desirable to live at all.

In like fashion, the ideal of an age seeking rational justifica- tion for its accepted faith proved an impossible foundation of a stable character, because the questioning tendency which drives faith on to this search for reasons cannOt stop short at any desig- nated point. To solve the difficulties it raises it must perforce go on and raise more serious ones, until in the end the very basic assumptions on which the whole structure of faith rests are in- volved in uncertainty.

Innocent enough seems the beginning of the process. It is but an obedient response to the injunction of St. Paul to “give a reason for the faith that is in you' ’; that God exists, for example, is accepted as certain, but it is important to see why belief in his existence is justified. Suppose now that in some who are encouraged to engage in this inquiry a thoroughly satisfaCtory reason does n0t appear; the problem of evil, let us say, seems not to be met by any considerations that reason is able to establish. What is to be done then ?Shall we still believe, and say that such

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divine subjects transcend the powers of human reason but are still to be intelligently believed on the ground of revealed au- thority? Such was the attempted position of many in the age that followed that of Anselm and Aquinas.

But contradictions lurked in this attempt. For the assumption with which the age began was that it is important to seek a reason, but if the reason cannOt be really found the seeking be- comes irrational and the foundations of all faith are jeopardized anew. And continued belief where one cannOt see a reason be- comes difficult on other grounds. It is conditioned on an implicit conviction that the proffered revelation from the past really is authentic. But suppose reasons for this conviction begin to be sought. Are the proofs of the unique divinity of the Scriptures adequate? This leads to critical questioning as to the very nature of proof and the ultimate criterion of truth, and once such a basic question as this is really taised no answer in terms of faith in external authority can possibly command assent. The serious raising of such a question means that a live process of thinking is going on, and truth can never mean anything Other than what satisfies that live thinking, revelations from the past so fat as they are verified in contemporary individual experience, but not possibly so fat as they fail to gain such present verification. The ball of live thinking, once set rolling, increases like a snowball on a hillside of its own momentum, and the ideal of faith seeking intelligent justification inevitably leads on to Other ideals which avoid at least some elements of the contradiction that holds the secret of its dissolution.

Is the ideal of science more securely grounded in human nature and the essential conditions of human existence than such ideals of past ages as we have been exemplifying? Are there definite and important ways, discoverable by impartial examina- tion, which show that certain basic inadequacies of dominating ideals of the past are remedied by the scientific spirit, and thus justify the conclusion that what we are calling the ideal of science is more inherently stable and offers a more dependable foundation for unified charaCter than any preceding ideal?

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The succeeding chapters must offer what justification I can give for an affirmative answer to this question. But before this introductory discussion is closed it may be helpful to bear in mind the fact that in a specific sense the need which the enter- prise of science satisfies is more fundamental than any other human need. If we agree to this, it offers preliminary support to the thesis with which we shall be occupied, namely that the controlling valuation of scientific research must occupy a central and hence determinative place in any unification of life and character which can be carried through consistently, act only in our age but in any age in which human nature and its environ- ing conditions remain essentially the same.

Why is the need which science seeks to meet more funda- mental than any Other? Because the aim of science is to establish dependable knowledge of the relations of things, and such de- pendable knowledge is needed in the effort to satisfy any Other need. By a need we mean a persistent desire for some type of object that cannOt always be grasped at once when the desire happens to occur. Now if it cannot be grasped at once then some intermediate conditions must be satisfied which will bring the object within reach; to take very simple examples, if blueberries are wanted we must walk to the hillside where they grow and pick them, or to the store and purchase them; if we want to overcome a recurrent temptation to some at which we believe wrong, we must discover those conditions governing submission to the temptation so as to avoid them. In either case—and this is true of every need—for dependable satisfaCtion we need knowl. edge of some relation or relations between two events, such that we can say with assurance: If I do a (which is within my reach), I can trust 5 (which is not now within my reach) to appear, or to be prevented from appearing.

But if we do not unduly limit our conception of need or of what we mean by such simple words as "do" and ”reach,” the whole purpose of science is exhausted in the effort to establish such regular and exact relations. As an institution it begins with the loose and scattered "sayings", built up by hardly more

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than casual observation, still embodied for us in primitive lan- guages, and which clearly reveal the intensely practical mocives which underlie scientific inquiry by the imperative form in which they are usually cast: Make hay while the sun shines—NOthing venture, nothing have. As it transforms these into the imposing form that the great laws of modern science reveal it is doing nath- in; more than expand these primitive statements of relation greatly in number, make them consistent with each Other by discovering dependable conditions of the exceptions to them, and render them more unified and exact by putting them in sys- tematic quantitative form wherever possible. And its method in doing all this, as will be illustrated later, is nathing other than the method which the very nature of our thinking forces all of us to use when we seek to explain a puzzling event that catches our attention, only the method becoming selfoconscious rather than blind and thus able to develop systematically its necessary technic and its instrumental aids.

If there is then such a thing as a definite attitude at valuation expressed in the development of this unique institution, it would. seem to be, in the sense thus outlined, a valuation which is fundamental to all Other values, and thus rightly demanding that they conform to what it requires wherever conflict arises between them in the course of living. Whether this is so, and how it is so, and what the consequences of it may be for some of the problems which excite intelligent interest today must now be the object of more detailed examination.

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THE WORLD WE LIVE IN

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THE COMMITTEE ON FRIENDLY RELATIONS AMON G FOREIGN STUDENTS

s 'rnn name implies, the objects of this organization are the promOtion of international friendship and goodwill through personal service by and for students from Other lands. The Committee seeks to provide information con-

cerning American student life and conditions to be confronted by the foreign student. New students are met at the steamship piers, advised regarding plans for reaching their destination. Local representatives in the various college communities extend a cordial welcome to these students, assist them in obtaining lodgings and in becoming acquainted with fellow students and professors.

An effort is made to relate foreign students to Arnerican home life, and to facilitate on their part free expression of opinion and, in particular, the dissemination of facts about their home lands. Without "Americanizing" them, the Committee is de— sirous that foreign students shall discover the distinctive features of American civilization and apply this knowledge in their life work at home.

The praCtice of Christian principles in inter-racial and inter- national contacts is a central aim of the Committee; therefore

the Chinese, Japanese, Filipino, Korean and Russian Student

97

[Page 398]398 wonm marry mom

Christian Associations are affiliated with the organization. Each of these national Associations maintains a secretary, publishes a monthly bulletin and coaches annual conferences. Cooperation is extended through all Churches, Mission Boards, YMCAs and YWCAs, and any social or religious agencies interested in the welfare of students from abroad. The Committee maintains 3 speakers' and writers' buneau, listing some of the ablest graduate foreign students; letters of introduction are given which enable scores of students to inspect American industries, welfare insti- tutions and when necessary to obtain part time employment.

A survey indicates that there are nearly ten thousand students from 100 different countries enrolled in about 300 American colleges and universities. The larger groups are Chinese, 1000; Japanese, 12.00; Filipino, 1500; Russian, 800. The Committee on Friendly Relations was organized in 1911. Offices ate maintained at 3.37 Madison Ave., New York, where a staff of ten Secretaries and stenographers have headquarters. The officers of the Com- mittee ate: Frank L. Polk, Chairman, Thos. S. Lamont, Treasurer, Chas. D. Hurtey, General Secretary, Dean L. Kelsey, Executive

$2

[Page 399]APOSTLES OF WORLD UNITY

XVI—EDMOND DENE MOREL 5!

H. M. SWANWICK Mo] “Wei Pm”

mm B. D. Morel, after defeating Winston Churchill

at Dundee in the general election of November,

192.1, had made his first big speech in the House of

Commons, a distinguished Conservative left the

Chamber in company with an old colleague of Morel's, saying as they walked,

“I'd no idea Morel was that sort of man!"

"No," replied the other with some heat, "I suppose you took your nations from the gramaphone press. "

"I suppose I did," said the Tory reﬂectively. Then, "What a wealth of knowledge! And what an attractive personality!"

For the brief two years that the House was to know him, this impression spread in all ranks and in his own party he had acquired an inﬂuence which would unquestionably have altered its course, had he lived. He died in his fifty—second year.

Morel's life fell into three definite epochs, each shorter than the previous one. There was the great achievement of his early manhood, when his untiring energy, his genius for organization, his capacity for mastering, presenting and interpreting facts, his glowing eloquence and all the charm of a rich personality were put at the disposal of an overwhelming moral purpose: the lib- eration of the Belgian Congo.

It took this unknown young clerk some thirteen years to accomplish his aim and only those who knew something of his emotional temperament can measure the degree of obstinate de-

399

[Page 400]400 woam mm! moms:

termination which kept him to the weary task. It was a terrible induction into the searing side of capitalist diplomacy and to his end he carried the marks of the experience. I remember well the pang which I received at hearing this man with the cordial brown eyes and the frank handclasp say, in that warm voice of his which always suggested good-fellowship, “Don't think me simple. Life has made me a very suspicious man. "

It was chatactcristic of the wide sweep of his mind that the hideous Leopoldian regime in the Congo led him to the con- templation of all white rule and white exploitation in Africa and ultimately in all the world and made him one of the first to declate the doom of the white men should they fail to admit their duty to the colored and end their own civilization in a greedy struggle with each Other for the spoils of cruelty and oppression.

The applause and congratulations of innumerable distin- guished persons—politicians. ecclesiastics, writers—which greeted the last meeting of the Congo Reform Association on July 16, 1913, had scarcely died away when E. D. Morel entered upon his second and mate painful stmggle, which lasted from the out- bteal: of the world war until, with his entry into Parliament, his great qualities once more began to obtain popular recogni- tion. Even during his Congo campaign he had become a prolific writer for the press on international affairs. In October, 1911, the Daily News published 6Ve articles by him entitled "How Wars ate Made" and in 1911 appeared his book, "Morocco in Diplo- macy," republished in 1915 under the title, "Ten Years of Secret Diplomacy: an Unheeded Warning. " It was clear, then, that he could not regard the war as it was first presented to us—a Balkan squabble—nor as it was popularized in England, a chivalrous rally for the defence of Belgium or an idealistic "war to end was. " He had prophesied too truly; he knew too much about the ways of diplomacy and of propaganda, and from the start he led the most formidable, the most constructive and the most stead- fast British opposition to the continuance of the was until the bitter end. He knew how bitter the end would he.

