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[Page 145]

WORLD UNITY

A Monthly Magazine for those who seek the world outlook JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, Editor HORACE HOLLEY, Managing Editor

CONTENTS

Sun Yat-Sen F ANSLEY The Ploughshares Frontispiece Editorial The Practical Program of Religion, A. E. Haydon The New Economic Organism, J. H. Randall League for Industrial Democracy, Norman Thomas Brahmanism, J. Tyssul Davis Internationalism 1789-1815, H. A. Gibbons How the League Works, Dexter Perkins Closing the Gap in the Covenant, Philip Nash Ordeal of Liberalism, J. H. Randall, Jr. Foreign Students, Charles D. Hurrey World Unity Conferences Round Table

Contributing Editors

W ArwoOD M. BARTHOLDY ARON BAUDRAN F. DE BEAUFORT ARIT A. BENEKER ERRE BOVET A. BURTT JARRY CHARLESWORTH Jo PooN CHEW DOLPH I. COFFEE AYARD DODGE ORGES DUHAMEL INNA B. ECKSTEIN VELOCK ELLIS jeansTE FOREL F. GATES S. GÄVERNITZ IVON GERLACH 1. A. GinnONS AHLIL GIBRAN HARLOTTE P. GILMAN N W. GRAHAM TARJA GRUNDMANN-KOSCIENSKA BANK H. HANKINS EUSTACE HAYDON THE HAYES AMATO ICHICHASHI MORDECAL W. JOHNSON res M. JONES AVID STARR JORDAN AMUEL LUCAS JOSHI RNEST JUDET LADIMIR KARAPETOFF W. Kuo ICHARD LEB ARRY LEVI LAIN LOCKE ERNEST LUDWIO GEORGE DE LUKÁCS LOUIS L. MANN SIR JAMES MARCHANT VICTOR MARGUERITTE R. H. MARKHAM ALFRED W. MARTIN 1. S. MARVIN KIRTLEY F. MATHER LUCIA AMES MEAD FRED MERRIFIELD KARIN MICHAELIS HERBERT A. MILLER DHAN GOPAL MUKERJI IDA MOLLER YONE NOOUCH H. A. OVERSTREET DEXTER PERKINS J. H. RANDALL, JR. M. D. REDLICH FORREST REID PAUL RICHARD CHARLES RICHET NICHOLAS ROERICH TH. RUYSSEN NATHANIEL SCHMIDT WILLIAM R. SHEPHERD MARY SIEGRIST ABBA HILLEL SILVER ISIDOR SINGER DAVID G. STEAD AUGUSTUS O. THOMAS GILBERT THOMAS ISABELLA VAN METER RUSTUM VAMBÉRY WALTER WALSH HANS WENDERO M. P. WILLCOCKS FRANK LLOYD WRIGHT

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE is published by WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION, 4 East 12th Street, New York City: MARY RUMSEY MOVIUS, president; HORACE HOLLEY, rice-president; FLORENCE MORTON, treasurer: JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, secretary. Published monthly, 35 cents a copy, $3.50 a year in the United 3 States and in all other countries (postage included). Printed in U. S. A. Contents copyrighted 1929 by WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION. [Page 146]

SUN YAT-SEN

孫中山吉

Portrait drawing by Orré Nobles in Eminent Asians by Josef Washington Hall (Upton Close). The D. Appleton Company.

"Those of us who saw Sun Yat-Sen's quixotic struggles, reported his bombastic statements for a supercilious press, and felt, in our little pride, embarrassed at his puerilities, now begin to realize that one of those life dramas which bring into being the world's demigods was playing before our eyes. . . . The Sun Yat-Sen idea will persist until all Asia has attained recognition of political independence and social equality from the now dominant West- or until its effort to attain these has ended in the cataclysm of civilization." [Page 147]

THE PLOUGHSHARES

HERBERT HOOVER, engineer, has given form and substance to the peace movement founded by Woodrow Wilson, philosopher-statesman. When the American people come to realize just what can be done in the way of public works with the dollars and cents saved on naval and military armaments, the argument for peace will have assumed its most convincing and unanswerable statement.

