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[Page 381]

WORLD UNITY

A Monthly Magazine for those who seek the world outlook upon present developments of philosophy, science, religion, ethics and the arts

Editors

JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, Editor HORACE HOLLEY, Managing Editor

Contributing Editors

FANSLRY WATWOOD MENDELSOHN BARTHOLDY ARON BAUDRAN DE BEAUFORT GET A BENEKER TRE BOVET EDWIN ARTHUR BURTT HARRY CHARLESWORTH POON CHEW RODOLPH 1. COFFRE AYARD DODGE GES DUHAMEL ANNA BECESTEIN HAVELOCK ELLIS AUGUSTE FOREL CFGATES SCHULZE GAVERNITZ HALLMUTH VON GERLACH HESERT ADAMS GIBBONS ALIL GIBRAN CHARLOTTE PERKINS GILMAN ows W GRAHAM A. EUSTACE HAYDON WILL HAYES YAMATO ICHICHASHI MORDECAI W. JOHNSON RUFUS M. JONES DAVID STARR JORDAN SAMUEL LUCAS JOSHI ERNEST JUDET VLADIMIR KARAPETOPP P. W. Kuo RICHARD LES HARRY LEVI ALAIN LOCKS ERNEST LUDWIG GEORGE DE LUKÁCS LOUIS L. MANN SIR JAMES MARCHANT VICTOR MARGUERITTS R. H. MARKHAM ALFRED W. MARTIN F. S. MARVIN KIRTLEY F. MATHER LUCIA AMES MEAD FRED MERRIFIELD JAGRUNDMANN-KOSCIENSEA KARIN MICHABLIS NK H. HANKINS HERBERT A. MILLER DHAN GOPAL MUKERJI IDA MÜLLER YONE NOGUCHI HARRY ALLEN OVERSTREET DEXTER PERKINS JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, JR. M. D. REDLICK FORREST REID PAUL RICHARD CHARLES RICHET TH. RUYSSEN NATHANIEL SCHMIDT WILLIAM R. SHEPHERD MARY SIBORIST ABBA HILLSL SILVER ISIDOR SINGER DAVID G. STEAD AUGUSTUS O. THOMAS GILBERT THOMAS ISABELLA VAN METER RUSTUM VAMBÉRY WALTER WALSH HANS WENBERG M. P. WILLCOCKS FRANK LLOYD WRIGHT

Publication Information

Editorial Office:—4 East 12th Street, New York City

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE is published by WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPO 4 East 12th Street, New York City: MARY RUMSEY MOVIUS, president; HACE HOLLEY, rice-presidens; FLORENCE MORTON, treasurer; JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, secretary, Published monthly. 35 cents a copy, $3.50 a year in the United States and in all other countries (postage included). THE WORLD PUBLISHING CORPORATION and its editors welcome correspondence on articles related to the aims and purposes of the magazine. Printed in U. S. A. Contents copyrighted 1929 by WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION. [Page 382]

The Aim of Human Existence

FRIENDSHIP, which has always been extolled, especially by the philosophers of ancient Greece, as one of the greatest virtues, is such only by reason of the living harmony that it creates, whilst every harmony is destroyed by enmity. Generosity in antithesis to straitness of feeling; the altruistic urge which leads us to rejoice in the joy of others, in contrast with envy; the generous pardon and the oblivion of offences in opposition with tenacious spite and the thirst for vengeance; such traits appear to us, respectively, as moral or immoral, specifically because of the essential harmony or disharmony which they generate.

Likewise, in the economic sphere, the mutual aid that the members of a group extend to one another in the execution of certain tasks (the construction of huts, agricultural labors, etc.) and the division of labor—thanks to which each one produces for consumption some kind of goods in an amount exceeding his personal needs, in order to exchange a part thereof for different goods produced by others and given him in exchange by the latter—represent so many factors of the harmony of life, whilst robbery and spoliation are means of general impoverishment and embody the typical characteristics of disharmony.

EUGENIO RIGNANO [Page 383]

THE TASK OF RELIGION

EMBODYING as it does the psychological resources of the race, religion is called upon to perform a different task for practically every different individual and group. For some it must be a means of healing; for others an authoritative cosmic pattern; here it must increase the power of a great organization; there it must dissolve the influence of all organization and restore the august solitudes of a meditative soul. To whatever demand men make, religion responds, and by responding seems to lend sanction to the nature of each demand. Religion has been and can be as father or mother, wife or mistress, son or daughter. It can be the supreme friend. It can also supply the likeness of the bitterest foe.

At the root of all human needs, and encompassing all conditions of society, the task of unifying humanity identifies religion in its purest, most unmixed form. Though men have preferred lesser gifts, the gift of unity is religion in this world. Beholding a worldwide physical unity marred and rendered useless by the separateness of minds, we may realize at last how limited and incomplete we have permitted the expressions of religion to be.

By the modern realization that the material universe is one inter-related organism, and not a confusion of separate, distinct forces and bodies, we have the true measure for estimating the task still to be accomplished through the power of religion in the spiritual universe of the soul. That task is to make forever clear the fact that humanity likewise is an indivisible organism, manifesting one energy through many powers and one substance through many forms. [Page 384]Until this truth has been established at the very sources of will and thought and emotion, as it were a covenant laid upon humanity by its creator, there can be no valid and effective structure of social law. What we today regard as economic political "laws" are but interruptions of the organic principle of cooperation—those little portions of reality we see by the flickering light of isolated, competitive groups. The time has surely come to assert that religion is that power which enables us to perceive all others in actual or potential cooperation with ourselves. If we include only one group in that relationship, we have not the substance but only the name of religion.

Granting that personal love and group loyalty have so far given men their closest approach to religion, the preservation of that experience itself now compels us not to associate with it any hostility or indifference to others, no matter how alien they may seem to be, the eventual consequence of which may be to release the destructive forces of mankind. For mankind is like a tree with many branches and myriad leaves, but one trunk; it is a mysterious sea or ether, seemingly broken up by many intervening obstacles, but ever tending to flow together again, and outlasting every obstacle that can be raised.

Under the pressure of the extreme tension in which we moderns live, awareness of reality steadily grows more acute. Living less immersed in nature and more and more conditioned by men, the faculties which have been employed in understanding and controlling nature are released for the greater task of understanding and cooperating with the human world. In all people there is some surplus of spiritual energy seeking vital expression in terms of human association. Many ancient errors are still to be extirpated from the race soul—the thick, oppressive darkness of religious prejudice yet shuts off our vision of unity and peace. Nevertheless there is a restless stir of resistance at the heart of life. We await the return of faith in a larger, purer form that human beings could ever before receive. The truest religious services performed today are those efforts made to apply the principle of unity to practical affairs—to replace competitive with cooperative motives and forms. [Page 385]

AFTER THE BRIAND-KELLOGG PACT

The following article is a composite statement constructed from correspondence received by World thats during recent months, rounded out by a few brief formulations of policy reflecting the attitude of a number of Contributing Editors. It has special interest at this time as thoughtful people in all countries are wondering what positive measures will be taken by responsible statesmen to insure the benefits aimed at in the Briand-Kellogg Pact.

IT SHOULD be the duty of every government to instruct its educational organs in the importance of the signing of such a peace treaty, to illustrate each international connection of Articles I. and II., to inculcate deeply in the minds of its citizens the unifying power of such a pact, to demonstrate from pulpit and press, from lecture hall and public forum the immense possibilities created for all people by the formal renunciation of war in brief, to represent the world-moving importance of this treaty in all hearts and minds, whether young or old, poor or rich, and therefore deepening the love of peace and intensifying the will for peace. This should be the national policy in all lands.

The next consequence in international relations may be the Creation of a Super-Court before which all disagreements and injustice proceeding from inter-state commerce and other intercourse might be settled. However, this Court must be endowed with the power required by its authority, must be staffed by trustworthy men (and women) of the states (better of the peoples) and must be provided with means for inflicting penalties. The Court of Arbitration at The Hague may be fulfilled in a World Court. There can only be justice by righteous treatment of the guilty, and where there is justice there is order, and where there is order, there is peace.

Because in the greater part of European States the most avowed war-inciters remained in leading positions, the will to peace is weak. I mean the real, actual will to peace, which is not preached with unctuous but empty words!"—Ida Müller, Vienna [Page 386]The Utopia of perpetual peace has been at no time wanting and the word of the Redeemer: "Blessed are the peace-makers has found in modern times two eloquent and convinced apostles one in France, Abbot Charles Irenée de Saint-Pierre, author of a curious "Projet de paix perpetuelle" (1658-1743), the other in Germany, Emmanuel Kant, who in 1795 treated the same matte: as he had debated in a famous work.

Therefore the Briand-Kellogg pact is, in the true sense of the word, only a reiteration in a very much higher degree and to a larger extent of the before-mentioned oaths of "perpetual peace and of the generous-hearted but more theoretical than practical endeavor of the two authors.

1 It is conformable with our subject to examine what better prospect of success the Briand-Kellogg pact has, and if, analysing its psychological and historical properties, we shall obtain more serious assurances and safeguards than with all the other preceding pacts of the same nature.

Let us first emphasize that the prime movers of the pact have been unquestionably led by the most loyal, noble and generous feelings in outlawing war, that destructive scourge, in order to avoid in the future the repetition of such atrocious evils that it is sometimes questionable if the fate of the millions who fell is not after all preferable to that of the millions of survivors whose lives will be only a painful crucifixion.

But what is the real value to be attributed to the pact in its plausible efficacy?

Concerning the psychological question, the Briand-Kelloge pact seems to pay no heed to this important motive of human passion, a chief motive because it is the motive from which, in ten, twenty, thirty years-the term of years has no importance such or such future Statesman when he judges the time very suit able, which no one can foresee today, will notify the pact incom patible with the present interest of his country, according to the maxim of the "sacred egotism" which has already broken so many alliances and so many solemn oaths of "perpetual peace."

Moreover how can we harmonize the pact with the rage for [Page 387]

AFTER THE BRIAND-KELLOGG PACT

armaments which today rules almost all the powers-great and little because the famous "disarmament" exists only in innumerable speeches, articles, pamphlets, reports, but not yet in reality, and even less can one find it in the different estimates which one has only to read carefully in order to establish once more the perpetual difference between theory and practice, between the best intentions and their real performance.

Who can affirm that, with about sixty subscribers to the pact, no one cloaks a "mental reservation" for future claims or a personal interpretation very difficult to harmonize with the intention of the promotors? For, according to Kant, "no one treaty of peace can be of value as such if it is concluded with the secret reservation from which a future war will arise."

Is the Briand-Kellogg pact free from such a danger? To pretend that would be a mark of a deep ignorance and of a total lack of reflection while Europe is bearing the burden today of two unfair treaties, Versailles and Trianon, from which future war can and will arise sooner or later, unless their complete revision has brought a cleansing of the pestilential atmosphere of Europe whose many-colored map already gives enough presentiment of future conflicts.

Now then; according to the psychological point of view the value of the pact is very disputable; to the historical point of view it is of little value according to the axiom that the true Statesman must study the past in order to guard the future.

But the pact guards the future only seemingly, but not at all really, because the peoples continue to exceed all bounds in their competition with armaments and to be disunited through dreadful and interminable rivalries.

Therefore the pact can only have a value for the moment as had, in its time, the famous appeal of Czar Nicholas II, likewise a promotor of universal peace through the Internationl Court of Arbitration at The Hague.—Baron Bandran, Berlin

The next step in connection with the Briand-Kellogg pact is an effort to remove the factors in breeding war. One does not get rid [Page 388]of any danger by shutting his eyes to it. Why not an international congress to discuss frankly the two great problems: tariff barriers and restriction of immigration?—Herbert Adams Gibbons, Paris

The next step toward World Peace consists in (a) wide-spread discussion of the profound significance of the Paris Pact. This is admirably presented by Prof. Jas. T. Shotwell in his new book. "War as an Instrument of National Policy," in which he shows that "if the nations which are signatory to these treaties as well as to the Pact, go to war henceforth for the assertion of their claims, even under the honest conviction that they are protecting their legitimate rights, and refuse recourse to either court, arbitration, conciliation or conference, they are violators of the Pact of Paris. Thus the treaty does provide a visible test of 'war as an instrument of national policy' as over against a war of defense The test is the erection of a juristic frontier between nations. armed not with cannon, but with tribunals of pacific settlement, a frontier which cannot be secretly violated or carried by surprise attack." He shows how the mere act of renunciation of war is secondary to the positive commitment in the second part of the Pact; that the nations will never seek any but pacific means of settlement of any dispute. The declaration by Secretary Kellogg that the right of self defence is inherent has been much misunderstood; it by no means permits any nation with impunity to make a fraudulent plea that if it fights, it is in self-defence unless it has first proposed pacific settlement and this has been denied by an aggressor. The implications of the Pact must be presented in churches, clubs, colleges and press and kept in constant mind. (b) New agreements with naval powers as to parity; the freedom of the sea and economic sanctions.—Lucia Ames Mead, Brooklin, Mass.

There can be no doubt about the fact that the international significance of the present industrial and economic tendencies is essentially pacific, and that if peace is to come some day, it will really come more through the community of industrial and [Page 389]economic interests than through all the pacts, agreements, conferences and meetings of statesmen.

Industrial associations, even French-German, have been founded and are in full action; commercial relations have begun afresh with a certain activity between the different nations, and everywhere in the industrial and economic domain one can verify the favourable and consoling tendency to an extension of a thing which is the more suitable in order to bring into happy relations peoples of different languages and races, and in such a way to secure peace in the best manner: the community of interests.