[Page 401]nmtoxn um atom 40:

He beanie, to the unthinking mass, during those four years of war, a sort of bogey-man. It was necessary that he should be so represented. The propagandists of authority in war time must depict opposition to the war as due to some peculiar villainy. It is necessary to expose those who oppose the herd in war time to the hatred of the herd; Otherwise it might perchance listen. Those expert in mob psychology know well the importance of throwing the mob a name to hate. Mobs, being composed of persons who have, for the time being, given up the most sacred human right and duty, thought, cannor hate an idea; they must have persons to hate. It is not in the least necessary that these should be real persons. In fact no real person could satisfy a war mob's cravings for an object of hatred. It must have the personification of an “idea of vileness. " The most fantastic in- ventions do not sicken its appetite for the impossible. The names of real persons are taken, but preposterous lies and legends are invented to obscure the real personality. E. D. Morel became one of these names.

His friends, who knew him for the most lovable of men, were puzzled by this legendary blackness. People who knew little or norhing about him were inclined to comment that "there must be something in it' '; a man "didn't acquire such a reputation for nathing"; there was "no smoke without fire"; all the lazy and cowardly excuses for refusing to think and for running with the herd. No one was more puzzled than Morel himself and because he was a genial man, liking to be liked, he suffered in- ordinately. Because he was a proud and passionate man, not in the lean resembling the negative pacifist of the vulgar press, he was enraged by filthy insults he could net answer and he with- drew from social contacts in a haughty anticipation of possible repulse. '

If he was more fantastically traduced during the war than any of his comrades (n0t excepting Ramsay MacDonald) it was partly because he was one of the ablest. But there were certain circumstances which facilitated the dirty business. He had al- ready made enemies in certain Belgian and French circles by his

[Page 402]402. WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

fearless exposure of the Congo horrOts; what more simple than to suggest that he had been all those years ago already an agent of Germany? His grateful and enthusiastic fellow-workers had raised a handsome testimonial; this was interpreted during the war as having been a solatium, although the names of the sub- scribers would have refuted that slander if anyone had looked at them. He was partly French and partly English; his opposition to the war was therefore doubly treacherous. It was known that his father's name was Morel-de-Villes, which he shortened to Morel when he was finally settled in England; but it was in- sinuated that he found an alias convenient and his name was frequently printed in inverted commas. It was even pretended that he was a Frenchman liable to conscription in France and there can be no doubt that the French authorities urged that he should be spied upon and even, on one occasion, tried to get him over to France. He was himself apprehensive of being kidnapped and “Once in France," he said, "you'll hear no more of me."

80 late as 192.4 I had curious confirmation of the importance attached to him in French military circles when a high French staff officer said sneeringly to me: "11 est vatre ami, M. Morel? Eh bien, Madame, c'est l’homme le plus dangereux de l'Europe."

After months of espionage they caught him out, in August, 1917, in a purely technical offence and he was imprisoned for six months. l-lis colleagues carried on his work with enthusiasm during his imprisonment and; had it not been for its disastrous effect on his health, it would have been pure gain, for undoubtedly the persecution of Morel had a high advertisement value for the Union of Democratic Control which he helped to found in Sep- tember, 1914, and of which he remained secretary until his death. Within two months of its inception it numbered five thousand members and the following spring, meetings were being held in London alone at the rate of forty-seven a month.

For the next six years the most advanced international thought in Great Britain and abroad rallied to the Union. Interest was kept alive because the Union was alive and was thinking boldly and originally on the burning questions of the day. Mani-

[Page 403]EDMOND DENB MORBL 403

festoes were carefully drafted and discussed with knowledge, many remarkable pamphlets were issued, the monthly journal, Foreign Aﬂm‘rx, was founded with Morel as first editor, and the Labor movement was permeated with the principles of the Union. Its conception of the origins of the War, of the right kind of peace terms, of a League of Nations, of the problems of Empire and of international cooperation became part of Labor’s faith and drew into the Labor Party all that was best of the old Liberal Party; so that when Labor took office in 192.4 there were nine members of the U. D. C. in the Cabinet and at least ten more in the Government.

Then began Morel's third epoch, of two short years only. He was returned for Dundee but he was n0t included in the Labor Government. He possessed knowledge and powers far supe- rior to many of those who obtained office, but many considerations besides ability have to be weighed in the forming of a team. He felt bitterly that his great powers were not being used to the full and in those last years I think he guessed that he was running a race with death. He worked superhumanly hard. He became the leader of a group desiring closer association with Russia than even that for which the Labor Government was prepared. He would have preferred that that Government should go out of office on some big measure like the Anglo-Russian Treaty, rather than on a side issue like the prosecution of an obscure English Communist. Like other Labor candidates, he was mystified and angered by the ”Red Letter" incident which he thought had been badly mishandled. It did n0t affect his personal triumph at Dundee, where they idolized him, but he came back to London vowing he would not rest until he had gOt to the battom of the ugly business. But rest was suddenly imposed upon him on November nth, 192.4.

Besides the book alreadv named and innumerable pamphlets, he erte Tl» Black Man': Burden, Tmtb and the War, Africa and

6: Peace of Empc. As orator, comrade, friend, he inspired millions.

[Page 404]@WQWQ

RACIAL RELATIONSHIPS AND INTERNATIONAL HARMONY

5:

FRANK H. HANKINS W0! .Mohg. 3.» Cathy

II. RACE PRIDE AND PRBJUDICE: THEIR BASIS, SOCIAL Rout AND Monmcxrion

that their existence and vigor require no demonstration.

It has long been the habit of certain types of "liberal”

and democratic Wtitets on political and racial problems to denounce race pride as a silly and even immoral attitude, while adherents of the docuine of racial superiority have preached the sacredness of race pride and the preservation of racial purity. There is, on the one hand, the assumption that the ideals of egalitarian democracy reptesent the 1mm 5mm of social achievement and that any attitude which interferes with the leveling out of all racial and class differences is inherently bad. There is, on the Other hand, the assumption of a race purity which probably does n0t exist and of an inherent race superiority whose only basis is often a lucky historical accident.

It seldom occurs to any one to inquire whether the feelings of race pride and solidarity have any basis in those natural pro- cesses whereby the human world has come to be what it is, and if so, what. It is so much easier to denounce the things we don't like, or to praise the things which fit our own em0tions, than to understand them in their genetic aspects. This resort to heat . rather than to light is easily explained. It gives us enormous subjective satisfaCtion to express our emOtions, especially when in so doing we can also display a sense of moral superiority. 404

RACE pride and prejudice are such obvious mental attitudes

[Page 405]

men PRIDE AND PRBJUDICE 405

Let us first take a look at the naturalistic basis of the feelings of race pride and prejudice.

In the first place, they are so universal among men as to lead to the presumption that they play, or have played, some part in man's struggle for existence. The race pride of all peoples who have achieved a high culture is proverbial. The Greeks believed themselves descended from the gods and set themselves off sharply from the barbarians. The Roman was always the ”noble Roman," while the Jews believed themselves to have been created by God in his own image and to be the chosen people of Om- nipotence. The Chinese are the “celestial” people, while the Japa- nese burn with a consciousness of racial excellence. It is scarcely an exaggeration to say that similar attitudes characterize people at every level of culture. Even the African pigmies show great pride of race. The Jews, persecuted through the centuries, have developed an extraordinary racial sensitivity. Though Jewish writers have been conspicuous among the chief advocates of “doctrines of racial equality, they inevitably display at the same time an irrepressible pride in the achievements of persons of Jewish blood. The Negro in America, not long since emerged from centuries of slavery, is now actively cultivating a sense of racial worthiness and of equality with the world's premier races.

If we inquire into the psychological bases of such attitudes, I think we will find at least two. There is, first, the demand of the human ego for a consciousness of worth. The individual, re- gardless of his station in life, must respect himself if he is to maintain health, vigor, and courage to face the problems of existence. Loss of personal morale leads to a speedy disintegration of one's powers,—and that leads to death. Men who achieve greatly are usually possessed of a notable self-confidence. At the other extreme, there are few so lowly that they do n0t find some- thing in their physical or mental powers, in their activities or their trade upon which to ereCt a monument of pride. The teani- ster takes pride in his ability to handle horses, the stevedore in his skill and feats of strength and endurance. Wherever there 18 some evidence of special skill or knowledge, there is a basis for

[Page 406]406 won» UNITY MAGAZINE

egoistic satisfactions. Human variability is so great that th is scarcely a human creature anywhere that cannot lay claim in his own mind, to some degree of uniqueness and monopoly. There is thus a universal basis for at least that modicum a' personal pride which is a basic necessity of life itself. Even tlu slave and the servant find an egoistic satisfaction in the wealth, display, prowess or achievements of their masters, who in veti- table reality are a part of themselves.

In the second place, we must observe that man has alwayi carried on his life in groups. There is no such thing as an isolated human being. As Aristotle long ago said, an isolated creature is either a beast or a god. “Man is a political animal," that is, he realizes his patentialities only as a member of an organized social group. This fan is of the most profound significance for all questions of racial harmony and international peace. It means that man combines with his egoistic individualism a deep-seated gregarious need. There is much dispute now among the social! psychologists as to whether or not man is possessed of a gre- garious instinct. The answer is usually dependent on definitions and carries very little significance for the actual course of human aﬂairs. Man acts as though he is gregarious by nature; his gre- garious behavior is patent enough; and the assumption of his gregarious tendencies helps to clarify understanding of what he does. -

The herd animal must have a tendency to identify itself with the herd. This is not necessarily a herd of its own kind, but whatever group satisfies his yearning for association, and thus helps to complete his personality and gives him that sense of security and of "belonging" without which life is unbeatable. Among the traits manifested by herd animals are the following: 1) huddling together; 2.) running in the same direction; 3) height- ened suggestibility in times of group danger; 4) manifestation of discomfort in isolation; and 5) manifestation of pleasure on being restored to the bosom of the herd. Man manifests all these traits. He is am, however, a herd animal of bovine type. He more nearly resembles the hunting pack found among wolves, dogs and ba-

[Page 407]um um: AND PIIJUDICB 407

boons. It is said that when a herd of baboons is invading a new feeding ground the older males compose an advance guard while the females and young bring up the tear. If they are attacked, the alarm is given, the females and young retreat while the males serve as a defensive rear guard. Man also possesses n0t merely the capacity to subordinate hittiself to his natural leaders and to follow them implicitly; he possesses in addition, 1) a ready willingness to sacrifice himself for the preservation of his group in times of danger; 2.) a lust for blood, or an unrestrained capacity for cruelty and the shedding of blood when his fighting propensi- ties have been aroused.