It is nothing short of providential that the American people at this particular time should have as president the one man most eminently qualified to turn swords into ploughshares on a vast sale. If the Young plan transferred the problems of the post-war cra from politics to economics, Mr. Hoover's vision of a gigantic engineering development project for the United States has capitalized the advantages of peace for the average man in all countries. Here is what everybody can both understand and appreciate: scientific industry given the job of organizing an entire nation according to the same standards of efficiency hitherto confined to the single factory or store. Roads, waterways and universal power—here at last is a project for the peacetime engineer greater than those temporary works carried out by military engineers under the imperative mandates of war. Problems like disarmament and the World Court can safely be left to specialists if the mass of people once become thoroughly imbued with the engineer's dynamic conception of what can be done to promote better living when assured peace policies make available the billions formerly consumed by war.

Man's creative intelligence, freed from the necessity of attack or defense, can solve every social problem that has burdened past [Page 148]ages. The only power ever able to checkmate the active mind is another mind equally active but impregnated with fear or hate. On the sole condition that war is outlawed by the leading nations, we may one by one abolish the tragic conditions of poverty, ignorance and sickness throughout the world.

Mr. Hoover’s development projects meanwhile suggest several significant implications. In the first place, an American president who places his chief emphasis on a comprehensive system of public works is taking the first step toward ridding government of the influence of politicians. In the second place. a government trained to plan and carry out works involving labor and materials on a large scale is a government capable of meeting any industrial crisis that may conceivably arise.

The politician is only successful in a narrow range of activities. His genius consists in personal influence, but that influence is only potent as long as the main issues remain doubtful and obscure. When the product of government is specific and concrete public service and not merely laws and statutes, the politician will find himself displaced by business men and engineers.

Present-day industrial society has been subject to crises quite aside from those caused by war and perils of war. The ultimate source of this uncertainty has been the division between a government composed of lawyers and a society pursuing business ends. Mr. Hoover is more than likely to bridge this division during the next four or eight years by redefining the ultimate aims of governmental action. In the last analysis, the sanction of government is not merely legislation but social control.

A government, moreover, which carries out larger works than private industry can perform, but makes use of executives and engineers whose background is public service rather than opportunity for personal wealth, can set that example of social loyalty which the younger generation must have if individualism is ever to be disciplined and restrained. The situation Mr. Hoover has created seems to mark a true advance in the very processes of civilization. [Page 149]

THE PRACTICAL PROGRAM OF RELIGION

by A. EUSTACE HAYDON Department of Comparative Religion, University of Chicago

RELIGION is the mother of dreams. Over the grey world, ruined by deluge and death, it has sought ever, and found, the arching rainbow of hope. The vision of the good life lured man on to struggle through trackless barrens of privation and hardship, and consoled him even in the valley of the shadow of death. This was the function of the prophets; they kept the beacons of hope burning. There was a beautiful futility about these high-souled dreamers. They knew how to die for their dream; how to wed the ideal to the actual they did not know. The cruel brutality of facts beat them down. The old customs of routine folk-life flowed over them, and succeeding generations made pilgrimage to their tombs. They are the best beloved of the sons of men because the human heart cherishes the hunger for the unattained ideal. Religions cling to it. Through thousands of years they have preached the ideal of the good life, and with remarkable unanimity selected the noblest values of human social happiness as the content of it, and always have failed to find the practical program to embody it in the world of fact. They distrusted the world; and trusted God so much that they could confidently hold aloft the torch of the ideal and wait.

The ideal still lives, but the modern religious philosopher is sobered by responsibility. The religious quest of the ages unfolds before his eyes, challenging him to take up the task, while at the same time he is robbed by modern knowledge of all the comfortable securities and easy faith of yesterday. His weary shoulders feel no more the support of an everlasting arm. There is for him [Page 150]no infallible guide to eternal truth, no assurance of a "far-off divine event, toward which the whole creation moves," no absolute as refuge from the bewildering welter of relativity and change. The urge which drives him to action is the same as that which moved the ages before him—the desire for human satisfactions. But life grows more complex with each generation and the problem of organizing the social relations of men, to yield the joys of living, becomes more difficult. At the same time, there is no escape in pure idealism, nor by the time-honored trust in the transforming allurement of persuasive words. The task is practical. The good life for the many waits upon the good society, and the program of religion, to be effective, and not simply another dream, must be a way of organizing the flexible social structure which will produce the individuals capable of giving it intelligent direction and by their cooperative creation, make available the values of the good life. This is the responsibility settling upon the shoulders of modern religious men, and it is staggering. The test of the cosmic-human adventure lies here. It is easy to weave world-views with the niceties of dialectics. It is delightfully simple to build with wishes and hopes the divine city of the ideal. All religions have done these things for ages. The practical program for actualizing the ideal baffled them all. The task is to impose human purpose upon the cosmic process to shape the course of the flowing stream of life with its millions of conflicting drives, so that it will converge toward the practical expression of creative idealism. The task is to put plan and the direction of intelligent purpose into the future history of man in society; to release the creative powers of men in a friendly world dedicated to the beauty and joy of living, to make of the social and natural environment a satisfying support, stimulus and guide of the human individual. But the philosopher of religion knows too well the tenacity and obstinacy of existing custom and habit. He is faced with the existing facts of religions, hoary with ages of history in practice and in institutions, with ancient civilizations of compounded complexity, with vested interests in all areas of social life in all lands determined to maintain the status quo, [Page 151]