But whilst, politically speaking, this community of interests results for the most part in alliances against one or several other powers, it can on the contrary reconcile or bring together peoples variously hostile for the single motive of their own prosperity, which is thrown in relief through an easy life, well equilibrated estimates, and rattling good commercial and industrial business.

How then can it occur that in spite of this international tendency Europe still seems far from this ideal, in spite of the above mentioned good intentions?

The answer is easy but the remedy more difficult, because of two grave motives whose suppression seems unfortunately not to be impending: The protectionist system of custom-houses. The question of the war debts to which one must always revert involuntary as soon as one talks about peace and the means to secure it.

Europe instead of ten barriers contains almost twice as many today, and every state, the smaller and more unimportant it is, the more it seems willing to indemnify itself by the rigorous barring of its borders.

Whatever the matter may be, and above all if it is a question of the international economic community, one must necessarily come back to the treaties, whose lamentable consequences make themselves felt even more after ten years, and will be continued longer it they are not to be cured by a very energetic remedy.—Baron Bandran, Berlin

The War debts will become eventually a menace to world [Page 390]peace: equally so the reparations. Europe believes that the United States is oblivious to the fact that human lives count as much as, if not more than, money in assessing the damages of the recent war; and the Allies are of the opinion that President Wilson really spoke for the American Nation when he referred to the war as a common cause. In a common cause all pool their resources, what ever they may be, of men and money. As for reparations, these are bound up with the problem of war guilt. Either Germany owes reparations as solely responsible for the war, or because she was beaten and reparations were imposed upon her. To make durable world peace, therefore, even a child can see that we must abolish wipe off the slate-both war debts and reparations. Herbert Adams Gibbons, Paris

No one wants a super-state. There is no time in sight when there can be a President of the World or agroup of world governors acting like our congress without reference to the will of sovereign states. The League of Nations, when complete by the addition of the United States, the Soviet Republics and a few others, and b acceptance of the optional clause of the statute of the World Court, can be an adequate agency for dealing with all international disputes and international business except such matters a are adjusted by conciliation, diplomacy or conference between individual governments.-Lucia Ames Mead, Brookline, Mass.

No country is in favor of the League of Nations as a super state, least of all mine, the United States. The super-states idea is abhorrent to the powerful instinct of nationalism, which, after all, is only a logical manifestation of group psychology.- Herbert Adams Gibbons, Paris

Whatever may be the ultimate status of the League of Nation in world affairs it must be a very long time, I think, before it ma attain to that of a super-state. Even the most cursory glance the outstanding domestic problems of many of the nations wi indicate this, and will show that it is not even desirable that the [Page 391]League of Nations should be a controlling or directing body, under present conditions. Inasmuch as the whole idea of the League rests upon mutual goodwill and understanding between various bodies of nationals of countries having the most diverse interests and the most intricate of domestic problems, it is clear that anything in the nature of an overhead external authority applied to the settling or elucidation of such problems could only be provocative of the very opposite sentiments to those for which the League stands. That the League of Nations, more and more, will exert a most powerful influence upon the settlement of these internal problems goes, I suggest, without saying; but this not because of any direct control but because of the rapidly increasing condition of mutual understanding and world-interest which is manifesting itself everywhere-largely because of the activities of the League or because of the rise of the international spirit to which the League is the world's greatest monument. I may add here that however noble may be one's conception as to what the international spirit may lead to, it means no more here than just a recognition of the ultimate mutual interest and interdependence of all parts of the world—that is, of their peoples.

Curiously enough, one of the greatest objections to the League (possibly the only great one) that one has frequently heard expressed in Australia was based upon a fear that in some way the League was armed with authority to interfere in Australia's internal affairs-especially in such outstanding questions as these which arise in the discussion of "White Australia"; in which Australia would naturally brook no outside interference, and, indeed, very little in the way of suggestion even. So deep-rooted is this idea of the League of Nations as a super-state (or at least as an immediately potential one) that one has quite frequently to take pains, in addressing mixed public audiences in Australia, to preface his remarks by explaining that it is not so. I imagine that this widespread misunderstanding has grown mainly out of Australia's really passionate regard for this White Australia, and the fear, nay, the obsession, that some external force or power might try to upset it. Even the League's recent activities in regard to tariff [Page 392]difficulties have produced very grave suspicion among many Australians (in common with people of other nationalities where there are strong protective tariffs). Yet, as has recently been pointed out in a public speech in Sydney by Mr. Raymond Kershaw (an Australian Rhodes Scholar associated with the League’s secretariat at Geneva), the League has in no sense attempted to produce free trade in the technical sense. Rather has it been endeavoring to secure liberty of trade, to see if existing obstacles could be removed by international agreement, with the object of simplifying tariffs, and, as far as practicable, securing limitation of import and export restrictions.

It may be said then, without any hesitation, that Australia at least would not welcome the idea of the League as a Super-State Not even the most hearty supporter of this great experiment in human affairs—in the writer’s opinion the grandest that the world has ever seen—could imagine anything but disaster from the League’s assumption of the rights and power of an overlord at the present stage, at least, of world development.—David G. Stead, Watson’s Bay, New South Wales

The League of Nations is not like The League of The Nations but A League of Nations, because two great powers, Russia and the United States, that is to say about 300 millions of people, more than the whole population of Europe, have no official representatives in the League, not to speak of the absence of several other smaller powers.

It is a fault which shows the absurdity of the title of League of the Nations, but it is not the chief point; because the Powers which do not yet participate in the League can become part later and give to the name its full signification.

But another characteristic, and a much graver failure, is that the representatives of the Powers to the League, far from being the elected of their people, are indeed only the agents or emissaries of their Governments, which thoroughly alters the character of impartiality and independence which must form the immutable foundation and the most solid guarantee of the League. [Page 393]

AFTER THE BRIAND-KELLOGG PACT

The interference of the Governments, the presence of their Members in certain cases, make the League a sort of international political speaker's platform, a Parliament with its majority and its minority, where statesmen of friendly or rival countries come to deliver addresses supposedly for the interest of all the peoples, and to debate their reciprocal relations, but in fact in order to support and carry through their own thesis according to their personal ascendency, to the power of their country, to the more or less sympathizing little Powers.

There it is; and it cannot be altered as long as the delegates of the League are appointed by the Governments and not chosen by the peoples themselves and as long as the Governments will interpose through the medium of Ministers in person.

The entrance of Germany into the League has yet more plainly put in the right light the hidden antagonism of the two nations which an artificial, absolutely unfair and hateful peace maintains in a state of muffled hostility and permanent dissonance. The solemn sessions have become even more an oratorical duel-ever as in a Parliament-between the Ministers of the two countries one of which, certain of an overwhelming majority, has no need to take much pains in order to gain the victory over his antagonist.

But concerning the minorities; great is their illusion if they expect to obtain through the League this justice and this right which the Treaties secure to them on paper, but which in reality become manifest through an oppression clearly approved by the so-called supporters of this same justice and of this same right.

Because the League, which devotes time to such minor subjects as the unification of the calendar, takes good care not to be interested in the treaties, the revision of which is the only key to peace, reconciliation, and the right of minorities.

It is quite certain that the League of Nations realizes a great progress in the way of conciliation between the peoples and concerning the possibility of a future durable peace, but under the condition that it becomes the true echo of the will of the peoples, and no longer merely the tilting-place of their Ministers or the theatre of the ambitions of their Governments.— Baron Bandran, Berlin [Page 394]It is evident that the League of Nations cannot have fulfilled during its existence of ten years what all relief-seekers and pacifists had hoped for by its foundation. But it has become already a factor of which each government must take notice. We Austrian peace-friends in connection with the Völkerbundliga arranged sometime ago series of reports about the League of Nations in our university-building and endeavored otherwise to raise the esteem of the League of Nations in the eyes of our compatriots. People are beginning gradually to honor the might of the League of Nations as a Super-State, and perhaps it will not be a long time before also higher circles will admit the significance of such an union of nations. An International High Court and an International Parliament would be surely the ideal for World Peace. The Court of Arbitration in The Hague is such a High Court and could (or better must) become through the League of Nations a vital peace-instrument. The Interparliamentary Union has also existed for years. It need only be reorganized so as to function as an International Parliament.—Ida Müller, Vienna

The principal task for all those who have seen the Great War with all its horrors and evil consequences, must be to educate the next generation in such a manner as to persuade it that war is something to be hated and avoided. The ideas inoculated into youth take easier root and fall upon more fertile soil than those propounded to adults who already have, or believe to have, a fixed opinion of their own. If we wish the renewal and vivifying of ethics and if we want that ethics become the common practice, then we must begin by instilling them into the minds of the youth. With sound germs of peace carefully fostered in the youth, we may hope to obtain the desired end—the breeding of the human race to its highest perfection.

The school has here its difficult task to fulfill. It is not sufficient to pummel into the heads of children the rules of grammar of a foreign language, but we must not forget to teach them also that which is of utmost importance, namely, that every nation even the enemy’ has a soul, and that it is likewise all-important [Page 395]that they should become acquainted with the mentality of a foreign people. This is to be the work of the republic in history. This subject gives a very abundant supply of material for various application, but the teacher must go at it in the right way. It is evidently not sufficient to tax the child's memory with numerous dates of battles, but on the contrary historical events must be considered from the point of view of cultural history. Guilt and fault must be examined with objectiveness. No veiling of facts, harsh though they may be of one's own nation, should be permitted. The ideal of conciliation of nations is unattainable when true facts are controverted at the expense of a foreign people, when the latter are always depreciated and one own's people extolled to the very skies with the intent to fortify the national pride. How very often this cloak looks worn out!

First of all it is necessary to fight militarism and all that is warlike. If a nation inculcates her children with a military spirit, if these children play with tin soldiers and guns, if they are taught a false history of other peoples at school, and if hatred and the idea of revenge are planted into their minds, then we need not be surprised that these children, when grown up, have no understanding of the rights and needs of other nations and think only how to subjugate these nations for the purpose of aggrandizement of their own country. Strictly speaking, wars ought to be included in the statistics of crimes. It is quite a wrong conception of morals and ethics to regard someone as a hero who slaughters men by command, and to give such person a certain distinction, because he has done harm to the "enemy," who is just a man like himself. If the youth of all countries were taught that every nation has a right to be free and independent, and that it is a crime to yoke other people under a foreign flag, then wars will become impossible and we may hope to obtain a World Peace.

The idea of World Peace and conciliation of nations may be reached only when education is founded on the idea of internationalism and the conviction that all nations are dependent upon each other.

Of course, there are nations who have contributed more to [Page 396]human progress than others, and who can present more cultural acquisitions than others, but these facts should not lead to an over-estimation of such nations. It must be borne in mind that man is capable of evolution in the same way as a race is; and as no fair-minded man will treat with contempt another man who may be mentally inferior or infirm, or who may belong to a more inferior class of human society, so no people has a right to treat another people with contempt or disdain.

There should be no hostile feeling towards each other among nations. When the illusion of greatness and the pursuit of hegemony disappears among them, then the causes of wars will disappear also, for economically nations are inter-dependent. The desire of one nation to govern world markets brings eventually disadvantage, because sooner or later the markets will stand in want; countries with depreciated monetary value will not be able to buy from countries with a greater monetary value. The result is; disruption of the whole world market.

There can be no progress and the economic situation cannot be bettered, unless the main obstacle-war-is removed. The people themselves should have the will to act and the courage to demand the abolition of wars. They should disregard the objection that in other countries nationalism and militarism are still flourishing. We must exert the necessary influence, in this regard, there, where we find the greatest possibilities, and that is, in our own country. The idea of patriotism, as taught, particularly, in the schools of the old system and artificially cherished, has been cultivated by the will of those who were in power and who saw in this a means whereby to fortify their position and to make others their most pliant instruments. The same man who cried the loudest about his own patriotism had the least consideration for the patriotism of other peoples, and on the contrary, such men I have been the greatest oppressors of those who spoke another language. Those who really love their country will not wish that their fatherland should commit an injustice by subjugating another people.

There are no frontiers of the fatherland for many a man when [Page 397]

AFTER THE BRIAND-KELLOGG PACT

the fight for existence begins. The whole world becomes his fatherland then, and particularly that land which gave him the best opportunities for existence. It is not always the lowliest that leave their country.

The time will come when every man will regard his fellow-man as a human being regardless to what race be belongs, and he will refuse to recognize frontiers of the fatherland that change after every war.

The idea of internationalism must spread abroad and embrace all humanity. Everyone must recognize the fact that nationalism is the enemy of every culture and civilization.

Today the development of mechanics permits every civili. ed nation to produce good wares; and if there be a nation which is not able to produce an article in a perfected manner, because of a lack of raw materials in the country, then the system of regulating the customs must be such that one country will be able to procure the needed materials from another country in exchange for other products, in which it excels. All the things we need would be cheaper if they could be exchanged between the countries without high tariffs. It is a crime to subjugate a people for the rich resources of their land and then use a pretext to colonize it. You can colonize a land, yes, but you cannot yoke it. You must come as a friend into their country and treat the people as your equals.

Civilization is not the work of one nation, but the common work of all nations; and no nation has a right to think that its culture is the highest and that it, therefore, has the right to force its culture upon another people. We know that many of the subjugated nations had even a higher culture than their conquerors; for power and force are not culture.

A federation of nations-of all nations-will come sooner or later, perhaps not as a sign of the peace-bent minds of the people, but as a compelling circumstance.

Maria Grundmann Koscienska, Breslau [Page 398]

THE WORLD WE LIVE IN

Men live less and less in geographical and more and more in spiritual communities. The involuntary elements of existence tend to be limited to the regional area, the voluntary elements find increasing opportunity of self-expression through association of likeminded people selected out of the entire population by identity of interests and ideals. In this department, World Unity Magazine will publish each month a brief description of some important modern movement, voluntary in character and humanitarian in aim, believing that knowledge of these activities is not only essential to the world outlook, but also offers the true remedy for the sense of isolation and loneliness which has followed the breakdown of the traditional local neighborhood.