The necessity for these traits while human life was on its most primitive plane becomes clear when we recall that man is, so fat as his physical structure goes, one of the most defenseless of all animals. He has no prOtection against enemies, such as thick hide or shaggy coat; he has no organs of offense such as fangs, hoofs or claws. Nevertheless, it was necessary for him to be able n0t only to ptOtect himself against attack but even to conquer the wild beasts of forest and plain for food and for his own security. For these ends he required an indomitable courage and capacity for cooperative effort.

This view accounts for certain traits which man has mani- fested abundantly throughout his racial history. They are traits which he still manifests and which make the problem of world peace immensely more difficult than the making of resolutions and the signing of treaties. They also go a long way toward ex- plaining the true inwatdness of race pride. It is a matter of com- mon experience and observation that courage is greatly enhanced by confidence, and confidence is greatest when one is surrounded by his fellows. It is a universal practice among men to elevate their courage on the eve of battle by manifestations of group solidarity. There is an appeal to tribal divinities, song and story to recall the valor of ancestors and superiority of the tribesmen in times of danget. Pride of race, of tribe, or of nation gives the fighting edge to courage, confidence of success in battle, and an uninhibited marshalling of individual and colleCtive resources.

[Page 408]408 wont) UNITY mounts

Man. is not a timid, shrinking eteatute that runs to a tree top or to his burrow upon the approach of danger. Rather, he faces danger, when cooperating with his fellows, with remark- able steadfastness. While we find in this the basis for his lustful shedding of blood, we also find here the basis for some of hit noblest qualities, his courage, his loyalty to his group and to social values, his spirit of independence, and his capacity for self-sacrifice. Had he been Otherwise he would never have mas. teted the wild beasts and the forces of nature. He would never have crossed mountains .and subdued oceans. These traits have. however, made him his own most tedoubtable enemy; and be cause of the very intensity of his group solidarity and loyalty, the whole course of history has been strewn with the heroic sacrifices to noble, and also to ignohle, causes.

If any proof of these contentions were needed, it could be found in those cases where the destruction of group unity and confidence has destroyed even the individual will to live. A re cent study of the decimation of population among the Pacific Islanders (W . H. R. Rivers and others, Essay: on tbs Dappled” of Mclmmia, Cambridge Univ. Press, 192.2.) reached the conclu- sion that the inability of the natives to maintain their religious and racial traditions in consequence of the rude shocks due to contacts with the whites had destroyed group courage and am- bition. Man lives largely under the inspiration of the myths which he creates for the purpose of maintaining his courage and confidence. The tribal gods of these Islanders proved powerless in the face of the white man's aggressions. Magico-teligious practices wete of no avail in the presence of the white man's science and technology. Tribal faith in themselves and their most cherished group values disappeared and with it went the pride and hope by which alone the struggle for existence can be faced with equanitnity. The result was n0t merely the loss of all power {0: united resistance, but even the physical capacity to withstand the simplest ailments. Upon the onset of even a common cold the native would prepare to die, and did so, largely because of the lack of the desire to live.

[Page 409]aacn puns AND pummcn 409

If the foregoing discussion is sound in essentials, then we are warranted in concluding that race pride is an important fac- tor in group cohesion and has played an important role 1n group survival. It is an essential condition for group aggression and domination. Nathing 1s more frequent 1n the history of man than the conquest of peaceful and timorous peoples by aggressive and spirited tribes filled with pride of race and the ”will to power" which comes from confidence and intense loyalty to leaders and to the ancestral divinities. Had man noc been endowed with a desire to dominate, with a zest for competition and an overween- ing pride in his ttibal tradition, it is doubtful whether he could have survived at all. Certain it" seems that, if he had been a timid cteature shrinking in fear and timidity into caves or tree- tops on the approach of danger, there would have been no human history. Race pride has been essential n0t merely to human sur- vival as a species but to man's conquest of the globe. True, it has dtenched in blood the whole course of history, but we must understand man as he is if we are to grapple seriously with prob- lems of human betterment. As he emerges from the superstitions of his pristine ignorance and supplants the postulates of his age- long savagety with the doctrines essential to an era of world trade, we may assume that he will learn how to temper force and passion with justice and reason.

As we have conceived it, race pride is a manifestation of loyalty to and confidence in the group with which one identifies himself. We thus use the term "race" in a very broad sense. But we are compelled by the facts to do so because the loyalties and antipathies center about social groups and only incidentally or secondarily about specific anthropological types. Such loyalty . or antipathy takes on a multitude of particular forms depending on the circumstances of time and place. In every form, however, are the two ingredients: the demand of the ego for a sense of worth, and the necessity of pride and confidence in the group as a whole. Some one has defined pattio'ism as “pooled self- esteem." So also is race pride. So also is pride of class. Indeed, one meets the same psychic norm wherever two groups of human

[Page 410]410 WOILD UNITY NAOMI“

beings are set face to face in competition. There is 'a pride of Methodism, of Judaism, of trade unionism, of Rotarianism, of Repnblicanism, and even of Pacificism, Feminism, and Com- munlsm.

The pride of race whereby one flatters and expands his ego seems to carry with it as an inevitable accompaniment a deroga- tion of the qualities and achievements of Others. There are two basic elements in race pnejudice. There is, first, the above nated tendency to identify ourselves with a given group. It follows from the sentiments of race pride that anything which ﬂatter: my race or social group ﬂatters me also. My loyalty to whatever is thus identified with my race, class or nation is thus loyalty to myself, a manifestation of my egoistic desire to be well thought of. It is in consequence of this that I have a jealous regard for any and all the ways of aCting, speaking or living which are marks of my own race, class or nation. I rate them as superior to the possessions and ways of Other people and am sensitive regarding the judgments Other people pass upon them.

Time is, secondly, the universal tendency to overrate that with which we are familiar and to be skeptical regarding what- ever is alien to our customary ways. In all parts of the world the stranger is an object of suspicion, while the stranger's ways of talking, dressing or eating are subjects fat derision and merrid ment. Only persons of wide travel or extensive culture arrive at any capacity to see the universal humanness behind the peculiari- ties of face, manners or dress, or to rate at their true value racial qualities or cultural traits different from those of their native community. It is for this reason, in part, that a religion of humanity and ideals of universal brotherhood can arise only in an advanced state of culture. They can acquire power throughout the world only as national isolation and separatism are annihi- lated by the progress of science, the expansion of trade and the development of a world-wide community of interest in peace and prosperity.

It follows from what has been said that race prejudice or antipathy manifests itself only when two selﬂconscious racial

[Page 411]m nun AND PRBJUDICB 411

groups come into competition. In New England there is little or no aetive antipathy toward the Negro because Negroes are few and widely scattered. In certain northern cities, such as Chicago and Detroit, where colored populations have grown rapidly during recent years, the animosity between white and colored has grown with amazing rapidity. In such places this animosity manifests itself first among workers because contacts and competition are direct. If, however, the more successful Negroes attempt to move into good residential seCtions, other classes at once feel and manifest an intensity of race antipathy they had themselves previously thought impossible. We see some- thing very similar in the growth of anti-Setnitism in this country. Twenty years ago the rank and file of native Arnericans in New York City had already developed a good deal of anti-Jewish sentiment, but most of the rest of the country was wholly in- different. Today there is a vast amount of such sentiment in all large cities of the north and east, while it scarcely exists in rural sections and in the south and west. It grows with the increase in the Jewish population and spreads as they spread. Likewise the anti-Japanese feeling has been intense on the Pacific Coast. The American attitude toward the Chinese is if: sharp contrast, for the Chinese have n0t entered trade and agriculture. Moreover, since the Exclusion Act all fear of their securing a strong fact- hold has disappeared. It is exaCtly the same as between nations,:.~ France and England were immemorial enemies because they were _ rivals for the headship of Europe. Recently England felt more and more sharply the rivalry of Germany. Fear, envy and hate between these two countries surpassed all Other enmities to such an extent that England became the firm ally of her former enemy, F rance.

Another indication that race antipathy is dependent on com- petitive contact is seen in the changes wrought by freedom in the attitude of southern whites toward Negroes. Where a society is divided horizontally into castes or classes and such stratifica-. tion has been accepted as more or less ”natural," two diverse races may live act merely in peace and harmony but even in

[Page 412]4n. worm 1mm mourns

affection and mutual admiration. The old-fashioned Negro ex- pected, and from force of habit and tradition even wished, to be dominated. He wanted his white folks to be superior and took a certain reﬂected pride in whatever enhanced the status of his white masters. Even now there is no race friction so long as the Negro "knows his place" according to the status defined for him by white tradition. Any manifestation of ambition or race pride by the colored man is, however, resented. Much the same is true of the attitudes of the native New Englander toward successful and aspiring Jews, Irishmen or French Canadians. This means that the races which have traditionally held positions of social and economic advantage resent any encroachment on their pre- rogatives. Both their‘ sense of superiority and their feeling of security are disturbed by the aetive competition and aggressive encroachment of previously inferior stocks. There is thus a sense in which a hard and fast caste system promotes racial harmony and cooperation. But such a society cannor funCtion in a dynamic culture. It is too rigid. Moreover, in the highest sense, it is in- eﬂicient and uneconomical, because it unduly represses the talent of the socially inferior classes and gives power and prestige to individuals who are unworthy of them.

In recent years, therefore, there has been a certain intensifi- cation of race feeling in this country. The Negro has begun to throw off his apologetic attitude and to assert his rights as a free man under the ideals of democracy. He has rapidly developed a sense of racial solidarity which in turn has elevated in vast numbers of colored people the sense of individual worth and courage to resist oppression, and has produced more and more frequent assertion of the full tights and prerogatives of citizen- shi .

PThe problem of race relations in this country is, therefore, by no means simple. Our tradition holds that the individual should be treated on his merits regardless of race. Moreover, these is no basis in fact for the condemnation of an entire race to a status of social inferiority. Many Negroes, millions of them, are superior to the average white in native intelligence, character,

[Page 413]ucn ram: AND mmxcn 413

industry and patential social worth. At the same time every branch of the white race in this country is determined in the last analysis to preserve the social, economic and political dominance of whites over colored. The result is an enormous amount of injustice, the tragic fate of many gifted Negroes condemned to menial tasks, and the social losses due to friction and failure to fully utilize the abilities born among us. Almost exacrly the same kind of problem exists in South Africa, only there the proportion of Negroes is much greater.

It would seem then that race pride is an essential condition of racial vigor and achievement. But it seems also necessarily to create feelings of prejudice or antipathy whenever two distin- guishable racial groups are brought into competitive contacts. There is an element of instinct in such attitudes so that they are nor easily modified by argument or appeals to reason.