THE PRACTICAL PROGRAM OF RELIGION

with emotional attitudes woven into the texture of life and buttressed by ignorance, with ancient dogmas that for multitudes have become part of the foundation of the universe. It is reasonable and true to fact to say that man in his social organizations is the growing point of planetary life, and that, conscious of responsibility for directing the social process toward the perfecting of human living, he should use intelligence and scientific method for the making of an ever nobler future. It appears in a different light under the shadow of titanic skyscrapers at a crowded intersection in a great modern city. This is the symbol of the infinite complexification wrought by the ages of cosmic evolution. Is it too late now to give unity of purpose, of ideal, and program to this maze? The giant buildings are not inert. From them reach out arms of communication linking the world. China, India, Africa are bound by invisible bonds to the destinies of dwellers in the cities of the Americas. Behind the weaving streams of individuals moving at the beckon of automatic signals down the imprisoning streets, is an endlessly diversified social network. Beggar and plutocrat jostle each other; gunman and priest touch elbows and pass; the ignorant and the intellectuals, the virtuous and the wrecks of passion, dreaming youth and broken, disillusioned old age mingle together here. The driving desires of life are channelled in these human embodiments in a thousand patterns of attitude and behavior. In the background are the social groups and institutions by which they have been molded, and behind them again the commingled heritage of many cultures. A vision of the faces of the crowded street is enough to check the smiles of easy optimism. So few laugh a glad acceptance to life; so many, even youthful faces, are marked by old evils-sickness, anxiety, sorrow, or defeat. Yet everywhere, enveloping them, are the sounds and signs of man's mastery, the labor-lifting machines, the marvels of technology, clear evidence of comfort and control beyond the imagination of the most highly placed of the aristocrats of early centuries. For the modern city is differentiated from all the past by its rich attainment in wealth and power, potential bases and promise of cultural creativeness and beauty [Page 152]of living. But power here outruns intelligence and possession exceeds capacity for enjoyment. Disparity and difference are more evident than understanding and unity. The conflict of wills, maladjustments intensified by complexity, lack of any sane and harmonizing purpose threading the tangle of swiftly whirling events—these are the elements of the picture that give concern to the practical idealist. There is no consciousness of common will, no vision of a human goal challenging to loyalty.

A cosmic process has come to consciousness and to capacity for purposive self-control on the social level—this is the word of the philosopher. Groping through the ages in the quest of the good life, man has made his religions to embody and support his hope, and now is equipped with knowledge, power and method to assume responsibility for making the religious ideal a reality—this is the word of the philosopher of religion. But all this, unfortunately, has little meaning for the millions shuttling in the loom of the work-a-day world. Neither the idea nor the responsibility commands their behavior. Our generation will blunder as wastefully, driven by desire and unsatisfied longing, as the ages past unless the new religious synthesis of life can find a practical program for orienting habit and custom and institution toward the ideal.

The problem is intricate and difficult, but the solution is not as hopeless as it appears. So long as the problem of religion remained in the realm of dialectic, an effort to preserve the eternal security of a long lost theological world-view by rationalizing, the best intellectual leadership in religion was diverted from the practical task. When theologies and traditional institutions are seen to be transient, and peripheral to the main quest of religion for the values of the higher life, energies of intellect and emotion will be released from bondage, recruited anew and devoted to the construction of a living unity of ideal and program. To be challenging to modern minds, any such religious synthesis must be practical and not merely a fairy castle of words. A practical program aiming at concrete goals, tested and perfected in action, would begin the modern religious orientation of mankind. Con- [Page 153]

THE PRACTICAL PROGRAM OF RELIGION

ceived on a cosmic scale, the task of religion may appear overwhelming but in actual fact it is simply the solution of problems piecemeal.