WORLD LEAGUE OF INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION ASSOCIATIONS AMONGST YOUTH

by MRS. ALICE WILSON, Director

A GREAT deal of valuable work is being done along international lines: conventions, research work, university students' associations, exchange of teachers, correspondence amongst students, etc. Little of this, except the correspondence amongst students reaches the classroom of the Secondary School. And still, if we want to do anything constructive for the benefit of the future generation it is in that classroom that it must be accomplished.

There exists in every Secondary School a small group of students who show a keen interest in world affairs, and another group more numerous whose interest is slight or even dormant. There also exists, or should exist, at least one teacher interested enough to group those students and awaken or develop in them that interest.

The following plan was made with the idea of using that existing element and training it in such a manner, that it would be adequately prepared to play an important part in the international life of the next generation. The plan is as follows: [Page 399]

INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION ASSOCIATIONS

I-To organize in each High School in every country a group of students with a background of history and preferably a modern language, who show a strong interest in foreign countries and modern international questions..

(a) To establish correspondence among these various groups -correspondence touching any possible subject: art, music, history, economics, science, according to the special inclination of individual students or groups of students.

(b) To make an intensive study of those countries through reading, lectures, etc.

II-To select those students who have shown special ability in grasping and assimilating international ideas, and encourage them helping them through scholarships if necessary—to continue this field of work in college or the university.

III-To urge each government to employ the best of these students in its department of foreign affairs, in the field best suited to their special abilities, in order that they might gain a practical knowledge of the international policies of their own countries.

IV-To send abroad these young men and women, in connection with embassies and consulates, to study in universities, to live and work among the people in order to understand their needs and ideals, their ways and customs. Here they would meet on common ground a group of men and women from all countries with whom they would work toward a common aim: mutual understanding. These men and women should form the Diplomatic Corps of every nation.

Thus through a careful process of selection, the best of our students would eventually lead the nation in its international relations. The others, in business or professions, would have gained a better understanding of the people with whom they deal, and, as voters, would have an enlightened knowledge and world-wide tolerance.

The World League of International Education Associations- the first step towards the working out of that program- with headquarters in San Francisco, has a very active membership composed of students belonging to schools in different countries. [Page 400]Besides, we have secured the cooperation of a great number of educational organizations in different parts of the world. The World League of International Education Associations is based on the principle of absolute freedom for each club, each state, each country. Therefore, only a very loose bond can exist. The members of the League have one common aim: creating a better understanding amongst the youth of the world; the membership card, and the pin, are only outward signs of such a union. The correspondence amongst members and the publication of a bulletin can be at present the only effective means of cooperation.

The office in San Francisco, which was opened because of the increase in clerical work, has not changed the fact that this is exclusively a school organization, and is not controlled or directed by any other organization, either political, religious, or social. It takes care of distributing correspondence, gives information and suggestions, receives and publishes reports, etc., and will eventually increase its sphere of activities. Further information may be obtained by writing the Director at 529 Phelan Building, San Francisco, California. [Page 401]

MY INTERNATIONAL FAMILY

Part 2

IT WAS my privilege to come into some degree of intimacy with a beautiful soul, a youth in years, but a seer into the eternal values and verities. Son of a Japanese nobleman, with a house and servants of his own at the age of fifteen, so that he "could have quiet and retirement for study and thought," as he explained to me, he preferred to turn his back upon the world and live in the realm of the spirit. From the age of twelve he had chosen to spend all his school vacations in a Buddhist monastery, trying thus early to learn the way to the perfect life. A more pure and devout soul it would be hard to imagine or a more lovable nature. His face was serene and seemed lit from within except at the rare times when he sorrowed for fear he might not be able to reach that perfection for which he longed with the intensity which our boys reserve for athletic supremacy. Knowing that he was in this country to study agricultural methods, I asked him if he had ever thought of becoming a priest.

"Oh yes," he replied.

"When did you change your mind?"

"I have not changed my mind. I have changed my coat."

He looked at me anxiously to see whether I would understand.

"You mean," said I, "that when you dedicated your soul to spiritual ideals, that was for always, but that the form in which they clothe themselves could be changed."

A look of relief and grateful appreciation came into his face.

"Yes, I decided that perhaps I could accomplish more good if I learned to instruct the ignorant farmers of our northern provinces [Page 402]how to produce more food than if I indulged myself by living the life of a religious."

Among some photographs he showed me one day, was one of the abbot of the monastery in which he spent his boyhood vacations. I observed a bronze object in the hand of the abbot and remarked that it looked like the lotus.

“Yes,” he replied, “we boys sat cross-legged on the floor in a long row and the discipline to learn self-control and uplift of our spirits was to remain absolutely immovable for many hours, and to concentrate our minds upon a holy thought. If the abbot saw any boy getting sleepy or making a slight movement, he prodded him with the spiky leaves of the bronze lotus, emblem of the ‘Blessed One.’”

I am reading now “Histoire d’une Ame,” by St. Therese de l’Enfant Jésus, and I am struck with the many resemblances between the spiritual lives of the little French Saint and my young Japanese friend.

To most of us it would seem that the decision of the Buddhist Japanese to attain goodness by helping his needy countrymen is more congenial to our point of view than the aim of the Christian French girl to attain her own sanctity in the seclusion of the cloister. Be that as it may, both pure and ardent young souls had dedicated themselves to the spiritual life, and in this respect, there was no calling them Japanese or French, but only “Children of God,” interpret that name as you will. This young friend it was who gave me the interpretation of the miniature gardens and the spiritual framework of many other Japanese customs, like flower arrangement, where the original free and spontaneous impulse of this race towards esthetic and ethical loveliness had crystallized through the centuries into a rigid convention.

We must always bear in mind how many centuries this ancient civilization has been in the making. I refer the interested reader to “The Tale of Gengi” written by a court lady in the year 1000. One might call it the Japanese Decameron without its coarseness. It portrays a subtle and brilliant civilization in which everyone was able to cap passages from Chinese poets or improvise [Page 403]

MY INTERNATIONAL FAMILY

verses of his own in place of ordinary conversation. It also depicts women as more independent than they were later in Japan.

In sharp contrast to the idealistic youth above described, was a Japanese physician, professor in a Medical College, who embodied the scientific spirit and yet had the most delicious sense of humor. He surprised me by saying that he lectured in German, explaining that Japanese before the war went to Germany for education in all the sciences; that therefore German textbooks were used and naturally the vocabulary of science was German. His German with a Japanese accent was entertaining, as was the English with a French accent spoken by a Chinese Ph.D. who came to me, and who got his degree from a French University. A more striking case of the modern attitude of mind on the every-day, material plane was that of a prominent Japanese lawyer. He spoke English with great difficulty. To encourage him to formulate sentences, I asked him what unusual sight had most struck his attention in this country. Imagine my amazement when he answered in the most matter-of-fact manner:

"That you have in your railway stations separate water-closets for men and women."

"Haven't you?" I asked, suppressing a gasp.

"Oh no," he replied imperturbably.

Another Japanese business man, and a merry soul, needed to know things on the material plane. With him our lessons took divers practical forms. He applied to me for a room, I impersonating the landlady. He bought a pair of shoes, I being the salesman. He started on a journey, and I was in turn ticket-seller, conductor, waiter in dining-car, etc.

Let us once more turn to idealism, this time in Palestine. One day there came to me a beautiful young woman. Her clear olive skin and large, soft, lustrous eyes betokened the Orient, but her nationality puzzled me. Her personality was refined and charming and her voice so low that I frequently was obliged to ask her to raise it so that I could hear what she said. She spoke fairly good English, but was too modest to use it effectively. I said to her:

"I often have to take conceit out of pupils, but I shall have to" [Page 404]put a little into you. So I will assure you that you know more English than you think you do."

Before long I found that she knew five other languages even better: French, German, Russian were my first discoveries. Asking her if she was familiar with any others, she replied:

"Arabic, of course."

"Ah," thought I, "now I have the clue to her nationality." But I added the remark: "Five languages are a good many. I suppose that it is your complete list."

"There is one more," she said. "Our family language is, of course, Hebrew."

Thus did I discover, to my surprise, that my lovely pupil was a Jewess. I thought it strange that she should be here to study agriculture until she told me that on the estate of her father were the front line trenches of the English in the World War. As the property was devastated and her father too old to reconstruct it, my pupil and her brother, the only unmarried children, had determined to study and apply modern methods of farming so as to take the burden from their father's shoulders. She had chosen to come to this country because of her experience of the kindness of Americans at the time the Jews were being deported from Palestine by the Turks. She and her sister with many others were offered asylum on one of our war-ships which happened to be in the harbor, and were transported to Egypt with kindness and care. There she lived two years, busying herself in establishing a fund to provide milk for the babies in the Jewess refugee camp, and also in organizing a school for the children. Her fiancé having been killed fighting on the side of the English in Galipoli, she took a special interest in the wounded who were brought by transports from that ill-fated army, meeting each hospital ship with delicacies for its pathetic freight. In all these capacities she showed in exile for two years, great courage and pluck. Her modest estimate of her own mental powers weakened her before the ordeal of a university examination. She had told me that she was reading "Ivanhoe" in her spare time, to practise her English. So when she said that she was trembling with fear of the examinations, I told [Page 405]her that when she entered an examination room, she should keep repeating to herself, "Rebecca was brave, and I must be brave too." I am glad to say that she passed the examination.

Another interesting young Palestinian Jew who studied with me had had an adventurous experience for a boy of twenty-three. At the time Turkey entered the war, he was drafted into her army. He said sixty Jews from his locality were put into one company. After being in camp a few weeks, word reached them that their native villages had been looted, and the old men and the women abused by the Turks. This so outraged them that they watched their opportunity and deserted in a body. They made their way to Egypt where they offered their services to Gen. Allenby, before he began his march northward. Most of these young Jews spoke German perfectly as well as Turkish. With characteristic astuteness, Allenby made them his Intelligence Department, well knowing that their bitter grievance against their former Turkish officers would make them keen and fearless. The most dangerous and responsible work was given to them. This boy had been three times inside the German lines and escaped with his life. But he said he was one of only three out of the original sixty who had survived. He took from his breast and showed me with pardonable pride, a clipping from an English newspaper in which Gen. Allenby is quoted as declaring that he had the finest and most efficient Intelligence Department of any army in the war—but at what a toll of intrepid youth!

It was a continual marvel to me that this young man bore no marks of his terrible experiences, but was perhaps the most light-hearted of all my international family. I could always tell his approach by his cheerful whistle or merry song.

The position he chose during our lessons was a cross-legged seat on the floor by my side, from which he would now and then bound in an ebullition of youthful spirits to take quick steps about the room before another attempt at studiousness. No one would imagine that this merry boy sprite had already behind him enough tragic experience to fill the lives of several average men. From this blithe spirit, surmounting all woe, the contrast is great to turn to [Page 406]a Hungarian pupil who wept through each lesson because she was homesick and felt sure that evil things were befalling her relations in Hungary. As she was well-off, I suggested a visit to her homeland to reassure herself about the health and happiness of her family connection. At this her tears broke out afresh.

"But then I would die of anxiety to leave my husband here," she sobbed.

Thus do unreal specters bulk larger at times than tangible hardships.

(To be continued) [Page 407]

APOSTLES OF WORLD UNITY: XX—FANNIE FERN ANDREWS

by LUCIA AMES MEAD Author and Lecturer

Few women in either America or Europe have acquired so extensive a knowledge of international conditions and problems as Mrs. Fannie Fern Andrews. A resident of Boston or vicinity from her earliest years, she has always been in touch with its intellectual life, and in Europe she has had unusual opportunities of coming into touch with educational and political leaders. After a normal school training and some years of teaching, she undertook after her marriage the full course of study at Radcliffe College and later, by special study in international law, under Professor George Grafton Wilson, she received the degree of Master of Arts and in 1923, of Doctor of Philosophy. Dr. Andrews's great and distinctive service to the peace cause has been as Secretary of the American School Citizenship League.

At the great national peace congress in New York in 1907, there was a notable children's meeting, arranged by Miss Mary J. Pierson, a New York teacher who had been carrying on peace work among the children in the public schools. It became apparent to Mr. Edwin D. Mead, of the executive committee of the Congress, that something of national scope should be undertaken in our schools and he raised funds to inaugurate the plan; Mr. Carnegie shared his enthusiasm and contributed $2,500 for the initial work. Knowing Mrs. Andrews's organizing ability, as shown in her work in the American Peace Society and in the Boston Home and School Association which she organized, the writer urged her appointment as director of the work. [Page 408]For some years before the establishment of the School Peace League, a beginning of peace education had been made in many states in the celebration of May 18th, the anniversary of the opening of the first Hague Conference, the forerunner of the still incomplete world-organization which alone can prevent war between nations. The purpose of the American School Peace League as stated in its constitution, was: "to promote, through the schools and the educational public of America, the interests of international justice and fraternity." Some of the most eminent educators of America, like Samuel T. Dutton and Geo. H. Martin, allied themselves with the League, Dr. James H. Van Sickle was its first president, and among the most influential and ardent supporters was Dr. Philander P. Claxton, United States Commissioner of Education. State branches were formed in nearly every state in the Union. Their purpose was, in brief, to provide speakers and distribute literature on international relations; to put literature in libraries and to help study circles, to give proper material to the educational press on international matters; to encourage the study of history according to the plan worked out by the History Committee of the League; to procure the observance of peace day, May 18th; to organize branch leagues in high and normal schools. The work, admirably begun by Mrs. Andrews in 1908, soon led to recognition by the National Education Association. Since 1909, the League, as an allied organization, held its annual meeting with the N. E. A., which in recent years appointed a joint committee to cooperate in the work of the League. For several years the League received financial support from the World Peace Foundation established by Edwin Ginn; this was supplemented by gifts from individuals. Mrs. J. Malcolm Forbes, whose service has been so devoted, has been a constant and generous helper.