At the same time their form and direcrion depend on youth- ful training and the patterns of social life. They are thus, in their obieCts of attachment and their intensity, products of the social milieu in which they function. The question then arises whether it is not possible to reduce or eradicate feelings of race antipathy so as to realize the ideals of democratic individualism. One can- not be too hopeful. Race pride and prejudice are as old as man and seem to be nearly as deep as life. Certain modern psychologists of the ultra-behaviorist brand claim to be able to shape all the emetions and sentiments of an individual provided they are allowed to begin early enough. But Watson's recent book (Psy- chological Can of Infant and Clu'ld. W. W. Norton and Company, 192.8) indicates that he would rear a race of individualistic ego- ‘tists; and an egorist would be proud of his race even though he was quite certain that it contained no exemplar equal to himself.

I see, historically, ' only three ways in which the force of race feelings have been mollified. One is by a rigid caste system; but it must be so rigid that every layer nor only feels modifica- tion impossible, but has been so perfectly adjusted to its status by custom, religion and morals that it believes profoundly in the tightness of the existing arrangement. Such a system is pos-

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sible only in a static and isolated society and is now no longer possible anywhere in the world. Even in India the caste system is breaking down, and as it does so the problems of internal organization and cooperation are rendered immensely more diffi- cult. Even the despised ”Outcasts” are becoming self-conscious and give signs of a sub—racial solidarity which may have momen- tous consequences for the future.

A second possibility appears when a racial group which at one time is strong and powerful at length loses its capacity for effective competition. The North American Indian is in such a class. We seldom now hear any but soft words for the poor Indian, and seem to be well started on out way toward his ideali- zation as a noble though savage race. This is strangely different from the chance: given him by our ancestors, who found him wily, treacherous, cruel and blo‘od-thitsty, deceitful and an ally of the devil himself. If perchance the Negro should become an actually diminishing element in the American population through a series of decades, I think we should see a very considerable change in popular sentiments regarding him. Not that he would be admitted to full social equality with approval of his marriage with whites. Opposition to such legal crossing of white and black is too firmly implanted in our social tradition. But he would become an object of pity and compassion to some extent; fear of his competitive power would diminish; treatment of him would become more just and merciful. If he aetually disappeared he would become a legend and folkIOt-e would magnify his im- portance in the creation of American culture.

A third possibility lies in the direction of changes in the patterns of social life so as to change rivalry into direct to- operation. This means that rival racial groups must develop a community of interests important enough to throw a decisive material advantage on the side of unity and solidarity as against rivalry and separatism. This happens constantly in business and politics, so fat as individuals are concerned. It has happened between tribes and nations, in military alliances, though these are n0t often enduring. In the processes of nation forming, con-

[Page 415]MCI P1103 AND P131111)!“ 415

quered and conquerors long live in a state of tolerant hate, but they usually have found an appreciation of each Other‘s merits after they have united to repel a foreign foe.

None of these methods promises much for the alleviation of the world’s present burden of racial antipathies. The context of world relations is constantly shifting. New racial and national- istic groups rise to power and with them new racial suspicions and fears. The average Anierican is today highly suggestible as regards the Japanese. He may profess a high regard for their efficiency and taste, but he suspects them, readily believes all sorts of tales about them, and could easily be lashed into a fighting hostility toward them. The colored races of the world are now seething with a fresh awakening of racial pride and a new sense of solidarity. There is every prospect that their self- consciousness will continue to grow and that therewith will arise new conﬂicts of nations, races and classes.

It might seem that the final solution of all such difficulties would be to grant to all races and nationalities full and equal rights regardless of color or traditional status. But we need not expect that this will be done. Nor is there any great gain in constructing false ntopias. It seems to be one of the most pro- found lessons of history that races and nations must achieve a position of equality or of prestige by force or genius. They have what they are able by strength of arms or force of character to acquire and to hold. The strong and privileged, taken as races, classes or nations, seldom, if ever, voluntarily surrender their privileges and advantages. There must be a quid pro quo, if those who are in power are to admit others to an equal status. The Russo—Japanese war resulted in a veritable revolution in racial attitudes, because it was a victory of colored over white. It re- sulted in a new international status for Japan and a revival of race consciousness throughout Asia and Africa. The Japanese thus achieved position as oni- of the great powers. She won, or even commanded respect, but she did not thereby annihilate feelings of race antipathy between whites and yellows. Rather she changed attitudes of indifference into attitudes of fear and suspicion.

[Page 416]4:6 mm um moms:

I incline, therefore, to the view that feelings of rece pride and prejudice are permanent elements of the human drama. They change their form and vigor with every shift of the scene. A few of us, who take pride in our intellectual breadth, may rid our- selves of their most virulent forms and most silly absurdities. But for the mass of any population they seem likely to remain, playing their ancient roles of elevating the individual sense of worth, strengthening ambition and courage, but nevertheless producing their due quata of injustice, social disharmony and social ineficiency.

65

[Page 417]

THE MSDOM OF THE AGES

Edited 61

Anna W. Mn'nN MIQWW.N~YOI

Tb: Iamd Scripture: of Cufucianim (Concluded) Tl» Chief End of Man

religions has shown us how diﬂ'erently they answer that most vital of ethical questions, the one with which the old Presbytetian catechism began,—"What is the chief end of man?" The U mi:M:,—the highwater mark of ancient Hindu religio—philosophical thought—make answer: to realize the essential oneness of the finite soul (atman) with the Soul of the universe (Atman), "Man twat 4:5” (That art Thu), culmi- nating in reunion with Brnhms. According to the Pitch: of Bud- dhism the chief end of man is to attain the enlightenment that points the way to escape from Mayo, illusion, and prepare for entrance into Nirvana, that state in which there is no more re- birth. The Anna of Zoroastrianism answers the question in terms of the age-long struggle between the powers 'of Light and the powers of Datkness, led by Ahm—Muda and Angro-Mainyus, respectively. The chief end of man is to be a soldiet, fighting on the side of Ahura-Muda, his Archangels and Angels against Angro-Mninyus, his Archdemons and Demons,——and the weapons to be used are not swords, but ploufihshsres, not guns, but "good thoughts, good words, good deeds." Turning, now, to the answet given in the Font Book: of Con- fucinnism we have to nate that it has noching whatever in com-

mon with the pteoeding nnswers. The Ptesbyterian injunction, «7

113 study of the sacred setiptures of the three great Aryan < e»

[Page 418]418 woun mm! momma

“to glorify God and enjoy Him forever," would have been an end altogether too metaphysical and mystical to satisfy Con- fucius. To stop the process of reincarnation, whether by the Hindu, or by the Buddhistic method, was an end wholly foreign to the order of ideas on which Confucius had been brought up. Zoroastet's answer,—to cooperate with Ahura-Mazda, the prime- val good-principle in the struggle for victory over Angto-Main- ya“, the source and sustainer of all evil—this, too, was an end altogether alien to the mind of Confucius. Having for his prime and evet-ptesent purpose, the perfecting of the relations that exist between man and man, his answer Would have been ex- pressed in terms of that all-absorbing problem. To him the chief end of man was to become a desirable member of society, and the main function of Confucius as a great moral leader lay in pointing the way to the attainment of this end. He directed atten- tion to the word “reciprocity" as that "on which the whole of life may proceed," adding, "What you do n0t wish done to yourself do not unto Others." He enjoined upon each individual, whatever his calling or his position in society, the practice of “the five cardinal virtues": justice, temp rance, generosity, hu- mility, propriety (a sense of the fitness of things). He divided the possible relations of man into five groups, attaching to each specific duties and defined “the superior man' ' as one who recog- nized these relations and fulfilled the duties of such of the five as came into the realm of his experience. Sovereign and subieCt, husband and wife, parent and child, older and younger bt0thets and sisters, friend and friend. As typifying the duties identified with each of these five relations he bade sovereigns be benevolent and subjects loyal, husbands devOted and wives affectionate, patents wise and children obedient, older brothers and sisters considerate of younger and the younger deferential toward the older, friend faithful to friend.

Given the fulfillment of these various duties, scrupulous ob- servance of all the rules which Confucius had prepared for the diffenent departments of life, and there would ensue of necessity, he believed, that regulation of the individual, the family and the

[Page 419]THE SACRED SCRIPTUIBS OF CONPUCIANISM 419

state which guarantees to the whole nation "the three greatest blessings,——material prosperity, learning and virtue. " Yea, there would be seen again in society, what glorified the kingdoms of Yao and Shun—a reproduction in human life of the serene, harmonious order visible in the solar system and in the regular operations of Nature. Only through these, Confucius held, does ”Heaven" speak. That order in Nature provides man with a pattern of moral conduct. Man, he believed, has no higher lesson to learn than that taught him by Nature, viz., to reproduce in his own personal life and in society an order as calm and unbroken ' and harmonious as is hers.

As it is written in the Analom: “Strive to accord your dis- positions to Nature; so shall you be seeking great happiness. The four seasons pursue their courses and all things are con- tinually being produced in order. Equilibrium is the mm from which harmony springs. Harmony is the universal path which all should pursue. Let the states of harmony and equilibrium exist in perfection and a happy order will prevail and all things ﬂourish.”

Belief in God

Confucianism is frequently described as "atheistic" but the sacred scriptures of the religion give no warrant for the allega- tion. It is true that, in expressing himself concerning belief in God, Confucius was exceedingly resetv ed. He "preferred not to speak" on the subject and seems to have had an innate agnostic attitude toward things supersensible. We read in the Gun: Loam- ing: "Among the subjects on which the Master did nut speak were spiritual beings and miraculous things." Unlike Gotama— who was an atheist in the sense that he "left vacant the place above the finite gods," denying the existence of a supreme pet- manent Reality (Brahma) and believing that all things and be- ings exist only in ”a state of flux,”—Confucius tecognized a Power higher than man and related to man. But knowing nothing of that Power he preferred to be silent on the subjeCt. Plenty of passages there are in his own "Ch'un-ts'iu-King” and in the

[Page 420]42.0 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

"Four Books" to prove him a deeply religious man, conscious of dependence on an inscrutable Power. But being inscrutable, Confucius invariably used the cosmic term "Tien" (Heaven) in preference to the anthropomorphic term “Shang-ti" (Highest Lord). It is related that when imprisoned in the city of Ku'ang with a group of disciples and it seemed to them that release would be indefinitely postponed, Confucius reminded them that ”Heaven protects the culture" which he and they represent. ”What harm can come to those protected by Heaven?’ ’ On another occasion, when threatened with assassination and his disciples urged him to ﬂee, the Master said, "Heaven has endowed me with virtues, what have I to fear from oppressors?" On an0thet occasion he said, “Alas! there is no one that knows me." Tsze-Kung said, “What do you mean by thus saying that no one knows you?" He replied, "I do n0t murmur against Heaven. I do not grumble against men. My studies lie low, and my penetration i'ises high. But there is Heaven,—Tbat knows me!”