The world of today knows nothing more familiar than man's success in imposing his will upon the flow of events. No time is wasted by the man of affairs in anxious speculation regarding any supposed metaphysical controls and rigidities in the universe or in human nature. He changes the face of the earth and alters the habits of man. If reality, in its natural and social forms, may be molded to plans imposed by groups inspired by self-interest, there is every reason to hope for greater success when, in the interest of the commonweal, the religious ideal descends from the clouds and takes the form of a practical program for the removal of evils, and a progressive advance toward a world organized to guarantee the goods of life. In spite of the inertia of existing religions and unsatisfying civilizations, mankind everywhere has been persistently striving to gain the worthier values of existence. When ways are discovered by means of which the concrete satisfactions of human living may be attained, the ancient patterns of thought and behavior offer no ultimately effective obstacle. It may be difficult to persuade a Moslem to accept Christianity as a surer guarantee of future happiness than faith in Allah, but Moslem and Christian alike can appreciate, and gladly welcome relief from economic distress and security from war. The Persian peasant may reject the Christian salvation, but eagerly adopt new ways of making the social life happier through sanitary and engineering science. When missionaries invaded the Greek orthodoxy of Cyprus with churches and preaching, they met with violent opposition. When they built schools instead of churches, and offered education, training in practical arts, and scientific farming they found a ready welcome. The urge to the good life is more tundamental than any of its traditional, religious embodiments, and religion, as a program for the amelioration of the ills of society that life may be lifted to nobler forms, has a chance to win however conservatively entrenched may be the existing structure of religion. [Page 154]There is further encouragement in the fact that all the religions in the world are adrift. Liberal leaders are awake to the necessity of finding a new religious world-view and a new social order. The past has been shaken everywhere. Willing or unwilling, the historic religions must meet the issues of the changed world or die. They can no longer lumber along in the ruts worn by earlier and different ages. They have been rudely aroused to realize that in the sacred charts of the fathers there is no provision for the problems created by scientific knowledge and by a civilization industrialized. The saga of the machine moves to a new, rough rhythm. In India the intellectuals have been compelled to abandon their aloof individualism and quietism. The sufferings of the masses in the world of dusty fact call for healing that hymns of the eternal cannot give. China enlists her educated leaders in the Renaissance. Turkey substitutes social idealism for the antiquated controls of Islam. In America, religious groups interfere in business and politics. Modernism is a worldwide movement, and the problems have the same character in all lands. The quest of the long ages is becoming factual. A religious idealism, making earnest effort in its program with the issues of life, will find not only constructive criticism but willing coworkers in every race and religion of the modern world.

For many, the most substantial ground for hope lies in the new instrument, the method of science, which has won so many victories in the last two centuries. After fifty years of testing in the historical materials of religion, the method has been developed to give safe leading without doing violence to the facts. The advance of method in the social sciences inspires confidence that intelligence may replace drift and blundering in human relationships. Ability to analyse problems, to understand attitudes, to clarify the tangled interrelations of facts may make possible a rearrangement of existing things and conditions, more favorable to human hopes. The drive of human nature for satisfactions, material and social, is as vigorous as ever. It is now, as it has always been, the motive power behind religious ideals. The ideal was often extravagant and practical technique was [Page 155]

THE PRACTICAL PROGRAM OF RELIGION

wanting. Then it frequently happened that desire turned an ascetic face toward the world and came to rest in the comforting arms of a Cosmic Guarantor of all good. The thing needed and lacking was an intelligent method of selecting specific goals and formulating the program of realization. The surest hope of success for a modern program lies in the very fact that it may be practical and practicable.

A detailed survey of the intricate patterns of the religious technique of the past is impossible in this brief sketch. It belongs to a world that is lost and in all its forms is now infected with Change. The religious adventure of mankind is entering upon a new path. Groups that have been sleeping for centuries in the comfortable security of holy routine are shaken into activity by the rough hand of necessity. When both world-view and program are challenged, novelty is inevitable. There is such striking contrast between the traditional technique of religion and the methods of modern social idealism that some observers announce the passing of religion. Whatever it may be called, it is the same old quest for human values that all the centuries have known.