The teachers as a whole were unprepared to present to pupils the new subjects which Twentieth Century conditions were creating. The world was fast becoming an organic world. The history of one nation could not be properly presented without having in the teacher's mind a broad historic background and a recognition of that larger patriotism which counts "nothing [Page 409]human, foreign." A narrow, partial view of one's own history, an inability "to put oneself in the other fellow's place," a vainglorious assumption that one's own country has always been right are as characteristic of our country as of every other. An absolute unwillingness to surrender any measure of sovereignty for the universal good, a suspicion of everything alien, a stubborn refusal to acknowledge any error in our past: all these were elements that had to be met tactfully in a country composed of so many foreign elements.

Out of all this effort have come debates, oratorical contests, prize essays, pageants, dramas. It goes without saying that only large funds could supply even one pamphlet a year to over 700,000 teachers and that much personal effort would be necessary to arouse the ambition and cooperation of every teacher. The funds available have been used economically and effectively. It is now time that men of means with the creative imagination of a Henry Ford should in the educational world supply adequate funds to enable the rising generation to learn the new substitutes for war and to inculcate the spirit of world friendship and goodwill.

This is what the School Citizenship League aims to accomplish.

The National Education Association in 1909 passed the following resolution: It "endorses the purpose of the American School Peace League. The Association believes that the purposes of the League will make for effective citizenship and urges all teachers to acquaint themselves with the work of the League and to cooperate with it." Similar resolutions have been passed many times since, and in 1915, when the world was stunned by the fratricidal strife in Europe, its en rsement was particularly emphatic. Dr. Andrews has given mai addresses at the N. E. A. conventions and in its various departme ts and has been a member of the Council. At these conventions, a prominent feature of the program has been a state-wide essay contest among the high-schools of the state on some international matter. On one occasion, the United States Commissioner of Education awarded the League's gold medal to the winner. One of the most important accomplishments of the League was that of its History Committee [Page 410]which prepared "An American Citizenship Course in United States History." This has been published by Scribner's in five volumes, the introduction to which was written by Dean James E. Russell of Teachers' College. The course includes material and suggestions for teachers and Type studies through the eight grades of primary and grammar school. Dr. Andrews initiated the work and was the editor of the publication. The chairman of the committee was Wilbur F. Gordy. Some years ago the Massachusetts branch worked out a "Course in Citizenship" published by Houghton Mifflin for grades below the High School. The introduction to this was written by Ex-President Taft. The chapters covered material suitable for developing the spirit of goodwill from the first year in school. Chapters considered the subject in its relation to the home, school and playground, the neighborhood, town and city, American ideals, the United States and the world and the world family. The last two subjects were treated by Dr. Andrews. These two chapters were later prescribed as a part of the preparation for our instructors in the army schools in France, following the Armistice.

The work of the secretary has involved travel over every part of the country, conferences with superintendents of schools, publication of bibliographies of literature, articles in the educational and daily press and issuance of leaflets and pamphlets; among the latter were reports of addresses by Dr. John H. Finley, state commissioner of education in New York, and Dr. Nathan C. Shaeffer, state superintendent of instruction in Pennsylvania, against compulsory military training in high schools. The one most called for was "The War: What Should Be Said About It In the Schools?" written by Dr. Andrews. When the World War broke out, teachers were in a very difficult position, many of them having pupils of different nationalities. This pamphlet suggested how to keep bitter feeling from the schools and to look forward to the constructive measures to come after the war. The League has distributed much literature besides its own and at its request a cheap edition in 10,000 copies of Katrina Trask's "In the Vanguard" was mailed from the Commissioner of Education to high [Page 411]

Fannie Fern Andrews

and normal schools and this was either read or presented in hundreds of schools. For years, Dr. Andrews was special collaborator of the Bureau of Education and prepared the Peace Day bulletins printed by the Bureau in 1912 and 1913. Dr. Andrews has fostered correspondence between the school children of our land with other lands. Recognizing that a durable peace depends on universal education which inspires democratic freedom, she spent several summers in Europe before the war lecturing before teachers' associations hoping to get peace work organized on a similar basis with that in this country. She initiated the plan which was worked out later in conjunction with Dr. Claxton for the calling of a governmental conference covering the general field of educational problems including international relations. The Netherlands government, at the suggestion of the Government of the United States, sent out the invitations for this international conference and Dr. Andrews visited several European capitals interviewing government officials. On her return from this diplomatic mission, she presented the plan to the foreign diplomats at Washington whose countries she had not visited. The proposal was everywhere welcomed and Dr. van Dyke, our Ambassador at the Hague, lent it his official influence. The Conference was called by The Netherlands government for September, 1914, and sixteen nations, including all the great powers except Germany, accepted invitations and appointed delegates. By the time the Conference should have met, the nations had plunged into the abyss of war.

In April, 1915, Dr. Andrews was one of the group of forty to fifty American women who met at The Hague hundreds of suffragists and peace workers from England, Belgium, Germany and other countries who amidst war had assembled to consider what kind of a world should be created after war ended. Jane Addams was acclaimed as the leader in this bold undertaking and, as presiding officer, carried through the difficult task in which Dr. Andrews bore her share in helping to formulate the final summing up. President Wilson carried these resolutions in his pocket and declared that they were the best statement he had seen. [Page 412]Dr. Andrews also represented the United States at an assembly of international jurists and publicists held at The Hague in March 1915, when the Central Organization for a Durable Peace was organized. Dr. Andrews became the International Corresponding Secretary and directed the publication of many noteworthy works. Her own, The Freedom of the Seas, was circulated throughout the world.

During the war, the League worked on the assumption that its task was to turn the thought of educators and pupils to the unselfish purposes which prompted our nation to enter the war and to the constructive steps that must be taken afterwards.

The decision was made that nothing should be done that could not be endorsed by the State Department. For many years the League has offered money prizes annually supplied by the Misses Seabury of New Bedford for the best essays by high and normal school students. Many awards have been made to pupils in foreign lands as well as at home. Of late the subjects selected have concerned practical methods of teaching the ideas of the League, and for the high schools, definite projects proposed by the young people themselves for developing world friendship. As many more essays were written than were chosen for final submission, the influence of this work has been wide-spread. Dr. Andrews was appointed by the Department of the Interior to represent the United States Bureau of Education at the Peace Conference in Paris. The Army Education Commission in Paris asked her to write a Course in Foreign Relations for the American army schools. This dealt with important historical events leading to the war, the growth of international cooperation, the Hague Arbitration cases and the League of Nations. Dr. Andrews gave several addresses in soldiers’ camps. She took active steps in proposing an international commission of education as an organ of the League of Nations, emphasizing the need of education in mandated regions, and the evil effects of false militaristic education as a factor in bringing on the war.

Though the hoped-for measure did not materialize at the time, the subsequent establishment of the Committee on Intellectual Cooperation in connection with the [Page 413]

Fannie Fern Andrews

League has shown recognition of the part which education must play in creating World Peace, and some of the original suggestions of Dr. Andrews are now being carried out. Dr. Andrews took active part in the formation of the World Federation of Education Associations in 1923 when representatives of 50 nations met in San Francisco at a world conference. She also participated in the two subsequent biennial meetings, one in Edinburgh and one in Toronto. After a period in Geneva in 1925, Mr. and Mrs. Andrews visited Syria and Palestine and there she made special studies of the mandatory system which had been the subject of her thesis for her doctor's degree. While carrying on her regular work, she is now preparing a book upon that subject. Dr. Andrews has been an active worker in many national and international organizations and is a member of the leading associations that deal with education, social science and international law. Her advice is sought by many and various groups on specific problems bearing on international relations. In fact, she might very appropriately be called, what a group of educators recently termed, an "International Relations Engineer." [Page 414]

THE NEW HUMANITY

"Without edifices or rules or trustees or any argument, The institution of the dear love of comrades."

Edited by MARY SIEGRIST Author of "You That Come After," etc.

THE SUPERMAN

He will come; I know not when or how; But he will walk breast-high with God, stepping among the stars, Clothed in light and crowned with glory he will stride down the milky way, Creating with a thought, building with a word.

A hundred million ages it may be until he comes; what does it matter? Consider the deliberate stars-how eternity waits their fulfilments.

A hundred million ages, and yet, sometimes, Here and now, in these small, primeval days-in this dull gloam- ing of creation's dawn- Here and now, sometimes, there crackles out a tiny, shimmering spark, Some hint in our blind protoplasmic lives Of that far, infinite torch Whose ray shall one day touch the utmost reaches of space Where life is born.

One that has made brotherhood with the eagle and the hawk; One that has made voices speak across the emptiness; One that has laid cheer and comfort to the tired heart- [Page 415]

THE NEW HUMANITY

These and a thousand others are the prophecy: These tell of the day When the poor expedient of birth and the sorry trouble of dying have been dismissed, And all the sad adventures of the body are long forgot. Walking as angels walk, but greater than the angels, He that will come will know not space nor time, nor any limita- tion, But will step across the sky, infinite, supreme-one with God. ALBERT BIGELOW PAINE

BROTHERHOOD

If you want to find your brothers, find yourself. . . . You are not a person; you are a race. . . . What we see of you is a ray of light emanating from the hidden skies within you.... In those skies humanity dwells. . . . Enter them; find your brothers. ... You shall find infinite love: You shall be all you see: Communion with the grass and the sea-waves shall be no harder than with human beings.. ... St. Francis knew this: preaching to the birds. Not alone in division of food and comfort, Not alone in bare justice (long needed, the unescapable duty of our age) Not in these only shall Brotherhood come. . . . No, not until you go the ancient way; Way of Buddha, Jesus and Isaiah, The long, long journey farther from sun than earth, (So near, such heavens away) to your own Soul, Shall dawn benign Brotherhood. JAMES OPPENHEIM [Page 416]

PICCADILLY

Beautiful, tragical faces, Ye that were whole and are so sunken; And Oye vile, ye that might have been loved, That are so sodden and drunken, Who hath forgotten you?

O wistful, fragile faces, few out of many! The crass, the coarse, the brazen, God knows I cannot pity them, perhaps, as I should do; But oh, ye delicate, wistful faces, Who hath forgotten you?

EZRA POUND

HEINE LA SALLE

Oh, you theologians and preachers and sectarians, And makers of rituals and creeds, You have missed the story of Jesus, And left it to us, the artists, children of sorrow, to know it. For the Iliad is nothing but the story of Achilles' wrath And the Odyssey nothing but the story of the wanderings of Ulysses- But this story of Jesus is the forecast and symbol, The epitome and epic Of every soul, chiefly of every genius soul.

First the humble birth; then the youth of twelve, Like Mozart conferring with the masters, The vision of destiny, then the disappearance and preparation. The return, a master, and the raptured words of youth. By their side the doubt of father and mother and brethren, And the village that knew his origin.

Then persecution, because society fears Always the genius soul. And that turns the sweet song sour, turns love to hate.

[Page 417]

THE NEW HUMANITY

The betrayer among your own! Always the betrayer! Your own sleep while you watch-the task is yours. The cup! Terrified that it must be, wondering, Praying that it might pass. Darkness of the soul in the midnight of doubt, And death. Then Wonder, the maker of myths; And the Intercessor, posthumous fame, And adoration, a thing of rote.

EDGAR LEE MASTERS

MAN-MAKING

We all are blind until we see That in the human plan Nothing is worth the making if It does not make the man. Why build these cities glorious If man unbuilded goes? In vain we build the world unless The builder also grows.

EDWIN MARKHAM [Page 418]

UNITY IS NOT EQUALITY

by CHARLOTTE PERKINS GILMAN Author and Lecturer

THE hope for an orderly organized world is by no means advanced by claims of racial equality. A physical organism is composed of many interdependent parts, some more vital than others, some immensely superior to others. Eyes, for instance, are more valuable than toenails, whose use as claws has long since disappeared among civilized peoples. Blood is essential to life, but one could spare a pint of it much more safely than a cupful of grey matter from the brain. Unity and mutual service, carries no implication of equality. We shall get on much faster toward a federation of nations when we stop insisting that one race is precisely as useful to itself or to the world as any other.

Our own country would waste much breath or ink if it insisted that it was as free from crime as Iceland, or as any other civilized land. We lead the world for unchecked crime, but that does not shut us off from the need of world unity, nor from usefulness in it.

It is true that as animals we all belong to one species, as is proved by the capacity for inter-breeding among all races; but we are more than animals; our social development is not along physical lines, but consists in progressive achievements, and in the psychic development which accompanies them.

Man, the animal, has grouped in increasingly complex relationships, and when fixed by agriculture and stiffened by a defended country, as well as strengthened within by the accumulating culture of the group, has differentiated into distinctive peoples. [Page 419]

UNITY IS NOT EQUALITY

His power of destruction is no measure of progress. Many times superior cultures have been overwhelmed by inferior ones. In some places in South America ants have overcome villages, driven out the human beings. Such conquest does not make ants the equals of human beings.

For many centuries, among advanced peoples, the whole culture was based on the horse, an equine culture, as ours is a machine one. But again this interdependent usefulness (for horses increased and multiplied greatly), was not equality.