Such striatutal passages as these make clear the non-atheist- ical character of the Confucian religion and testify to the essen- tially deep religious nature of the Founder. And this is substan- tiated further ‘by what we read in the Sbu-King and in the Li-Ki- King with reference to the worship of "spirits" subordinate to ”Tien" of "Shang—Ti."

For centuries prior to the birth of Confucius, there obtained in China belief in a hierarchy of Nature Spirits corresponding to the political organization of the country and this belief was carried over from the ancient Chinese religion into Confucianism. ' Just as the various officials of the empire stand under the emperor, so under the heaven-spitit, highest lord, "Shang—ti," there exist the spirits of the sun, the moon, the stars, the rivets, the forests, etc., together with the ancestral spirits of families, ranked ac- cording to the social status of the people. There being such a hierarchy of spirits, it follows that all persons cannot be per- mitted to worship these spirits indiscriminately. Only the Em- peror can worship Heaven. Only governors of provinces can worship the spirits of mountains and rivers. Only magistrates and

[Page 421]THE SACRED SCRIPTURES OP CONFUCIANISM 47.1

officials below the governor can worship the minor orders of spirits. The common people can worship only the spirits of their ancestors and are required to do so. Hence in every Confucian home there is a “hall of the ancestors" where tablets are placed hearing the names of the ancestors, father and mother conducting the ceremony. This consists of praises to the spirits of the an- cestors and the offering of ﬂowers, followed by a family meal to which the spitits are invited and at which they are represented by one of the boJ's‘of the family, dressed in his dead grandfather's clothes, to symbolit‘e the presence of the ancestral spirits. The Emperor, no less than the common people, is required to worship the spirits of his ancestors and the supreme semi-annual festival is that in honor of the royal ancestors, conduCted by the Emperor himself, assisted by the chief dignitaries of the realm. At the common meal one of the imperial grandsons, duly robed in an ancestral royal gown, represents the spirits of ancestral royalty.

To this “spring and autumn festival” must be added the annual ceremony in commemoration of Confucius, celebrated in the red-walled temple of Confucius at Pekin and conduCted (until the end of the old regime) by the Emperor. Before the tablet of the Master he utters the following invocation: ”Great art thou, 0 perfect Sage. Thy virtue is full, thy doarine complete. Among mortal men there has not been thy equal. All Kings honor thee. Thou art our pattern. Reverently have the sacrificial vessels been set out. Full of awe we sound out drums and bells."

A .S‘mre—Religion

Thus Confucianism is a state-religion of the most pronounced and thorough-going type, employing civic officials where Other religions hire priests and acknowledging in these officials no supernatural power or meditorial functions, but solely that of conducting the commemorative exercises; a religion without the- ology, church or priesthood; a religion so identified with the national government as on the one hand to have given it its un- rivalled, unsurpassed persistence through five thousand years,

[Page 422]42.2. WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

and on the Other hand to have denied it that sense of infinit

relations and infinite possibilities without which no religion can ever permanently satisfy.

I mortality

With regard to belief in a future life, Confucianism takes the same agnostic position observed in its attitude to theism. This is strikingly exemplified in the following passage from the Analmr.

"Chi-Lu asked about serving the spirits of the dead, and the Master said, ‘While you are not able to serve men, how can you serve their spirits?’ The disciple added, ‘I venture to ask about death’ and he was answered, ‘While you do n0t know life, how can you know about death?’ " Still more striking is a conversa- tion with an0ther disciple, recorded in the “Narratives of the School."

“Tsze-Kung asked him, saying, 'Do the dead have knowledge (of our services, that is), or are they without knowledge?’ The Master replied, “If I were to say that the dead have such knowl- edge, I am afraid that filial sons and dutiful grandsons would injure their substance in paying the last oﬂices to the departed; and if I were to say that the dead have nor such knowledge, I am afraid lest unfilial sons should leave their parents unburied. You need n0t wish, Tsze, to know whether the dead have knowl- edge or am. There is no present urgency about the point. Here. after you will know it for yourself.‘ " (Legge, Chinese Classics, P1935199)-

But being a practical people, it is n0t unusual to find Con- fucianists, when confronted with business or domestic misfortune, or with death, employing Taoist or Buddhist priests to bring their magical auguries to bear on the crisis, or to chant their requiems for the departed, as the case may be. In Other words, not being certain of what comes after death, and their own re- ligion providing no ceremonial related to the soul‘s future welfare, they find it praCticable and desirable to resort to religions that make a specialty of securing eternal bliss in the world to come.

[Page 423]THE SACRED scamvans 0! COMM”! 42.3

Commendable as such eclecticism may be, it none the less betrays a fatal defect in the Master' s religion and the probability of a neo-C onfuc1an1s1n rising in China, equal to meeting a spiritual need which no one of the three ruling religions of China supplies to the satisfaction of the best elements of the nation.

As the Hindu Upanisbad: reveal a religion of the spirit stressing the essential oneness of man’s spirit with the Universal Spirit; as' the Buddhist Pitch: unfold a religion of the heatt, emphasizing the supreme importance of a self-renouncin‘g love and sympathy for all who remain under the spell of Maya (illu- sion); as the Zoroastrian Aim" sets forth a religion of the hand, laying stress on work as the chief purifying and saving agency in the conﬂict between the good and evil principles of the world; so the Confucian Book: expound a religion of the head, intelleCtual mastery of the mom! teachings of the Founder being the surest. guarantee of an ideal social atder. For Confucius firmly believed that if people would but reverently memorize and master these precepts, the intellectual task would so react on the will as to produce the moral life. People, he used to say, are ins: like water which takes exaCtly the shape of the dish into which it is poured. Such a dish he saw in his system of rides and if only the people . could be, as it were, poured into the dish, the desired moral re- sult would ensue. But alas, between knowing what is right and doing it, there lies love of right and the will to do it. And until the aﬂ'eCtions and the will ate more fully reckoned with and duly trained, the Confucian plan must remain but partially complete. So far did he go in his reliance on rules as to advocate the assum- ing of certain physical postures expressive of moral qualities— such as humility, reverence, obedience—believing that the very soul of the individual would become informed with these graces of character of which the postures were the external signs. Whatever degree of value is to be attached to such intellectual and physical self-discipline as Confucius enjoined, it will be conceded that this faith of his in the efficacy of rules and atti- tudes to achieve the desired moral end, this method of working from the circumference to the center, coupled. with the inﬂuence

[Page 424]414 -' WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

of ancestor worship, explains in large measure that age—long arrested development of China to which she has recently awak- ened and from which she is steadily freeing herself. And yet, after all, the supreme reliance of Confucius, as we have seen, was not on rules alone, nor on rules plus biographies of great souls, but on the power of personal example. This he held supe- rior to every Other known reformatory agent. Such having been his conviction, it should be acted further that the lifting power of his example was due, act so much to his exalted character and great learning, as to his striving for an ideal of virtue and of scholarship which he felt he had not yet attained. Others, seeing that striving, were moved to a like endeavor. So is it ever with the truly great teacher. Nat his intellecmal or moral attainments, but his spiritual passion to possess more of infinite truth and right, this it is that determines his lifting power over Other lives. So was it with Confucius. His greatest work of art was not his edition of the ”Kings" nor the composition of the "Spring and Autumn Annals"; it was the life in which he prac- ticed the precepts taught in the books.

[Page 425]

YOUTH AND THE MODERN WORLD

Editd 6}

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ibvﬂthyd‘oltbo‘dowld.”

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human... YOUTH AND WORLD PEACE 6;

Joanna B. MA'rrnnws M Udmi!’

mo the promise of newly-dawned manhood, war strikes its

most poisonous fangs. The graves of ten million youths,

marked for death by reason of their physical fitness, are

mute and terrible testimony to this fact. It is youth that gives all when war comes. It is youth that goes through life maimed because reason retreats before passion. It is youth that struggle: through life with sub-normal vitality because of under- nourishment when the gluttony of war wastes the fat of the land. It is unborn youth whose economic resources are mort- gaged in the mndness of war's destruction.

Such is the answer to the inquiry: Under what auspices was the first World Youth Peace Congress which convened in Holland in August, 192.8, held? Some "oﬂicialness," so the implied argu-

4t:

[Page 426]42.6 ﬂ woau: mm? mounts ‘

ment runs, must validate the findings of such a gathering. Youth's sole and sufficient authority for convening the World Youth Peace Congress lay in its peculiar relationship to the institution of war. Governments are absolutely dependent upon youth to! man the war-rnachine. Youth, therefore, has every right to raise, its voice in protest against the destruCtive conﬂicts of the 0ch order, and to assert its leadership in the movement for universal cooperation.

From its incipiency to the present moment in the continua- tion work, youth initiative has sponsored the Congress. This ex- pression of youth's deep interest in international harmony should present one, of the most enheartening spectacles of a generation that is waiting for the creation of a genuine international mind to give final and effective ratification to its epoch-making treaties for the renunciation of war.

But it was no smoorh and easy undertaking which con- fronted youth on the evening of August 17, 192.8, when it ar- rived at the little camp ground outside the town of Onunen in Holland. Those who came expecting a happy get-together with interesting young people from all over the world were soon dis- illusioned in part. The Congress was not an hour old before it was apparent to all that difficulties of the most serious nature confronted it. Barriers of language, psychology, political philos- ophy and economic theory loomed high and forbidding.

The five hundred delegates who participated in the Congress were drawn from thirty-one countries of the World and spoke almost that many languages. It was necessary to have a few "oficial" languages for the Congress. These were French, Ger- man, English, and” Esperanto. Nor a few of the delegates under- stood and spoke all four. Needless to say not many such were in the delegation from the United States. Translations consumed much time and but for the amazing eﬂiciency of the young Ger- man interpreter the language barrier would have been appalling. The only redeeming feature about the language barrier was that the translations gave time for "heated” delegates to cool 00' before they got a chance to reply to some provocative utterance

[Page 427]YOUTH AND WOtLD PEACE 42.7

of the preceding speaker. Forgetting, in their enthusiasm, the necessity for translations a score of delegates who had under- stood a speech would spring to their feet asking for the ﬂoor in order to reply. Thirty minutes later when translations were com— pleted their ardor would be cooled perceptibly.