In our age the ancient ways appear quaint, and archaic; in their own native past, they were charged with meaning and power. The cult of any religion is composite, a gradual accumulation deposited by the flowing experience of centuries. It presents a colorful combination of magic, practical activity, methods of securing psychic peace, rituals charged with emotion, mystic meditation and prayer. From primitive man to high ecclesiasticism, the details are infinitely varied. The important thing is that they were prescientific methods of achieving values.

Some practices were the result of primitive emotional responses in times of crisis. Established as group ritual, they evoked emotion in their observance. They gave power. War and hunting dances were such simple forms. Other examples are the sacred dance of illumination, seasonal festivals, rain ceremonies, group singing, processions, an endless array of patterns embodying emotion. A large class consisted of magical technique for [Page 156]overcoming dangers of the environment,-gestures, attitudes of the body, rites of purification, amulets, exorcism, curses and spells Like the curse and spell, prayer was an emotion-driven expression of a wish. When the gods became the great givers, prayer no longer acted directly. It was mediated through them. The growth of the gods and the supernatural realm made a great difference Worship, asceticism, many forms of sacrifice, spiritual exercises and other means of attaining help and guidance from the unseen outweighed in importance the methods of practical mastery When religion snubbed the world of every day events to seek the higher values in the beyond, a division of secular and sacred began to open. The divine technique became more holy, requiring specially consecrated priests. The secular technique was practical but emancipated from any necessity of loyalty to the religious ideal. Much of the social sorrow of mankind sprang from that dualism.

Bridging the gulf between the two realms of reality stood the sacred institutions, mediators of truth, and guarantors of the technique for attainment of the perfect life in the future, Sangha synagogue, and church performed the same function, though they were very different in the nature of their authority, in organization and in philosophic theory. Their task was to shepherd the masses along safe paths to salvation. In some religions there was only one way. In others the program was adjusted to the capacities of the individual. For the intellectual, there was salvation b knowledge; for humbler folk salvation by works or by faith. The ceremonies and practices of the technique of salvation were the heart of religion for all the discouraged and world-weary civilizations, since the good life was beyond life. Once established as the ideal goal, the realm eternal or the golden age, or the state of bliss, laid their lure upon all the generations. The vested interests of priest and institution gave dignified support. In this technique there was no means of mastery of the world for the welfare of men.

The ceremonies of all religions include rituals to give confidence and comfort in the crises of life,-birth, purification [Page 157]

THE PRACTICAL PROGRAM OF RELIGION

initiation, betrothal, marriage and death. This group illustrates the tenacity of folk-ways, for the rites in their original form belong to the beginnings of human society. They are symbols of the cement of the social order. Care of the dead, education of youth, respect for authority, protection of the family were involved in them. The religions of India and China still exert a powerful social control through them. Roman Catholicism appreciates their worth. In some religions, they have been attenuated to empty forms.

Very significant for religion were the great persons,- prophet, teacher, or savior. They vitalized the cult. Art and poetry were inspired by their deeds. They stood at the center of the Structure as symbols of the highest truth and noblest ideals. The attitudes of the people toward them were of inestimable importance for behavior. Buddha, Zarathustra, Confucius, Moses, Christ, Muhammad, Krishna were, and still are, identified with the timest ideal in thought and practice of the religions centered an then. Sacred books drew their sanctity from them. The passing centuries added new meaning and richer values. Interpretations changed with the changing world-views, and the function of the great person in the religious program has varied. Whatever the interpretation, they were the truth-bringers, the saviors of the people. Thought and emotion centered upon these glorified and idealized personalities until they became the soul and symbol of their religions. The attitudes and symbolism associated with them are still very important in the living religions of the world. Their names have been identified with the ideal values of the successive generations. Today they are being modernized once more. Their influence lives after creeds and ceremonies crumble. A realistic religious program, claiming loyalty, will need to take account of their place in the heart of the folk.