The essential difference among races is in the things they do, the things they make. Clothing, for instance, has a marked effect on social evolution, both for good and ill; housing also, all the tools and implements, all the manifold products. Social evolution works through the arts and crafts as well as through the mental and spiritual attitudes of the group.

A social group of naked, dirty, witch-ridden savages is distinctly not "equal" in any sense to a social group of clean, healthy, intelligent persons, but is markedly inferior in that which measures human values-social evolution.

It is not at all difficult to follow the steps of the human animal from his early hordes, his precarious struggles for existence, up to the large, solidly-based nations of today. All the steps are there, still being taken, or refused, in various parts of the world. On this long upward road some groups have gone much farther than others, some much faster than others, and some have not gone on at all, or so little it is hard to mark advance. What is worse, some have sunk from attained heights-the decadent peoples. It is a sad confession when any race boasts loudly of what it used to be.

We have now about us a world in which the gains of past ages are so generally distributed that the social variants can at least talk together; can look forward to some agreement whereby they can live in mutual peace, and make what progress is possible to them.

It is just as conceivable to have a federated world as a federated country, but it is ridiculous to have New Mexico say it is [Page 420]"equal to Massachusetts. How equal? In what social values is one state to be compared to another?

"Equal before the law" we answer. That is like the equality of our bodily parts and members. As belonging to the nation, and being represented in it, protected by it, all the states are organic parts of our country; but if, under military conquest, we were required to cede to the conquerors either Vermont or New York, would anyone say they were equal?

As a federation we make no invidious distinction. Texas does not wish to cast out Delaware because it is so little; Rhode Island does not resent California.

That all the peoples of the earth would be better off for a just and orderly federated world is a plain proposition, and it is a pity to have so large and promising a hope delayed by the feverish desire to claim equality.

When we wish to form safe judgment as to a race's value there is first the simple test of its individual success, is it healthy? intelligent? prosperous? happy?—as compared with others; and is it progressive as compared with its own past?

But the main standard of value is its service to the others, as with individual men. What races could we spare with the least loss? To what races do we owe the most? World organization demands world service. [Page 421]

THE PEACE ARMY

By MIRA EDSON

PEACE must be established upon a new ethic. Our common conception of peace is that of a quiet interval between two disturbances, like a valley which implies two hills. It is evident then that a constructive and lasting peace must have some objective of its own so that we may think of it without including any war-concept whatever. We must be able to think of governments as occupied with something other than keeping the peace. But most important of all, there must be aims and objectives set before youth which are not founded upon the concept and the nomenclature of conflict.

Doubtless even so there will be conflicts, but these can be met and disposed of as incidents and not as affecting the whole fabric, their settlement but strengthening the idea of the civic goal. What is the nature of the new ethic which can stand in this relation to peace as the normal condition? There have been suggestions here and there as to what it may be but meanwhile education and other organizations go on after the accepted plan of old for the most part and precious years are lost. How can the best thought upon this subject be brought into some practical relation to the need and made effective? There is a great deal of valuable thought, of vital suggestion, here and there, but it is not synthesized in any effective way. There is no practical and recognized avenue for such synthesis and experiment. No bureau or department where it is welcomed with a view to use, no center for the discussion of these matters. And, if some proposition is advanced that seems excellent, how and where shall it be tried out?

Because it is obvious that an adequate ethic of this kind would [Page 422]not be received with enthusiasm by any practical organization for the reason that it would interfere with the running as at present conducted, and be too radical to experiment with in such going concerns. The government as now has no place and the schools and colleges are all occupied with the intellect and the "intelligence," while the churches are too divided and too occupied with general theory.

Now the Army is a symbol of power, of united aim, of loyalty to an idea, and much else that has its very proper hold upon the imagination of men and especially of a certain stage of youth. Its drills, its marches, enduring of hardships, and the sense of solidarity, all these make appeal to the young. And these are all good as we easily see. They may well be utilized for purposes of education and social good, individual and civic. The organization is there, like the house possessed, and has only to be swept and garnished and then used for new purposes, used to carry the new ethic which brings us up to the present.

In the Peace Army the leaders should be variously endowed and the best the country can afford. It should not be open to ambition, however, and no large salary—if any—attached. The men and women who are admitted should be personally disinterested. They should be largely from among those of valuable experience and especially of a broad sympathy. Generals of note could superintend the drill and training. A group made up of those called for the most part from the ranks of educators, of poets and imaginative writers of first standing, and the like, could consider the presenting of the new ethics, both as to matter and form. The aim of all its teaching, however, would not be intellectual but of that kind which may be called moral or cultural, the kind which is generally left today to the family or may be picked up as may be or information or intellectual training there are plenty of avenues and this is for that other something which is life . . . and "the intellect is characterized by an inability to understand life.

The young people of the land of whatever class or type would be expected to serve two years in the Peace Army as young men must do abroad where there are standing armies. . . or as they [Page 423]

THE PEACE ARMY

have been. In exceptional cases an individual might be let off, bought off, etc., but it would be considered more honorable to serve the term and could be made so valuable and even necessary that no one would willingly miss it. And for those who wished to pursue a certain chosen line and had not an advantageous "pull" it would give opportunities he cannot today find for himself. A kind of vocational bureau would naturally exist.

During these two years there would be no question of "getting on financially although the best of preparation for a career in every other way. A small monthly payment to each one--alike for necessities over and above those furnished. But there would be every incentive to earn badges, ribbons, freedoms, and every sort of distinction, conferred at short intervals and usually for an interval only. When conferred otherwise it would be for some personal or special honor. These would never carry with them any cash prize, only the decoration, but anyone knows the reverence that such decorations can command. Honors of this kind would be conferred also upon the leaders when something especially valuable had been the outcome of their efforts, these Conferred, however, from the ranks by vote or other testimony.

It will be seen that the cost of all this army would be little or nothing beyond their board and certain furnishings. The army would be employed always upon useful work... it might be well to have the round of this pretty inclusive and given out with- it distinction of class. Those able to do so would learn much of en and things of great value later in their special work. This work would be paid for to the Army itself and go toward the expenses of maintenance. If they could defray all so much the better.

The whole aim of the institution is civic, it will be remem- bered, or say, humanistic. Study there may be, but this is not the aim of it. To have won an honor here would mean much outside, whether conferred upon the leaders or others, but these would be human and character distinction and not intellectual. The places of leaders would be much honored although necessitating the most simple of lives. . . but all the helps to their work would [Page 424]be provided gladly, as access to material of all sorts and travel on occasion to study experiments or conditions, etc. A wander-year might be provided for certain of those from the ranks when this was considered of advantage and not likely to be wasted. The aim all through, as easily seen, would be to study out, theoretically ideas of advance: and for the young people, to fi them in the very best possible way for a happy creative future, with special reference to training character and good fellowship.

A very valuable help toward understanding and being interested in civics would be that of allowing a local vote in th home district the year before that allowed at 21 years for the country. To cast such a first vote in a neighborhood known, and for a candidate who is known, would influence the whole view of this privilege when employed later. That, however, would be a local matter for a local company-as other many experimental matters might be.

The idea of a Peace Army has been suggested from time to time with a more or less completed form. One of the last if not the very last paper of William James was on this subject, with a humorous thrust as to the value of this for the "gilded youth H. G. Wells elaborates it in one of his Utopias but with much emphasis upon immaterial. . . or perhaps we might say materia detail, and omitting its more vital and related values. For should not be a mere "panacea" .. it could become an educa tional institution of the highest value, educating in the real things of both everyday and an ideal life in a practical, wholesome, and universal way. And it could bring together the ideals now brushed aside in the strain of living, bring into the light in a dignified, a related, a wise way, making synthesis possible along with a kind of laboratory experiment in national happiness.

This is the outline for general adoption, but there would be many incidental relationships and experiments possible in this or that place or with this or that group of leaders. Like the Stat Governments there would be room for variety in local companies or regiments and groups.

It seems as if two years at this stage of growth could do much [Page 425]toward the guidance of those who would, without it, get into difficulties leading to disorder and even crime. As the special care is of character and fellowship, those tendencies we term non-social would be recognized and helped. A man of culture in this position in a community could do, actually and potentially, what they cannot do nor others without such authority.

The relation of the Peace Army to the schools is easily seen: it trains in character and fellowship but not in intellect. To Industry it can render very valuable aid in supplying helpers and also certain problems might be discussed with the leaders in informal conclave. The churches should find many points of contact if they care to improve them, and as a training in civics it could give what is n now given. What it could do would be to turn the attention of the masses and of the classes from money-getting as the sole credential to respect and hold up aims that might make of us an organic rather than a mechanistic humanity.

As this article goes to press, a news item from the Balkans carries the significant fact that one try has successfully adopted the plan of conscripting the young men of military age, not for duty but for road making and other useful public work.-Editor [Page 426]

YOUTH AND THE MODERN WORLD

Edited by ISABELLA VAN METER

"Above and beyond all war and death is our deep yearning for the time when we shall be able to work side by side with the youth of the whole world."

During the crucial years since the European war, the youth of the world has been gathering in force as if for a supreme struggle with the militant, destructive past. Repudiating alike its inheritance of institutions, customs and ideals, the generation now assuming manhood and womanhood in East and West is gradually creating the substance of a different way of life, a new outlook, destined to form a new civilization. Viewed from the ranks of those molded by the past, this manifestation of youth has appeared one of the most tragic, misguided, even sinister of social phenomena, since its triumph must involve the overthrow of so much that mankind has done and been. The statement of youth itself, so far as youth has yet defined its own energies, experiences and directions, will tell a different story. In this department World Unity Magazine will publish from time to time brief articles expressing the outlook of youth, by youth itself, on those vital issues which are recurrent from age to age.

HOW TEACHERS MAY PROMOTE WORLD FRIENDSHIP*

BEN ELLIS Southern Oregon Normal School

THE FUTURE of humanity is determined by its teachers within their guidance is the destiny of mankind. By education are those things which we call culture and civilization preserved and increased. Advancement is a continual growth of new ideas and a shedding of old ones among the masses. It is the teacher, not the sociologist, not the diplomat not the philosopher, who can lead mankind into the pathways of peace—that long visioned, long sought, but far from attained goal. The teacher must depend upon the scientist for the formulation of his methods, but his is the hand that guides; because, contrary to the conceit of us all, man is not a reasoning creature, but

\*First prize-winning essay in the 1928 World Essay Contest conducted by the American School Citizenship League, Normal School and Teachers College Section. [Page 427]

HOW TEACHERS MAY PROMOTE WORLD FRIENDSHIP

man.

one of habit, one of built-in responses. We can see ideals, but it is what we have practiced that we do. "The child is father of the

"To make people different, it is necessary to train them so from the beginning. It is needless to dilate upon the horrors of war. They are recognized by us all. Yet we have been so taught and trained that in the stress of national insult or in the eagerness for national gain, the cry for vindication or entrenchment even at the expense of bloodshed goes up on every hand.

For the people of our day, we may be over-indulging hope to believe that peace will come, but the dawn of that day may be for those who follow if they are but prepared for it. "In hearts too young for enmity, there lies the way to make men free. When children's friendships are world-wide new ages will be glorified. Let child love child, and strife will cease, disarm the hearts, for that is peace." We must discern that hate is learned, that suspicion and mistrust are built up in us. The attitude of people toward foreigners has not arisen by some occult force operative in them, they have copied these attitudes from someone else whom they have loved or believed in. What must be done is to give them an example of love and goodwill toward the different people of the world and let them imitate that. "Whatever we would have appear in the life of the nation, we must first put into the school."

It should be recognized that there can be no love between nations; it must be between the peoples of the nations. And a love that will be potently operative cannot be founded by merely the presentation of precepts. It must be based upon definite personal relations. It can only be brought about by an identity of interests, a feeling of vital personal concern in the activities and welfare of those of different blood.

One of the best means of making the facts seem actual to the children is by the use of pictures. The accomplishment in photographic science has been so rapid as to almost eliminate literary description from current writings. Newspapers no longer describe, they show. The efficacy of visual education is being more and more realized. The possibilities of it are enormous. This type of education can well be utilized by teachers to a greater extent than at [Page 428]present, to show the children the people of other lands and the conditions under which they live.

Another means of arousing the interest of school children in children of other countries is correspondence. A boy or girl who has a correspondent friend in a foreign land will not be indifferent to the relations between that country and his own.

From text books out of which children are taught should be expurgated all the material which arouses antipathetic feelings toward any other country. They should not exalt one nation unjustly above another. "Text books must be rewritten and the conception of history altered to include the collective products of civilization." Texts must be revised to drive nationally prejudiced books from the field.

School life, in so far as possible, should be made like the great life of the world that follows it. True education is living well. School children should not only be taught how to cooperate, they should cooperate. The opportunities of citizenship and civic effort should be afforded in the organization of the school, as in many places they are and in many more they are coming to be. The advantages of cooperation should be so imbued that they will be acted on without question or hesitation. The realization that there is no actual profit at the expense of the rest of mankind must be given to pupils. Men and women who have participated in mutual efforts in the problems of the school will turn to the same sound methods in later life.

A new conception of patriotism must be developed, new foundations for national pride. A blind devotion to a single flag because of an accident of birth cannot any longer be tolerated. The affection for one's country must be brought to a higher level; it must be built upon deeper and better motives. That citizen's pride must be regarded as primitive which is based upon the splendor of his country's armaments or the record of her victories. He should rather esteem her for what she has contributed to the fund of culture, for the benefits that she has conferred upon the other nations of the world. His ambition must be molded to place her high in this field and not in the other. "Peace is not in parchments, but in [Page 429]

HOW TEACHERS MAY PROMOTE WORLD FRIENDSHIP

the heart and brain! We must refute the teachings of centuries that rage and murder are brave and glorious. We must show that brag is as contemptible in nations as it is in men, and learn to be ashamed of a dishonest fatherland as we are of a dishonest father," as Channing Pollock has written in "The Enemy." This new attitude does not mean the dissolution of national feeling; it means the intensification and expansion of it, its direction into constructive and benevolent channels.