The psychological barriers were also evident from the be- ginning. Through differing environments, different national tern- perarnents undoubtedly develop, as do also different class tem- peraments.

There were delegates drawn from the student class of the United States on the one hand, and delegates drawn from the industrial workers of Europe on the Other hand. There were those from comparatively privileged groups who approached all world problems in something of an academic fashion, and then there were Others who had served prison sentences for their political theories who were inclined to hurl stinging inveCtives at all existing institutions. This chasm of experience was bound to reveal itself in marked psychological attitudes. Some drifted lightly into humor, others seemed to look with disdain upon it. Some wanted striCt adherence to accepted parliamentary prac- tice, while others demanded the right to speak when they felt like speaking and as long as they were inclined to do so. Some wanted formal resolutions set forth in carefully prepared min- utes, while Others wished merely the opportunity for expression.

No attempt was made to limit the viewpoints represented in the Congress. The Netherlands and German Governments re- fused to allow the Communist delegates from the Soviet Union to attend the Congress, but there were individual Communists among the Other delegations. The leaders might have excluded all delegates holding extreme views, but in so doing they would have robbed the Congress of reality. If the World Youth Peace Congress was torn by conﬂicting economic and political philos- ophies, at times approaching a complete break—down, it was merely reﬂecring the stern reality of the world situation. Thus it was a gain in reality for the delegates to find themselves face to face with the world as it is.

[Page 428]42.8 wonm UNITY MAGAZINE

O

The extreme left wing, made up of sixteen Communist dele- gates, was at one end of the line of thought. The extreme right wing of conservatism, fewer in number than the Communists, was at the Other end. In between these were to be found all the Other social, economic, and political "isms" of five continents. The large majority of the center was as far removed from con- servatism as it was from the Communist position. It believed that international relations are sorely in need of improvement, and that only thorough-going remedies are likely to prove effective. Of course its proposals rarely satisfied the Communists. Conscious of its numerical strength, this large majority of moderates was sometimes tempted to win hollow victories by majority vates. On the whole it overcame this temptation admirably and gave full opportunity for small minority opinions to get before the Congress. The extreme minorities were also tempted to demand more than their fair share of consideration. This barrier of con- ﬂicting views put the delegates' peace technic to a severe test.

When one points to a general absence of the scientific mind among the delegates, he does so with the consciousness that youth shares this deficiency with maturity. This always inter— feres with the most constructive results. It did at Camp Eerde. The assumption of too many seemed to be that the first step in thinking is to select a label, n0t to gather all the available data. Labels were everywhere in evidence. Partisanship was frequently dominant. What are you? was the question thrust at one repeat- edly with a tone that betrayed the questioner's intention of giving one a quick and easy classification. When this was brought to the attention of the delegates, the criticism was cordially re- ceived and the following statement was included in the report of the Commission on Economics:

“It is necessary to approach all proposals of whatever nature with an unbiased mind and with eyes and ears open. The cause of mutual understanding and peace will be furthered when we cease to judge persons and programs by labels alone.”

The question of what the Congress accomplished is invari- ably raised, and rightly so. In answering the question the definite

[Page 429]YOUTH AND WORLD PEACE 42.9

limits under which such a body works must be kept in mind. Obviously it possesses no powers of legislation, and none of its decisions could be considered binding anywhere. Its achievements, if any, must be broadly educational—first {or those in aetual attendance, and second for those who are later reached by the inﬂuences which follow the gathering. In regard to the latter it may be stated brieﬂy that a Continuation-Secretariat with head- quarters in Holland is now operating, and also continuation committees in various countries.

The educational value for those who were present is a thing difficult to measure. It varies with individuals, and in any in- stance eludes adequate description. I suppose the one outstanding impression made upon all was the stupendous nature of the task of winning peace. If any easy-going visionary pacifists came to the Congress, surely none went away' from it. There was little talking in the clouds.

Perhaps many of the delegates were shocked into the realiza- tion that peace within the economic and social stem: gun is an idle dream. Delegates from colonial, and especially Oriental, lands impressed this upon the Congress. Justice was articulate! The gravest peril of the peace movement in the West was be- lieved by many to lie in the ”freezing of the status quo” through pacts and machinery ostensibly set up for peace purposes. The demand fat justice must, at all points, parallel the desire for peace, said youth from China, India, Africa, and Mexico. The machinery for justice must be set going along with any sincere renunciation of war, was a proposition that all came to see with clearness.

Many learned, by the effective method of doing the thing, that world unity may be achieved without first, or ever, having uniformity. The Economics Commission report was drawn up by a committee consisting of an Anarchist, a Socialist, a Communist, a Physiocrat, and one who did n0t choose to wear a label. Hindus, Muslims, Christians of all varieties, and those who dis- avowsd all religion, worked together for days, considering that ultimfite aim of all religion—man’s attempt to make the most fruitful adjustment to his t0tal environment. Many of them were

[Page 430]43o woun mm! moms:

conscious of participation in the greatest of all adventures—the ptoductive fellowship of all nations and races.

Many of the most profound experiences of a gathering like the World Youth Peace Congress are not subject to statement on the agenda or to inclusion in the minutes. Outside the formal sessions of the Congress activities were many. In some of these came the high experience of awareness of unity. The camp fires will not soon be forgOtten. They are an important institution in the European Youth Movement. They are designedly a spiritual exercise. Several were held during the ten days that the Congress sat. Music, silence, or poetry, according to the prevailing mood of the moment, drew the hundreds of youth together in a truly international comradeship. In those skyward-leaping ﬂames on the heath of northern Holland there was a therapy that healed the bitterness of conﬂict.

Perhaps the spiritual value for many cannOt be better ex- pressed than to quote one of the American delegates who said: ”After this, all sight-seeing is anti-climax"—notwithstanding a long-dreamed-of visit to Paris that was to follow the Congress.

65

[Page 431]

THE NEW HUMANITY

“Witbut difim or '8’“ or name: or my «m, TD: inﬂiction of :6: Jar low of unrdu."

Edited 6;

Mn? Summer Antawrmuaum." ac.

FOCH CITES HER

There was glory enough for a saga in just her job.

Since honor and trust supreme put her to driving an ambulance at the front.

To be privileged to take wounded men back to white test and qunet;

To steer against jolts, to skirt shell holes, and make me make way for her wounded—

Glory enough for a saga there!

What woman fathered of man could ask life for a deeper, fuller splendor?

To cherish and save wounded men, her brothers,

Fighting at the wheel for them, carrying them, as if in her arms,

Back, far back, to white rest and quiet?

What trust in woman could go beyond that?

Listen! They set her among the chosen who go down into hell;

The immeasurable battle ﬂamed and roared and slew;

Such a vastness of destruction for killing such little humans, valiant midget humans!

And the blessed woman, the proud woman, the woman a saga should sing,

Got her men now from the dreadful first stations,

Where the ted-wet surgeons mailed and dripped. «I

[Page 432]43:. won!) mm! momma

Listen: She had turned 03' for her goal in the hidden lane,

And now it was only two hundred yards :way;

She was getting her men safe out from between death’s crunching teeth,

When the shell fell:

Her machine was but splintered wreckage in the road, and her brothers,

Her wounded It was given her to succor,

Lay tumbled and twisted with it in their bleeding helplessness.

Hit twice she was, too,‘ 'serious wounds,”

And her men '3 need, the cry of life and death, and the hospital two hundred yards away.

She made it. The little khaki—breeched figure crawled it

And inched it and wet it with her blood,

And before she fainted gasped out the word she lived for— “Get my men!"

Now Foch himself has said, “Give her the Cross of the Legion of Honor. ' '

Not important for such a she, such honors;

As must be, the cross goes for my doings, big and less,

But Foch himself asked for hers,

Foch named her we and deed and said,

"Give her the cross of the Legion of Honor. ”

"Miss Fraser," the cable called her, “an English girl." Oh, yes, we call them all English, but claim her, claim her, Men of the Black Watch, and gay Gordon Highlanders, All ye proud Ladies from Hell, lift up your heads ptouder yet, And claim kin with this Fraser; For your Scatland of greet memories must grow greater mother- ing her. Vtou Rosnnono

[Page 433]UNITY AND DISUNITY IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

Edited 6;

anm Pnaxms Wdlﬂmdcm. 0m album

Tbs Passage of t!» Cruiser Bill

rrnm a few weeks of the ratification of the Kellogg treaty the Congress of the United States, by decisive majorities, has sent to the President of the United States a bill calling for the construction of fifteen ten-thousand ton cruisers within the next three years. It has taken this action despite the expressed opposition of Mr. Coolidge to that clause in the bill which sets this brief three-year period as the limit of time during which the new vessels are to be built. Before attempting to analyze and criticize this action, it may be well to examine the historical background of the whole matter. By the Washington treaties of 192.2,, treaty limitations were set upon battleships of over 10,000 tons on the basis of an approved ratio for the great powers. This ratio is commonly ex- pressed as the 5-5-3 ratio, indicating parity for the United States and Great Britain, and 60% 0f Anterican or British strength for Japan. At the same time, France and Italy accepted a figure of 1.75. But in vessels of 10,000 tons and under no limitation was achieved at the Washington conference. The nations were, so far as treaty obligations are concerned, left free to build or act to build as they might choose. The British government preceded the United States in avail- ing itself of this right. In light cruisers, under 7500 tons, it was

already decidedly superior to this country. It began to lay down 433

[Page 434]434 woau) um" MAGAZINE

10,000 ton cruisers in 192.4, five such vessels being provided for in that year. Two more ships of this type were laid down in 192.5, two more in 192.6 and four in 192.7.

It was not until the last named year that that portion of American public opinion which is most insistent on a strong navy began to make itself felt in Congress. The increase in British naval force stimulated a demand for a new building program in the United States. The administration tried to deal with the situation through the calling of a second naval conference, which met at Geneva in June of 192.7. Unfortunately, from the very outset, the naval technicians dominated the Geneva conference. And the views of the American and the British naval experts were so widely divergent that no agreement could be reached. American proposals for limitation were brought forward and discussed. But while the British were willing to limit the number of large cruisers, they desired a large number of smaller ships, and were reluctant to accept any genuine limitation on this side. The discussions from the beginning had a bad press, and they ended in complete failure.