No man is great unto himself, but only in relation to his fellows, from whom have come all that he is, and to whom what he gives is the measure of his greatness. So it is with that larger man the nation. If peace is to come, those that are going to possess and preserve it must be taught that their nation is not the chosen of the Almighty, to whose partiality they owe their advantages. They must be shown how all the history of the human race is interwoven in the civilization which they now enjoy. The contribution of every tribe, nation, and race should be taught without favor: to whom we are indebted for our writing, our art, our religion, and every other thing. Children can be taught the games of other lands, the folk songs and dances.

How much literature has done to help us understand the past! It has given us what history has not,—the inner reactions of men to their environment. We know an age through the authors who wrote in it. Know it, because we feel it as they have felt it. When literature from all the world is taught in every school the students will recognize that all men are human regardless of the customs they follow and their physical characteristics. Not only the masterpieces of the past but the works of contemporaneous authors should be used wherever possible. By the drama, also, the familiarity of one people with another can be increased. The stage is the mirror of the world. Through it the foibles and follies, the virtues and defects of society can be effectually brought to light, and meditation, and ultimate reform. "Within the field of art are the bonds which can harmonize the attitudes of different peoples." Students who have gone abroad and seen the productions of the great masters of painting and sculpture have, when they have been [Page 430]appreciative of the work, lost their ignorant contempt, and gained a genuine respect for the countrymen of those illustrious geniuses. Students should know more about the movements which are being made to bring about peace, and provided with books to read that are against war. The ideals of peace must be ingrained in their minds with such examples as "The Christ of the Andes" and Rush's work in preventing fortification along the Canadian border.

Not only should the teacher use every device available to build up bonds of mutual interest in children of all countries and teach them how to cooperate, but they must be given moral instructions; they must be led to abide faithfully by a high ethical code. Dishonest and rapacious commercialism has been the immediate cause of friction between nations more than any other cause. Children must be taught the reasons for, and the methods of, just economic practices. In this work the teacher has assistance: the ministers, Y. M. C. A. workers and other religious workers, with whom he should combine his efforts. In so far as possible, all of these should earnestly and systematically work together. "Wars will continue until we uproot their causes. The causes of modern wars are chiefly of an economic nature." America has twenty-five billion dollars invested abroad. The great nations of Europe have colonial possessions much larger than themselves. We readily see how vastly important this instruction is.

The most universal and far-reaching work that the teacher can do is, as has been related, the building up of mutual interest in the children of the world; teaching them, and practising them in cooperation; and creating a spirit of fair play that will operate in every situation. But this, though most important, is but one of the ways in which the teacher can help to bring about world peace. It is necessary that the teacher himself should possess those things which he is striving to give to his pupils.

The teacher should gain, at first hand, knowledge of the various countries by travel. No money could be better spent, even for mere professional betterment, than in traveling. It gives that personal touch, which only the teacher who has been there can give. [Page 431]

HOW TEACHERS MAY PROMOTE WORLD FRIENDSHIP

Students of higher departments of learning, particularly education students and international law students, should take a course during the summer in a foreign school if they have the opportunity. There is a need of greater opportunities for teachers to study abroad.

The exchange of students with foreign universities is doing much to dispel national prejudices. Students in a foreign land get the atmosphere, the general environment, a face to face view of the problems of that country and an appreciation of the efforts that are being made to solve them. Then, too, there is the personal contact of the students from different countries. "It would be difficult to overestimate the value of the friendships formed in university life among the students of all parts of the country, in preventing the extension of prejudices which are born out of ignorance." Diplomats who are personal friends will do much more to keep their countries at peace with each other than those who are not; and these students who study in foreign universities are going to be the distinguished men of the future.

Summer courses are being established in the greatest universities for the benefit of foreign students who wish to take them. There should be, and undoubtedly will be, departments established which deal exclusively with world peace, which teach an international sociology. They would have a broader field from which to draw their research material, and it would be more directly from its source, and consequently, more dependable. "To synthesize and thus to broaden the aspects of national education is one of the most valuable functions which the university can perform." The exchange of credits must be facilitated. As it is, a credit in one institution of learning means a very different amount of work in another; so it is difficult to adjust the work done in one college to its equivalent in another. The various systems of promotion make it difficult for a student to continue his work in a different institution without missing or duplicating a portion. Some universities give certain degrees for lesser attainments than others do. The World Federation of Education Associations is working for a standardization of degrees. The urgent need is being recognized [Page 432]and provided for, although not as rapidly as is desirable, for such reforms are revolutionary and the changes can be made but slowly. The American Council of Education endorsed the undergraduate movement and is taking an active part in testing out the possibilities of exchange of certificates between the different institutions of learning in various countries. England, France, Germany, and Spain are cooperating in this movement. Eminent educators are all cognizant of its tremendous possibilities for promoting amicability between nations as well as accelerating the increment of knowledge. Dr. Henri Bergson classed it as "the most important educational movement in recent years." Dr. Nansen, the well-known Norwegian explorer and statesman, gives it his enthusiastic endorsement: "A course in a foreign university gives the atmosphere, customs, and manners of the people, their history and art interest, their political economy, and politics." "The public betterment scheme for the exchange of credits between colleges of the world is one of the promising plans for intelligent promotion of peace through understanding." Every professor who is connected with the higher institutions of learning can give his assistance to these movements by studying the conditions and lending his effort to their reform, particularly that of his own department. As soon as he can, every teacher should take a course in a foreign university to gather at first hand the methods of teaching and the home environment of the students there, so that he will more fully understand the practical ways of making curricula throughout the world uniform.

They should go on student tours to learn more about the people and the countries other than their own. Normal schools as well as colleges should participate in the discussion teams sent to foreign countries to discuss international interests. Every teacher and those who are preparing to be teachers must develop world-mindedness.

Teachers are unifying their work through associations. The characteristic genius of Americans is organization, It is this contribution which they can give to Europe. Every member of a faculty should join the National Education Association. Members [Page 433]

HOW TEACHERS MAY PROMOTE WORLD FRIENDSHIP

of it are also members of the World Federation of Educational Associations. It is through membership in these organizations that the educators can direct their efforts toward a common goal and international accomplishments in the field of education be made. Why every teacher should belong and give whatever support he can, is shown in a review of the specific objects of the World Federation of Educational Associations:

"1. To promote friendship, justice, and goodwill among the nations of the earth. 2. To bring about a world-wide tolerance of the rights and privileges of all nations regardless of race or creed. 3. To develop an appreciation of the value of the inherited gifts of nationality through centuries of development and progress. 4. To secure more accurate and satisfying information and more adequate statements in the text books used in the schools in various countries. 5. To foster a national comradeship and confidence which will produce a more sympathetic appreciation among all nations. 6. To inculcate into the minds and hearts of the rising generation those spiritual values necessary to carry forward the principles emphasized in the conference on the limitation of armaments. 7. Finally, throughout the world in all schools to lay emphasis upon the essential unity of mankind, upon the evils of war and the absolute necessity of universal peace."

Every teacher can follow these aims in his own school and support the organization that means to sustain them in every part of the world.

Not only in these more general organizations, but whenever possible, the teacher should participate in those for which his position especially qualifies him, as in the international organization of the different departments of science or art. He should support those other international organizations whose object is peace and cooperation between nations. International cooperation is the weak side of human progress. The progress that men have made in mechanical efficiency and in scientific invention and discovery has sadly outstripped the advancement made in their dealings with [Page 434]each other. "In the sphere of international and inter-racial relations, our chemists and engineers are now contriving by technical methods whose subtlety would have been inconceivable to our grandfathers plans for the destruction of London or Paris, but when French or British statesmen meet to prevent those plans from being put into operation they find it not easier than would have the leaders of two Stone Age tribes to form a common purpose." Educators are compelled to focus their attention upon sociology and psychology in order to balance this deficiency. Yet modern invention had to come first. It is the base upon which the educator will build the tabernacle of universal goodwill. The facilities of travel and communication furnish the means by which goodwill and common interests will be established. The auto, the airplane, and the radio are the tools with which education will build the world together into one people.

The teacher can hasten the advent of world peace by an active membership in the national and international associations, by doing his part in their work in his own field and by passing on to others through the organizations the value of his own experience. Man first subdued the forces of external nature to make them work for his own ends, now his task is to guide the forces of his own nature so that they will operate toward his own happiness This is the problem of human relations, the problem which is imposed upon the society of the world. Over the black valley of the world, long settled in the night of war and hatred, the beams of peace are beginning to shine. A new vision is breaking upon the minds of men. The goal of world peace, which lured the darkened minds of past ages with its nebulous lustre, will become tangible and realized. Never in its history has the world offered to educators the magnificent opportunities that it does today. Surely, they whose profession is to advance mankind, cannot but participate in this new awakening which is thrilling hearts throughout the earth. Surely their souls are stirred with impetuosity to create in the young a feeling of international kinship, and to precipitate the dawning of universal peace by the unionizing of educational institutions throughout the world. [Page 435]

RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE IN THE UNITED STATES

by MARION RIGNEY

A fit and proper introduction to a discussion* of this nature and importance I believe a definition of religious liberty would be appropriate. Just what do we mean when we speak of religious liberty? Is it the concession on the part of a sovereign allowing his subjects to worship their Maker as they see fit just as long as it pleases him? This is not religious liberty, it is mere toleration and religious liberty includes more than mere toleration. Religious liberty is the innate right of the individual to form religious opinions of his own and to manifest them in the form of public worship independently of all restraint or coercion on the part of the state. Religious freedom implies the equality of all in matters of worship—it nullifies the establishment of a privileged or state church. The right of a person to think and to think as he may desire in religious matters, so long as he does not interfere with the rights of others, is now conceded by almost every government. But let us open once more the portals of antiquity and glance upon the early history of our glorious United States to determine what has been the status of religious liberty from the founding of the first colonies until the war of revolt as compared with its conditions since the promulgation of the Federal Constitution.

The history of Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is essentially a story of strife—the two great questions of

Essay by Marion Rigney, 360 West 52nd Street, New York, a 1929 graduate of Cathedral High School, New York, which won first prize of $75.00, awarded by Sir Joseph F. Lamb, Master of the Fourth Degree, Knights of Columbus, Second New York District, embracing counties of Richmond, New York, Bronx, Westchester, Putnam, Duchess, Orange, Rockland and Sullivan, part of a nation-wide series conducted annually on constitutional topics, the subject for 1929 being "Religious Tolerance in the United States Before and Since the Constitution." [Page 436]religion and government occupied the minds of the great statesmen and churchmen of the time. The continent was rent in twain by religious wars instigated now by Catholics, now by Protestants. As one faction rose in power the blood of the other flooded the land. The people, harassed and vexed by the endless warfare, determined to find a means of worshipping their God as they willed and listened avidly to the tales of the explorers. The glories, the advantages, the resources of the newly found world were unfolded by those adventurers upon whom America had already cast her spell. In a brilliant panorama they visioned America stretching forth her graceful, loving arms to the harassed of all lands or they saw her enshrined in the flaming, setting sun, her hair, her eyes, her whole being afire with expectation as she beckoned them and enticed them to her shores by promises of happiness and freedom. And so we see a long procession of the oppressed setting out from Europe and settling in the "land of opportunity—America." It is true that the desire to escape religious persecution was not the only motive for emigration and colonization, nevertheless it was an outstanding one.

It is entirely incorrect to say that the emigrants from Europe came to America to foster religious liberty—they came to escape the persecution of their church in their motherlands. Curiously enough they brought with them the religious attitude of the Old World intolerance. Throughout the New England Colonies, Rhode Island excepted, the establishment of any church other than the Congregational or Puritan was prohibited. They offered neither religious nor political liberty to those whose religious beliefs did not coincide with their own. Non-conformance to the established church and the "established order" of worship was regarded as sedition against the state and a grievous offence against God. Imprisonment or banishment awaited those who did not attend the state church—several Jesuits, Baptists and missionary priests were punished in this manner, while four Quakers were actually hanged on Boston Common. The Puritans of New England were intolerant and insisted upon conformity because they wished to make the state a religious establishment. In passing, it is [Page 437]

RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE IN THE UNITED STATES

interesting to note that the motive which prompted the intolerance and persecution of the South was the desire to make the church a civil establishment. The only trace of religious liberty, in its true sense, to be found in the Northern colonies was in the settlement of Roger Williams. He ordained that his land should be a refuge for all creeds. The state and church were absolutely divorced and the individual governed by the dictates of his own conscience.

Turning to the Middle Colonies we find that Delaware, founded by Lutherans, invited to its realms all Christians regardless of their denomination. New York and New Jersey, which had been founded by the Dutch and captured by the English, clung to the Dutch Reformed Church despite England's endeavors to impose the Church of England. Pennsylvania, named for the English Quaker, William Penn, granted religious liberty to people of all religious sects. However, it required of those seeking public office a declaration and written statement of their disbelief in Transubstantiation, the Sacrifice of the Mass and the veneration of the Blessed Virgin Mary as the Mother of God. The intolerance in the Middle Colonies was not quite as marked as that in the New England Commonwealths, nevertheless it existed and marred an otherwise stainless record of liberty and equality.

The Commonwealths of the South-Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina and Georgia, constituted the most liberal section of the American Colonies. Maryland, founded by Roman Catholics, granted complete religious freedom to all except Muhammedans, Jews and other non-Christians. The year sixteen hundred and forty-nine witnessed the passing of this Act of Toleration, one of the most famous and important laws enacted in Colonial America. It was not applicable to non-Christians, yet it was a long stride in the right direction-that of religious liberty. When the Episcopalians secured control of the colony, however, several injunctions were passed against Catholics and members of other churches. Georgia, the youngest colony, invested all but Catholics with liberty of worship. Just before the Revolution the Church of England, bringing with it its bitter intolerance, was [Page 438]established as the state religion. Virginia was an intolerant colony from its very founding. Stringent laws against all churches except the Episcopal were in operation. The Carolinas were peopled mainly by French Huguenots, Protestants who fled France to escape religious persecution and then instituted the same system of intolerance in America. This perusal of the ancient history of our Republic proves that the States of America have not always been "great, glorious, and free," indeed, the goddess of liberty found her task of fitting this land to be her domicile quite difficult She had to tear down the barriers of bigotry which ignorance had erected to debar her from her desired realms. The task devolved upon her to bring her sons to the realization that God is the Father of Jew and Gentile, baptized and unbaptized, repentant and unrepentant, regenerate and unregenerate-of all men.

Man is by nature narrow and unjust in matters pertaining to his relations with God. It has required long centuries of education to broaden him along these lines, yet he has not entirely freed himself of the shackles of religious intolerance. The dawn of religious liberty first crept upon the horizon of our history when the French and Indian Wars strengthened the bonds between the Colonists In their zeal to accomplish their ends, they overlooked religious differences; in this struggle to oust a common enemy it mattered not to any man what his fellow's perception of the Infinite. The dawn of true freedom was breaking; it was soon to burst in all its glory upon an astonished and amazed world. Agitation to secur representation in Parliament strengthened these "hoops of steel" which were binding the colonists. These bonds were cemented in the War for Independence; during those eight years of hardship and misery, faith in God was the mainstay of the American army -the manner in which the individual worshipped his God was his private affair, the state and its officials no longer endeavored to regulate man's conduct in religious matters.

Religious freedom in a nation follows closely upon general education and political liberty. When, therefore, the American Colonies had "dissolved the political bonds which had connected them with England" and had been recognized by other nations of [Page 439]

RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE IN THE UNITED STATES

the World as independent, we find them a liberal, tolerant people. They, then, turned their attention to the business of setting up a firm, stable government to protect the rights for which they had toiled long and faithfully and for which they had shed their noble blood. Nor were they willing that there be anything but complete religious liberty in their realms. Accordingly the framers of the Constitution, that sacred oracle of American freedom and equality, inserted in the document a clause declaring that "no religious test shallever be required as a qualification for any office or public trust under the United States." This provision did not satisfy the people since it did not forbid Congress to establish a national religion. There resulted the first amendment to the Constitution prohibiting congress from making any laws "respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." These provisions in the Federal Constitution did not affect the individual states' views on religious liberty-they might establish a church and restrict religious worship as they saw fit. However, most of the states had disestablished their churches before the Revolution and now inserted into their constitutions provisions granting religious freedom. A few of the commonwealths did not effect this complete divorce of state and church until after the promulgation of the Federal Constitution.

The constitution of every state in our union now contains a clause conceding entire religious freedom, whether it states that it is the privilege of every man to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience" or that "the free enjoyment of religious sentiment and forms of worship shall ever be held sacred." The composition of this clause varies in almost every state, yet it expounds the same basic, fundamental truth-in these United States of America the accessibility of God to every soul and the consequent right of every soul to discover God by its own quest and in its own way is recognized. It is interesting to note that, although the states forbid compulsory attendance or support of any church and prohibit religious tests, eight of these states disqualify from public office all who deny the existence of a Heavenly Father and of future reward and punishment. [Page 440]Religious liberty, history discloses, has not always been conceded to the American populace. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the American colonies were enslaved by sectarian bigotry and intolerance. The light of religious toleration and Christian goodwill shone brightly and clearly in the Catholic colony of Maryland and the Quaker commonwealths, Pennsylvania and Rhode Island. Then, with the liberation of the people and the founding of the Republic, it spread until its fire illumined every state and it glows now like a "sacred and undying fire on the high altars of the Constitution." From time to time in the history of our Republic societies have been formed with the purpose of wresting from the people that real freedom of conscience which is the hard-won glory of America and Christianity's "pearl of great price." Most of these associations have sunk into oblivion but a few remain intact to pervert the minds of the American people and to revive the bigotry and intolerance of pre-Revolution days.

The liberal-minded people of America, both Protestant and Catholic, little realized the influence and power of these organizations, nor could they conceive of such intolerance and bigotry within the very domicile of liberty. True Americans were shocked when, in the recent Presidential campaign, all this latent bigotry and intolerance was manifest. The bigots of America were determined to prevent a Roman Catholic from entering the White House. Deeming themselves true Americans, they swore with one hand to uphold a constitution which states that "no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office," while, with the other, they distributed pamphlets containing the two unwritten laws of America, the second of which states that "no Catholic shall be President of the United States." They attacked the most precious possession of these United States—her glorious Constitution and, by the will of the American people, they have torn it to shreds. Indeed, they do not believe that they have violated the Constitution, they fain would have it that they have upheld and preserved it. We have had ample proof of this intolerance and bigotry, ample proof of anti-Catholic combinations, now in the bold boisterousness of a howling bigot, now in the gentle [Page 441]

RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE IN THE UNITED STATES

murmur of a mild, unassuming Congregational or Methodist minister, and now in the publications of those who have sworn to "preserve, protect and defend the Constitution."

It is lamentable that we are now reverting to the religious intolerance of our Colonial days, that we are now beginning to disregard that document which has always guided our steps along the paths of liberty and righteousness. We may in all truth say with Henry van Dyke, an American litterateur and Protestant minister, who has the prosperity and liberty of America at heart: It is time to blow a trumpet to awaken the sleepers. The Palladium of the Republic is attacked by secret and open foes. It is in danger, trembling in its marble hall. The spiritual call to arms goes out to every man and woman. Defend the religious liberty of America! The task of re-establishing the supremacy of the Constitution and of securing once more true liberty, political and religious, for all men, devolves upon the Roman Catholics of America. We must consider it our duty to educate our fellow countrymen in the principles of true democracy-we must have them realize that America is, and ever has to be, a land of religious freedom. Now, in closing, let us echo the words of the beloved ev-Governor of New York in his reply to Charles C. Marshall on his beliefs as a Roman Catholic and an American citizen: "In this spirit I join with fellow Americans of all creeds in a fervent prayer that never again in this land will any public servant be challenged because of the faith in which he has tried to walk humbly with his God." [Page 442]

THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE

by F. S. MARVIN Author: Organizer of Courses in Unity History School, England

THE work of one of the most stalwart and devoted friends of the unity of mankind deserves to be commemorated in this number. Dr. George Sarton, now working in the Library at Harvard and an Associate in the History of Science Institution of Washington, produced in 1927 the first volume of his amazing and monumental History of Science. The labor involved in this alone will make all other workers bow their heads, but their wonder will be increased when they read in his introductory chapter the sketch of the works which he thinks necessary to complete his task and the amount which he proposes to do himself.

There should be, he thinks, three complete series of books, each of some eight volumes. The first series, of which that volume published (a tome of over eight hundred pages) is the first, is merely a chronological survey recording the workers in science in periods of half centuries under the most noted name in each. Th: first volume takes us from Homer to Omar Khayyam. thus still kaving the preparation in prehistoric times untouched

When this first chronological series is completed, another will be needed, creating of the work accomplished under the different national types,-Pre-Hellenic, Semitic, Hindu, etc. The third series would treat of the development of the special sciences. biology, medicine, education, philosophy, etc. In this series the indefatigable author would hope to reach modern times and it would be the natural complement of the first series in which the whole course of scientific construction is treated chronologically

We shall all hope that Dr. Sarton will live to see the coping-stone raised in place: no one before him has ever put his hand to such a [Page 443]task. It should, of course, be done cooperatively and the first series, which is now appearing, would provide the quarry from which the other two might be constructed.

But it would be a serious injustice to Dr. Sarton to treat his work only as a quarry. From the first page he makes clear the synthetic nature of the work and tells us that his object is not simply to record isolated discoveries but to explain the progress of scientific thought, the gradual development of human consciousness. The introductory chapter, in which the underlying ideas are expounded, is the one which all who possess the book will read through from beginning to end. The bulk of the volume they will keep for reference. But in the introduction Sarton gives us his inspiration and explains also his reasons for the line taken in some of the multitude of questions which the record suggests. What space if any to be given to "pseudo-sciences"? The position of music, of philology, of historical research? Many of these obiter dicta contain a little philosophy of history in themselves, e.g., "my work contains some of the materials of a history of music, for the theory of music was considered a part of mathematics almost until modern times." But all these side-lights pale before the main conception, of showing the history of civilization as a progressive thing rooted in the development and continuous correction of the collective human consciousness. "C’était refaire T’oeuvre de Comte," with all the fullness and exactness of modern historical science. [Page 444]

UNITY AND DISUNITY IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

Edited by DEXTER PERKINS Department of History and Government, University of Rochester

The Young Plan

BY THE time that this article is before my readers, an immense step will, in all probability, have been taken toward European peace and stability. The Young plan which, as I write, is still merely a program sketched by a body of experts, will almost certainly have been accepted by the various governments concerned, and put in the way of practical operation. And this acceptance will have large implications

It has taken a decade to arrive at anything even approaching a solution of the difficult problem of reparations bequeathed to the statesmen of our day by the peace-makers of Versailles. In the tense international atmosphere of ten years ago it was impossible to determine upon any immediate settlement of the question; public opinion in the Allied countries had been led to expect the most extravagant sums from Germany, sums far beyond the practical realities; and the Treaty of Versailles left to the body known as the Reparations Commission the fixing of a total, to be determined by May 1, 1921. When this date arrived, it was still impossible for statesmen to act moderately and wisely, and the acceptance of an immense theoretical indebtedness was imposed upon Germany virtually by ultimatum There followed the confused years during which German default became more and more imminent, and during which France attempted, by the invasion of the Ruhr, to coerce her former enemy into the execution of the peace treaty. [Page 445]

THE YOUNG PLAN

In 1922 and 1923 there had been ill will and bad spirit on both sides, perhaps; and whatever else may be said of the Ruhr adventure, it at least made things so bad that both France and Germany were ready to attempt a more reasonable method of dealing with the reparations problem. In the winter of 1924, following out a suggestion first made officially by Charles Evans Hughes, the Reparations Commission appointed a body of experts to investigate the conditions surrounding the reparations question, and this body drew up the report which has always been known as the Dawes plan. The Dawes plan was accepted by the governments concerned, and put into practical operation. It is still in operation as I write this article.

This famous plan represented a very decided step forward with regard to the whole matter. It fixed a scale of annuities which Germany should pay; it made possible the flotation of an international loan; and it provided safeguards against the renewed depreciation of the German currency and the recurrence of financial crisis in Germany by the limitations which it imposed on the transfer of reparations payments from the Reichsbank, into which they were to be turned, to the Allied governments.

But there were serious drawbacks about the Dawes plan. In the first place, and most important, it left unsettled the question of the total payments to be made by Germany; in the second place, its mechanism provided for a considerable supervision of German economic life by the Agent-General for Reparations, who was an American, and such supervision was bound to be distasteful to the national pride of a great people; and in the third place, the standard annuity which it fixed was thought, as time went on, to be larger than could regularly be paid. The experts of 1924 had labored efficiently and disinterestedly; but they, too, had to consider public opinion; and the time was still not yet ripe for a complete or even a tentatively complete solution of the reparations problem.

A new committee of experts thus became necessary, and this committee, under the chairmanship of Mr. Owen D. Young, has after long and difficult negotiations, in which the tact and [Page 446]patience of the chairman played a very great rôle, drew up a report which advances the whole question toward a complete solution.

In the first place, the Young plan fixes the total indebtedness of Germany, as the Dawes plan did not. It arranges for the payment of annuities over a period of fifty- ne years. The mechanism of the Reparations Commission and of the Agency-General for Reparations is abolished. In its place is substituted an International Bank of Settlement, into which the German payments will be turned. In the profits of this bank, which is expected to handle much other business besides reparations, Germany will share to a certain extent, and part of these profits will be available for the payment of the last twenty-two annuities. In the third place, the German annuities are divided into two parts, the postponable and the non-postponable, the latter consisting of a sum of 660,000,000 marks. On the basis of the latter it may be possible to commercialize a considerable part of the total reparations debt, that is, to float bonds which will serve as the basis of the debt itself. With regard to the postponable part of the annuities, Germany is granted a right of delayed payment for a period of two years. The new scale of annuities, however, is counted upon to eliminate the transfer problem, since there exists little doubt that these annuities can be met by the German government.

Such is the essence of the Young plan. But behind the Young plan, and implicit in many of its provisions, lies the important fact that the principal creditor governments owe large sums to the United States. The schedule of the German annuities is related to the payments to which these governments are obligated. and provisions of the report provide that Germany shall benefit by any relaxation of the claims of the United States upon its debtors. During the first thirty-seven years Germany is to benefit to the extent of two-thirds of the net relief available; during the last twenty-two years the whole of such relief shall be applied to the reduction of Germany's liabilities. Thus German reparations and the inter-allied debts are intertwined.

What are we to think of these arrangements? It is difficult to [Page 447]

THE YOUNG PLAN

compress significant comment upon them into a short article.