Out of the failure of this effort at limitation grew the fifteen cruiser program; It was given an added impetus, in all prob- ability, by the so-called Angio-French agreement of last August which, from the standpoint of American exponents of increased naval power, appeared like an attempt on the part of the British government to secure support for its views on naval armament, in exchange for similar assurances given to France with regard to land forces.

It is important to understand these facts. For however deplorable the cruiser bill may seem to some of us, it gained a good deal of its strength in Congress from the feeling that this country was being outbuilt, and that from the standpoint of ptestige and protection of its commercial interests, America ought not to be left in a position of permanent inferiority in relation to Great Britain.

It is needless to say that a strong case could be made out against any such view. That case it is perhaps n0t worth while

[Page 435]'rnn PASSAGE or run cnmsnn mm. 435

to set forth in detail. But it may be worth while to remark that n0thing in the existing diplomatic situation justifies the un- seemly haste displayed; nor does the past history of our relations with Great Britain, at least in the last thirty years, indicate that we b.tve needed a navy equal to hers in order to secure recognition for our interests or our desires. Time and again, with inferior material force on the seas,’ we have gained our ends in diplo- matic negatiations with the government at London. It is certainly easy enough to doubt the expediency of the action just taken.

But the- bill has been passed. The American people appar- ently believe that they need a navy as large as any navy in the world. Even in their relations with Great Britain they are, apparently, am willing to trust to reason and moral force. They are still inﬂuenced by vague fears and distrusts. They intend no a ggression, of course. But they have not the faith to believe that they can defend their national interests effeCtively without material power in the background.

In this, of course, they are no different from the Other peoples of the world. Never, perhaps, in human history, has there been so great a yearning for peace. But the institutions on which peace depends, upon which reliance can be placed to preserve peace, are, at the most, in the making. And if the analogy of the development of national states has any meaning, it is only when those institutions have been developed that peace will really be secure, and men will throw away their arms.

In a sense, then, the passage of the cruiser bill sharply underlines the limitations of the Kellogg treaty. That treaty may indeed mark a great advance. But apparently even the American people, who have sponsored it and supported it, do am really believe in it wh: ' 2-heartedly. They are not willing to trust to a promise to kee} he peace, even to the promise of that nation with which they .e most closely allied in blood. We must go further than this, it now appears, if we hope to. deal at all effectively with the whole problem of armaments. The peace pact of 192.9 has obviously n0t contributed very effec- tively to the solution of this great question.

[Page 436]436 wonLn UNITY moumn

At the same time, it would be very unwise to view the cruiser bill from too pessimistic an angle. While it was under debate in the Congress, the prediction was freely made by its opponents that it would inaugurate an unfortunate era of naval competition between Great Britain and the United States. It was pointed out that the rivalry of England and Germany began with much the same professions ( ‘efensive purpose and with much the same disclaimers of na competition that have been so common today. The decisio; « if the British govermnent to build two more cruisers, a decision arrived at after the passage of the American naval bill, and after much division in the British cabinet, seems to some persons additional evidence of the danger of a race in armaments.

Now it is possible that the American cruiser program will lead to an enlargement of the British building program in large cruisers. The bill just passed will put this country ahead of Britain in vessels of 7soo-Io,ooo tons. But it is n0t at all likely that the British will seek to go beyond us. Sit Austen Chamberlain recently declared that his government cheerfully recognized the pretensions of the United States to parity. The British, in other. words, are n0t going to try to seek to outdistance the United States in large cruisers. And there is very little reason to believe that the United States will seek further to outdistance Great Britain. The measure just enacted owed much of its strength to the feeling that this country should have a fighting navy equal to that of England. There would n0t be a handful of votes found in either house of Congress for a program that was a frank attempt to outbuild England. If it has n0t been possible to pre- vent . the enactment of the cruiser bill there is no reason for doubting that it would be entirely possible to prevent any further increase which might carry with it the danger of a genuine competition.

It may be taken as very probable that the British govern- ment will act provoke a quarrel with the United States on the naval issue. There is always a considerable body 'of British opinion that is pronouncedly friendly to this country; but aside

[Page 437]THE PASSAGE OF THE CRUISER BILL 437

from this body of opinion the clearest matives of expediency warn British statesmen from a policy of hostility to this country. Such a policy would strain the bonds of the British Empire to the breaking-point; it would be the most dangerous and reckless upon which a British government could possiny embark. Not the most unimaginative and Tory of governments would be likely to chart out so perilous a course.

Nor could anything be more disastrous to British finance than to enter into a naval race with the United States. The economic resources of this country are so superior to those of Great Britain that the final result could hardly be in doubt. The American people have shown what may be regarded as an un- reasonable desire for parity with the British; but reasonable or unreasonable it is a desire which is n0t likely to be challenged.

It is n0t, perhaps, wholly a bad thing that after the roseate visions of the Kellogg treaty, the cruiser bill should arise to challenge the zeal, the intelligence and the tenacity of the friends of international peace. When the peace pact went through the Senate by so overwhelming a vote, it carried with it the temptation to overestimate its practical consequences. But it now appears starkly clear that one victory is by no means enough; that the great cause of international concord is act to be won in any single engagement; and that much remains to be done to substitute a new order for the old. If this fact can be clearly apprehended, if it is seen more definitely than ever before that the creation of a truly international society is still before us, challenging to new efforts, the passage of the fifteen cruiser bill may not be the unqualified misfortune that it seems to some of those who sought to prevent it from becoming law.

w

[Page 438]W

WORLD UNITY CONFERENCES Under 11;: Ampim of World Unity thniatim

TheWotldUnityConfaeooamemedimhywhichre-pouibleleedmofopinioouncanny theit message to the public without restriction of race. elm, nationality ct deed. Upholding the

idealtofhtothethoodfoondindlteligiontandethialmchinp thetpitimdmdthemmityhyhtinmnpononephtfom ' theunivmdoutbokendapebleofintetptetingthe '

,theConhteoaetmivetoquidm

pied tpeehen teptetentie. ofthe new age. World Unity Goo-

faucetateheldetheqmtinurvekindtiesdtheUdudSuwandMIndthitetluatimd

activity wiﬂheecmdedutoonupmtihleto mimic thelocel WnllU-io makconpad

.AdittiuctinhmredtheConhtm lending lihenlt. established in the variant

citiettohmhetthewotld unityidedJ'hitdepu-tnen

activities of the World Unity Confueocet and

twillpubliththeptogtmmdtepottt'te Councils.

Mating: Held at Domit, Micbigan Febmmy 5, 6 and 7, 192.9

Under the Aupicu of :be Demit World Unity Cami!

Two public World Unity Confet- eocet were held at Detroit, preceded by an informal conference for discus- sion at First Universalitt Church. Dr. Frank D. Adams. ministet of the Church, ptetided, and the discussion was led by Dr. John Herman Randall. Director of World Unity Foundation.

Bath public Conferences were held in the Auditofiutn of The College of the City of Detroit. 0:: February 6, Rabbi Leo Fun of Temple Beth El served as chairman. Following a Statemet. t of Purpose by Dr. Randall, Mr. James Schetmerhom. founder and publisher of Detroit Times. spoke on “The Broken Windows of the Press"; and an address, “The 0p- portunity of World Unity in an Age of Revolt," tut deliveted by Rev. Allen Knight Chalmers. First Pres-

438

bytetiaa Church, Mala. The chairman on February 7 was Judge Iva W. Jayne. An address. "The Unity of the Americas." was given by Dr. Jesse S. Reeves. Department of Political Science, Univettity of Michigan. “The Birth of a World and Its Implication for the Twenti- eth Century," by Dr. Randall, con- cluded the Conﬂuencet.

Addresses on world unity were also delivered at Dettoit by Dr. Randall befone the foﬂming group and or- ganizations: International Club. Y. M. C. A., St. Stephen: A. M. E. Church, Fin: Unimalitt Church. Men's Club of First Constegatioml Church, Y. M. C. A., (Central Branch), Adult Clue of Woodward Avenue Baptist Church, Second Bap- tist Church, Tabernecle Baptist: Church, City Club, (Detroit Teacher College. Y. M. C. A., Fellowcnft Club), School Assembly of Jewish

[Page 439]WORLD UNITY CONFERENCES 439

Temple, Kiwanis Club, Somme“ Club. Detroit University School, Book League of Public Library, Northwest Kiwanis Club, Liggett Girls School, The College of the City of Detroit. Highland Park Kiwanis Club, Highland Park Junior High School, Highland Park High School. Special Teachets of Detroit, Ecorse High School, Lincoln Park Junior College, Lincoln Park High School, Detroit Laymen's Club. Detroit Busi- ness University, Baha'i Mbly.

Detroit World Unity Council

Chairman, Dr. Frank D. Adams, Pres. Nat. Universalist Council; Rt. Rev. Herman Page, Bishop of Mich.; Rabbi Leo M. Franklin, Temple Bah El; Dr. Frank Cody, Supt. of Schools of Detroit; Mrs. Carl B. Chamberlin, Pres. Det. Fed. Women's Clubs; Dr. W. L. Coﬂ'ee, Dean Col. City of Detroit; Mr. Ralph C. McAfee, Ex-

Sec. Fed. Churches; Adam Strohm, Public Library; Mr. James Scheme:- horn, Founder and Publisher, Detroit Times;Mts. G. T. Hendrie, Ch. Mich. W. I. L. P. and Ex-Pret. Wont. Cen- tury Club; Dr. Augustus P. Rectord, First Unitarian Church; Mrs. Wm. Alvonl, Gen'l. Sec. International Inst.; Dr. Morton Pearson, Supt. Presby. Extension Bd.; Mr. John Dancy, Detroit Urban League; Mrs. Eric Leyton Gates, Gen'l. Sec. Y. W. C. A.; Dr. Chestet B. Emerson, No. Woodward Cong.; Mr. lee M. Ter- rill, Ex-Sec. Y. M. C. A.; Mrs. H. W. Dunklee, Baha'i Assembly; Mr. T. W. Wing, Quaker Group; Mrs. Charles M. Novac, Ch. Bd. of Man-

, agent of International Institute; Mrs.

Philatnine Altman, Ch. Ways and Means W. I. L., Business and Profes- sional Women's Club; Mr. Robert L. Davis, Ex-Sec. and V. P. of Cor- nell Univ. Assn. of Mich.