But several points are obvious. In the first place, a great step forward has been taken. On the basis of this step the governments concerned are negotiating the evacuation of the Rhineland, and the termination of the military occupation of German territory. It is not unlikely that this arrangement will have been completed by the time this article appears. If so, enormous progress will have been made in liquidating the issues of the war, and this even assuming that the Young plan is not a finality, and that a new revision may some day be necessary.

In the second place, the Young plan creates a new and extremely important international agency in the International Bank. More important, perhaps, than political understandings in paving the way for a more enduring peace is the development of international economic institutions. The new agency may easily become a potent factor in creating a vigorous internationalism.

In the third place, the existence of such international obligations as are assumed in the reparations settlements and the debt settlements creates on the part of the governments concerned an immense economic interest which depends upon the maintenance of peace. Never before has this interest been quite so powerful. That it will affect the foreign policy of the nations concerned and make the consolidation of peace more than ever a great object of that policy seems to be a reasonable assumption.

In theory, the United States is not directly concerned, except in a very minor degree, in this great settlement. Mr. Young and his American colleagues were not even the appointees of the American government, but of the Reparations Commission and Germany. The Young report will not have to be approved by Congress. Officially, we are to play no part in the International Bank, though provision is made for unofficial participation. But, practically, there is no dodging the fact that this country is vitally concerned. Just as any mitigation of our claims on our debtors has been made to redound to the advantage of Germany in the payment of reparations, so any default on the part of [Page 448]Germany will inevitably raise the question of the revision of the payments to be made by France and Italy and Great Britain to the United States. Though the State Department has never been willing to admit it, it is clear that the debts and reparations are part of a single problem. There is and always will be a close connection between the two.

Moreover, no one can deny the great rôle played by the American delegates in drawing up the present accord. They could bring to the problem a detachment and breadth of view difficult for Europeans. They labored with singular effectiveness. Particularly is this true of their chairman. In the list of those Americans who have contributed to the building of a better international order, is now imperishably engraved the name of Owen D. Young. No one of our citizens deserves greater praise than he for services performed, not alone in the national interest, but in the common interest of civilization. [Page 449]

NOTES AND ANNOUNCEMENTS

The current issue of World Unity concludes Volume Four, and the two-year period covered since the first number appeared on October first, 1927, begins to afford sufficient perspective to perceive the working out of the original idea in concrete detail. The fact that the magazine came into being at all indicates entirely new influences and forces stirring the common mind in every land; that it has steadily extended its circle of co-workers and friends, receiving the active cooperation of so many scholarly thinkers, proves the conscious energy with which present-day culture is attempting to take on the reality of the new, international era.

As we try to feel the meaning of even a few of those factors which condition life today, in directions and to degrees scarcely imagined in 1914, it should be vividly clear that the process of transforming human thought and emotion, to adapt us to an international order, has barely begun. We still assume the possibility of avoiding the pain of inner awakening and spiritual conquest involved in putting off the tribal mind and entering into mutually useful relations with other members of the human family. We expect that organizations which were formed for group defense will somehow permit enough cooperation to survive unchanged in a world society. Worst of all, we still conceive of "business," "government," "religion," "education" and other organized interests as separate and distinct entities, satisfied to live the fragmentary lives that such lack of vital coordination makes inevitable. World Unity is far less a geographical than a spiritual concept—or rather, there can be no world order until there is wholeness of experience in individual lives.

But the age is not conducive to indifference. Industry must sustain the shock of a continuous stream of new inventions; governments must learn how to deal with a type of warfare which has made partisan victory forever impossible; the churches must see their members increasingly wrought upon by influences entirely uncontrolled by their mental and emotional past; commerce must continually strive for a more unhampered flow of materials and goods through the world's economic arteries; the specialist in no department can safely assume the same re-action of cause and effect from day to day.

No matter how limited our tools or modest our resources, the highest privilege of existence today is to make some contribution to that "international conscience and mind" which, in its hour of maturity, will visualise and administer a world order corresponding to man's innate powers. [Page 450]

INDEX

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE Volume 4, April, 1929–September, 1929

ANDREWS, FANNIE FERN, by Lucia Ames Mead, 407

Titles

ARMAMENTS, THE REDUCTION Or, by Dexter Perkins, 221

BOOKS RECEIVED, 229

BOOK REVIEWS, by Alfred W. Martin, 156, by John Herman Randall, Jr., 150; by Herbert W. Schneider, 363; by F. S. Marvin, 442

BRIAND-KELLOGG PACT, AFTER THE, by Ida Müller, Baron Baudran, Herbert Adams Gibbons, Lucia Ames Nead, David G. Stead and Maria Grundmann-Koscienska, 385

BROTHERHOOD, THE WAY o, by John Herman Randall, 241

CHINA INSTITUTE IN AMERICA, by Eugene Shen, 255

CIVILIZATION, OUR CHANGING, by Herbert W. Schneider, 363

CONCERN OF ALL PEOPLE, THE, by Augustus O. Thomas, 310

COOPERATION, INTERNATIONAL INTELLECTUAL, by Alfred Zimmern, 82

DISARMAMENT—THE YET UNSOLVED PROBLEM OF UNIVERSAL PEACE, by F. B. Clark, 21

DUNANT, HENRI, by Esther Caukin. 200

EAST, THE SOUL OF THE, by M. Ehrenpreis, 166

FARMER, THE AMERICAN, by C. F. Ansley, 85

FOREIGN STUDENT IN AMERICA, THE, by Boris G. Alexander, 372

GREAT BRITAIN, OUR RELATIONS WITH, by Dexter Perkins, 137

HUMAN EXISTENCE, THE AIM OF, by Eugenio Rignano, 382

HUMANITY, THE NEW, ed. by Mary Siegrist, 414

INTERNATIONAL FAMILY, MY, by Martha Taylor Brown, 334, 401

INTERNATIONAL LABOR, editorial, 239

INTERNATIONAL PROBLEMS, HOW SHALL THE PLAIN MAN UNDERSTAND, by Norman Angell, 176

INTERPARLIAMENTARY UNION, by Arthus Deerin Call, 90

JUDAISM, MODERN, by Benjamin Mandelker, 142

KYROFF, STEPHEN, by P. M. Matthieff, 292

LATIN AMERICA, CULTURAL RELATIONS WITH, by Hubert C. Herring, 327,

LAW, THE SOVEREIGNTY OF, editorial, 311

LEVINSON, SALMON O., by John Dewey, 58

MUHAMMEDANISM, SACRED SCRIPTURES OF, by Aifred W. Martin, 195, 274, 342

MUNDANEUM, TH, :81

NATIONS, WERE THE N. INSANE?, by Henry Bailey Stevens, 5

NICARAGUAN INTERVENTION, THE, AND ID RESULTS, by R. M. Hooker, 296

NOTES AND ANNOUNCEMENTS, 78, 159, 234 305, 377, 449

ONENESS, THE BASES FOR HUMAN, by John Herman Randall, 65

PACT OF PARIS, THE MEANING OF THE, by John Herman Randall, Jr., 150

PEACE ARMY, Tax, by Mira Edson, 421

PEACE CONFERENCE, A CHALLENGE TO THE UNIVERSAL RELIGIOus, by Charles Parker Connolly, 361

PEACE MAINTENANCE BY ECONOMIC ISOLATION, by William H. Blymyer, 40

POEMS, 414

POLITICAL PASSIONS, THE UNIVERSALITY OF, by Julien Benda, 2

RACE RELATIONSHIPS, CAN R. R. BE TAUGHT IN THE CLASSROOM?, by Verdine Peck Hull, 226

RACIAL AMITY, by Clifford L. Miller, 301

RACIAL RELATIONSHIPS AND INTERNATIONAL HARMONY, by Frank H. Hankins, 104, 185, 282

RELIGION, THE TASK OF, editorial, 383

RELIGION AND THE MODERN WORLD, editorial, 83

RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE IN THE UNITED STATES, by Marion Rigney, 435 [Page 451]

INDEX

SCIENCE AND RELIGION, by Nathaniel Schmidt, 169 SCIENCE, PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION, by Edwin Arthur Burtt, 121, 205, 262, 349 SCIENCE, THE HISTORY OF, by F. S. Marvin, 442 IOISM, THE SACRED SCRIPTURES OF, by Alfred W. Martin, 114 TIDE, THE RISING, ed. by John Herman Randall, Jr., 150 TONGUES OF FIRE, book review, by Alfred W. Martin, 156 TRUTH, THE RECOVERY Or, by Count Herman Keyserling, 238 UNITY AND DISUNITY IN INTERNATIONAL POLIRICS, ed. by Dexter Perkins, 137, 221, 367, 444 UNITY IS NOT EQUALITY, by Charlotte Perkins Gilman, 418 WAGNER, CHARLES, by Wautier D’Aygalliers and William L. Schwartz, 329 DEBTS SHOW A PROFIT, THE, editorial, 167 WT, THE SPIRITUAL CRISIS OF, by Paul Richard, 313

WISDOM OF THE AGES, THE, ed. by Alfred W. Martin, 114, 195, 274, 342 WORLD CITIZENSHIP, by Carl A. Ross, 50 WORLD COURT, APPROACHING THE, by Dexter Perkins, 367 WORLD FRIENDSHIP, HOW TEACHERS MAY PROMOTE, by Ben Ellis, 426 WORLD LEAGUE OF INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION ASSOCIATIONS AMONGST YOUTH, by Alice Wilson, 398 WORLD PEACE, THE BEGINNINGS OF, editorial, 3 WORLD PEACE AND THE PACT AGAINST WAR, by R. H. Markham, 93 WORLD UNITY, APOSTLES OF, 98, 200, 292, 329, 407 WORLD UNITY CONFERENCES, 77, 158, 232, 303 WORLD WE LIVE IN, THE, 93, 181, 255, 327, 398 WORLD YOUTH PEACE CONGRESS, THE, by Alfred Bennis Jacob, 217 YOUNG PLAN, THE, by Dexter Perkins, 444 YOUTH AND THE MODERN WORLD, ed. by Isabella Van Meter, 142, 217, 296, 372, 426

Authors

ALEXANDER, BORIS G., The Foreign Student in America, 372 ANGELL, NORMAN, How Shall the Plain Man Understand International Problems, 176 ANLEY, C. F., The American Farmer, 85 BAUDRAN, BARON, After the Briand-Kellogg Pact, 385 BLYMYER, WILLIAM H., Peace Maintenance by Economic Isolation, 40 BROWN, MARTHA TAYLOR, My International Family, 334, 401 BUKIT, EDWIN ARTHUR, Science, Philosophy and Religion, 121, 205, 262, 349 BENDA, JULIEN, The Universality of Political Passions, 2 CALL ARTHUR DEERIN, Interparliamentary Union, 90 CACKIN, ESTHER, Henri Dunant, 200 CLARK, F. B., Disarmament—The Yet Unsolved Problem of Peace, 21 CONNOLLY, CHARLES PARKER, A Challenge to the Universal Religious Peace Conference, 361 DAYGALLIERS, WAUTIER, AND WILLIAM L. SCHWARTZ, Charles Wagner, 329 Dewey, JOHN, Salmon O. Levinson, 98 EDSON, MIRA, The Peace Army, 421 EENPREIS, MARCUS, The Soul of the East, 166 ELLIS, BEN, How Teachers May Promote World Friendship, 426 GSSONS, HERBERT ADAMS, After the 'Briand Kellogg Pact, 385 GILMAN, CHARLOTTE PERKINS, Unity is Not Equality, 418 GRUNDMANN-KOSCIENSKA, MARIA, After the Briand-Kellogg Pact, 385 HANKINS, FRANK H., Racial Relationships and International Harmony, 104, 185, 282 HERRING, HUBERT C., Cultural Relations with Latin America, 327 HOOKER, R. M., Nicaraguan Intervention, 296 HULL, VERDINE PECK, Can Race Relationships be Taught in the Classroom?, 226 JACOB, ALFRED BENNIS, The World Youth Peace Congress, 217 KEYSERLING, COUNT HERMAN, The Recovery of Truth, 237 MANDELKER, BENJAMIN, Modern Judaism, 142 MARKHAM, R. H., World Peace and the Pact Against War, 93 MARTIN, ALFRED W., Wisdom of the Ages, 114, 195, 274, 342; Tongues of Fire, 156 MARVIN, F. S., The History of Science, 442 MATTHIEFF, P. M., Stephen Kyroff, 292 MEAD, LUCIA AMES, After the Briand-Kellogg Pact, 385; Fannie Fern Andrews, 407 MILLER, CLIFFORD L., Racial Amity, 301 MÜLLER, IDA, After the Briand-Kellogg Pact, 385 PERKINS, DEXTER, Unity and Disunity in Interpational Politics 137, 221, 367, 444 RANDALL, JOEN HERMAN, The Bases for Human Oneness, 65 The Way to Brotherhood, 241 [Page 452]RANDALL, JR., JOHN HERMAN, The Rising Tide, 150

RICHARD, PAUL, The Spiritual Crisis of the West, 313

RIGNANO, EUGENIO, The Aim of Human Existence, 382

RIGNBY, MARION, Religious Tolerance in the United States, 435

Ross, CARL A., World Citizenship, 50

SCHMIDT, NATHANIEL, Science and Religion, 169

SCHNEIDER, HERBERT W., Our Changing Civilization, 363

SCHWARTZ, WILLIAM L., AND WAUTIER D'AYOALLIERS, Charles Wagner, 329

SHEN, EUGENE, The China Institute in America, 255

STEAD, DAVID G., After the Briand-Kellogg Pact, 385

STEVENS, HENRY BAILEY, Were the Nations Insane, 5

THOMAS, AUGUSTUS O., The Concern of All People, 310

WILSON, ALICE, World League of Youth, 398

ZIMMERN, ALFRED, International Intellectual Cooperation, 82

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