Mating: Held at Waningmt, D. C . Fcbnmy 2.6, 2.7 and 2.8, 192.9

The meetings in Washington fol- lowed the same form as the Detroit Conferences—an Informal Conference with discussion, and two public ses- sions with addresses. All were held at First Congregational Church, Dr. Jason Noble Pierce, minister. Dr. Cloyd H. Marvin, President ofGeOtge Washington University, presided at the Informal Conference held on Feb- ruary 2.6, with Dr. John Herman Randall, Direcmt of Vorld Unity Foundation, leading the discussion. The chairman at the first of the two public Conferences was Dr. William S. Abernathy, of Calvsry Baptist Church. A statement of the purpose

of the Conference: was made by Dr. Randall. Mr. Alfred W. Martin, of the Society for Ethical Culture, New York, deliveted an address on “The New Internationalism," followed by an address, "Highway or Barrier," by Rabbi Abnm Simon, of Washing- ton Hebrew Congregation. The pro— gram on February 2.8 included Dr. Jason Noble Pierce. chairman, an address, “World Unity—the 5"; te ic Opportunity of the Unit Stgtes." by Dr. Mordecai W. John- son, president of Howard Univetsity, and “The Birth of a World and Its Implications for the Twentieth Cen- tury," by Dr. Randall.

[Page 440]W

NOTES AND ANNOUNCEMENTS

The shock of the European War -

inevitably made Wmlixn the crucial issue for mankind. Until a world commonwealth has been estab- lished, every local issue must con- tinue to be unduly inﬂuenced by the ever-present danger of the larger, overwhelming disaster. The last word, however, has by IR) means been said on utiaualiun in its true sense.

The assertion Can be justified that world peace even today depends less upon the League of Nations, or even upon the Paris Patt, than upon the domestic condition in the United States. No peace plan failing to ob tain the whole-heatted and under- atanding support of the American people has more than paper value. The destiny of that people, then, as the largest and most inﬂuential po- litically and morally homogenous ponion of humanity, deserves first concern. As the problems of industry, religion and race are solved, or un- solved. in America, so goes the im- mediate future of the world.

Of these problems, it may be that the problem of intet-tacial amity oﬂ’era America the greatest challenge. Nowhete else is there such contrast of racial experience and status, caat~ in; such a dark shadow upon other- wise brilliant social conditions. No- where else, consequently, ate there such potent agencies for either the spirit of fellowship and concord to

“O

eEeCt true progress, or for the spirit of prejudice and hate to produce (at- teaching catastrophe.

For this reason, the question raised by Mr. Pandit in this issue: whether the United States has made racial prejudice a matter of public policy, goes to the root of the larger question —can banality find :1» way to world peace? For the same reason, the scien- tific study on Racial Relationships by Prof. Hankins has fundamental im- portance in the evolution of World Unity Magazine.

Once more it is our ptivilege to call the attention of readers to the pro gram of summer leetutea announced by the lamina of World Unit]. It would be dificult to bring together four leeturets, or four aubieeta, pos- sessing greater interest and value than those oﬂ'eted on the third annual program a the Institute.

World Unit] extends hearty greet- ing and sincere congratulations to a new publication arisen to serve the cause of human brotherhood—Cal- am, a Quarterly published as the organ of the Mid Movement. League of Neighbors, Union of East and West, and Fellowship of Faith. Cebu: is edited by Will Hayes, at 12. Palmer Street, Westminster, Lon- don, S. W. 1, England. Annual sub- scription for the U. 8., $1.50.

[Page 441]INDEX

\Vonu) Um MAGAZINE Volm 3, 0nd", zyzl—Mnn’b, 1929

‘Iihic:

Anom. Nouns, by John Ma, 96

Boon km, 74, 2.79

Boo: waws, by John Hanan Rudd], Jun, 67. 232., 2.01, 2.74, 347

Bumma, Sacuo Scum or, by Alfred \L'. Martin, 53

Cnmu, Wul- Clmu H4: '20 Om: Us, by Richard Wilhelm, 78

(Zmuu'rmx, by Alfred Zimm, 186

Cwmu‘nou, Mum“. m Sumn, by Hu Sbih, I46

Cochumsu, Tan 5min Sam" 0!, by Alfred W. Martin, 237, 32.0, 427

Cunlvu 'l'msxmo, editorial, 2.87

Duuocucr m Huron, by John Ham Ran- dall. 2.2.:

D: Counm. D'Esmm, by Paul D'Estoundlu dc Constant. 2.26

Envcnm, Tu Nun a A Sunmm. Em m. by lulu: “.1“. Pierre Bout. Hugh Mann, and Charles Paths Connolly. 26

Eouuﬂou m Imam. by John Hanan Randall. 3

lion; hmumu. Tn. by Chester C. Plat,

Hum. Tu NM. 01!. by May Siegriu, 63.t9n.zfis.;43.43!

Immamoun. non. Tu Im on. by Archie N. Palm. 267

Imam“. Mom, WaIm—Ax bun- mmoau. Nam :22 Axum. dial“, 247

Mons. Ema M by H. M. Smwick. 399

NAwuuu-nou 1.4. on m Um Suns. by S. 6. Wt. 369

Nous 4:29 AM 75. 241, 223. 283. 359.440

0mmanm.Tu.byAbbnl-lillel Silva, 82

Pm Auulam, by Herbert Adm Gib- bons. 2.28

Pua—Vowmnr on M? ediwrial, 119

Pm Comma, Tun Gama Pumas“! Mmmo or m Umvnsn. Pucs Com- m, 2.52.

PM, Lon Comm! or, by H. M. Swan- wick, :82

Pom: Bu'rnunu noun 4 Duncan: Hun", by William Norm Guthrie. 64; "Scuu 0' I'll! Enra," by Robert Htvcn Scbmﬂet, 192.; Smou ran Cnnluu Stun, by Comma Cullen, 29;; Puma Ann 1n Won.» Wu, by Carl Sandburg, 2.66; Soon, by Fannie Slums Davis, 2.66; Tn; Dunn“, by Vacbcl Lindsay, 2.67; A Mmmu Tun Mmuou, by Edward Carpenur. 168; Due: MIN, by Lucia Trent. 344; I Tum: or Hm A8 Os: \Vno Floats, by Ann Hammad Bunch. 344;0 Town Hun. by Edward Carpets. 34;; FanuHmbyV/iohloubom, 43:

P300133: 31 Tune Guam. by Mary Hull 37. 102-. 151-. 133

P300353, Luau: you run Onmmuuou or, by It. Brody 30:

Run nun Clwuzmou. by Gauge A. Dorsey, 366

Rum Dim m Wont: Um, by Frank H. Hakim, 89

hon. lm'nomnm um bnmxnoam. Hm, by Funk H. Hakim. 3:2, 404

Sam Pullman! um Rimlou, by Edwin

Anbut Bum. 38:

Scam. Tu 'l'nmmnmu or, by F. S. hlarvim.331

Stools“, Comma on Funny" [muons Am Foul»! Swans. 397

Tuna. Tu Rum. ed. by John Hanan Ran- dlth. 57. l3!» 10'- 174- 347

Um no Damn" n: Imam“. Pou- m. ed. by [hue Perkins, 12.8, 296, 2.69, 317.433

Umvusrn Cm or Pans, Tun, by Luci: Am Med, :23

442

[Page 442]44:. won» um! momma

Vumul. Ban. 3.. hyl-leuy Lens. 303 Wumlm. Wn.byﬂahenMol

Wmoeonn.1h.d. hyMfiedW. “-6-. 33. us. :74. 157. 3:0. «7

Von» Anna, Tu Names or. editorial. 367

Won.» Wu. Em or. edi- W. 3. 79

Woun Um. Am 0!. 96, 181., 2.2.6, 305, 3”

Wm Um. Tn Wm. 10, by Huh Mum: WouoUumCoum. 140,110,31;

337. 430 Woes» We Ian w. Tn. 313. :67, :31, 3a,

Yggum‘loenhmbylmphl

4‘3 Yommmﬂoo-IWM ethyb helleVuMeut.337.4zs

Mom

You'r- .ThMmoemby hehelleVuMeuc.337 Zomwnum, Sm Scum 0!. by

Alfred W. Martin. us, :74

Author:

Am, C. F.. Wm Pieces. :69

Dom. ?Im'l'heNeedofeSpiritmlEle- meat in Education. :6

how ,R.. laguefmtheOrgeniutionof m sot

Burn. Bum: Alum. Science. Philoeophy III ”5850'. 3“

Cannons. Canu- an, The Need of e Spiked Elena: in Education. :6

DI Counter. Pam. D‘W, D’Ee- mnellee de Consume. v.6

Donut. GmA. .leceeodCiviliudcn.366

GM Hence: Am, The Will co World

W

Hon. Nut. Peop- hy “relic Guidance. 37. am. 13:. 2.33

Joins. Rum M..TheNeelldeSpitinelE|e- neat in mm. :6

Len. Hunt. luil 3. VW. 305

mean. WW“ Wiedemdthemsh us. :74. 1:7. 3m. «7

NnvaR ”WW dSOdety.

z llama“, Joel— 3.. Youth and World Pace.

4‘!

Mun. Lucu Ann, The Univuuity City of M. :1;

Mn, Jon, Norm Angeli. 9‘

Hum, Hunter Amos. Why '18 d Revolution? :49

N.Hm,1'heﬂedof38filimelfile men: in mm. 16

Pm. Am ht. The Institute at lacun- tioul Education. 167

Pam. S. G.. The NW Lew old United Sm. 369

Plenum Duthnicy III Dinnity II! 5- me! Politics. 11.8.96. :69. p7. m

hen,CntuM.. 113w, Film. 1'7

138500. s; Denocnq a History. 2.1: lmjn. .Jouﬂnlul. Thelising‘l'ih. 67. '32.. ton. '7;- w

‘lmaomfihe‘l‘mylepnmonthe'ls

No.18, San. Ho. M nil Spitilnl Civiliutim. 46

1

Snow, Mar, The New Hunky. 63, 19:.

63. 343. 43:

Suva. Ann Hunt. The One end the May. 8:

Swnnncx. H. M.. Lord Conny 1! David.

lumen. ‘lhe “min. of uh Youth Nome. 337; Youth and the Hol- ern Wald 337. «s WILIIII-ll. lacuna. What Chin ﬂee to “I Us. 78 2mm. Amen. Civiliutim. 186

[Page 443]

Keeping Step With The S tudent M ovement

Rm Swam- LIn—iu problems, in ideals. in wientific attitude, in perplexitiu. Annmh—notmttobenmitmronly

but mdingbefore tbomjority fortheoon victioaofthoninority.

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maul. mm. V.Youru Loon AT Emma X.BVALUATION: Annun- hm Wat. NAME“. Youm SYIKBIUI.

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[Page 444]PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION

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Church Leadership

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