From "The Quest of the Ages," published by Harper and Brothers. [Page 158]

A WORLD COMMUNITY

The Supreme Task of the Twentieth Century by JOHN HERMAN RANDALL

The New Economic Organism

THE fundamental fact that the historical viewpoint makes clear is that in less than a century the manner in which men earn their livelihood on this planet has been revolutionized. The manufacture of a pair of shoes, a hat or fabric, even the running of a farm, are totally different from what they were in the days of Napoleon 1.

A hundred years ago the chief business of every country in the world was agriculture. At that time the nations might well have considered themselves as autonomous and sovereign entities, for every nation was practically independent, in the sense that it was able to raise its own food supplies and provide its own housing and clothing materials. There was no system of exports and imports such as we now know. The basic necessities for the life of the people came from within the borders of each country. The interdependence of the little industries hardly extended beyond the confines of the village, and that of the larger industries, hardly beyond a province. Foreign trade was undeveloped. For some time hardy adventurers had gone to the Orient, bringing back tea, spices, silks, ivory ornaments and the like, but these were in the nature of luxuries, with which the people in Western countries could safely dispense. In the whole range of the actual necessities of life, each nation was really independent of the others.

But within two or three generations all this has been altere [Page 159]

THE NEW ECONOMIC ORGANISM

the development of machinery. As factories multipled and industrialism spread from one Western country to another, agriculture in these countries was of necessity crowded more and more into the background. In increasing numbers the people left the farms and took their places before the machines in the factories. A hundred years ago it is estimated that 90 per cent of the people in the countries of Europe were engaged in agriculture, and only 10 per cent in all other pursuits. Today in the countries that have become most completely industrialized those percentages have been, roughly speaking, reversed. As a result, all nations have ceased to be self-supporting. Not one is any longer independent in the economic sense.

There are three basic demands of an industrial civilization: 1) for the raw materials with which to run the factories-coal, iron, copper, oil, rubber, etc.,-a very large proportion of which must be secured from other parts of the world; (2) for the outlets where the finished product of the factories can be sold, and since the domestic consumption of manufactured articles sooner or later reaches the saturation point in the industrial state this necessitates the creation of new markets in all parts of the world; (3) for a large proportion of the food necessary to the existence of its people, which its own diminishing agriculture is no longer able to furnish. It is estimated that if the food supplies coming today from outside to industrial nations like England, France, Germany, and Italy, were to be shut off, the peoples of these countries would starve to death in from three to four months.

And yet, a hundred years ago these same countries were self-supporting and able to furnish their own food supplies. To be sure the populations of these countries has greatly increased, but this does not alter the fact that agriculture has diminished as industrialism has grown. The historian tells us that what ended the Great War was not so much any decisive victory on the battlefield as the fact that the blockade and the submarine had played such havoc with the steady stream of food supplies coming from across the seas to the countries of Europe that the people of those countries were starving to death and the War had to end. [Page 160]But there is still a fourth demand of industrialism. Sooner or later the developing industrial state produces a surplus of capital which is constantly seeking places for investment where it can secure larger returns than are possible in its own more highly developed country. And thus this capital gradually goes out into all parts of the world, wherever there is the opportunity to build railroads, construct docks, develop mines, grow rubber, dig oil wells, and the like. The foreign investments of the United States today amount to between 14 and 15 billions of dollars, exclusive of the Allied indebtedness. If we include these debts, the total is close to 25 billions; and our foreign investments are increasing at present at the rate of a billion a year. The same is true, to a greater or less degree, of every industrial state.

The fascinating story of the rapid expansion of Europe during the nineteenth century and of the expansion of the United States in the twentieth, with the consequent growth of colonial empires, is simply the story of how the developing Western industrial states have been seeking to satisfy these basic demands of their new civilization. They have reached out into the countries of the Orient, of Africa, of South America, and of the islands of the sea, after the raw materials, a large proportion of which must come from the tropical regions, for food commodities which today come from all parts of the globe, for new world-markets in all lands, and eventually, for places to invest their surplus capital where it will bring the largest returns.

The result of this rise and rapid spread of our industrial civilization has been to force the nations to become specialists Hence today we have the grea agricultural countries like Russia, Rumania, Canada, Brazil, Argentina, Australia, New Zealand, sending their steady streams of food supplies across land and sea to the great industrial countries; and on the other hand the leading industrial countries are sending their steady streams of manufactured articles-clothes, shoes, tools, furniture, books, etc., across the land and sea to the countries that still remain wholly or chiefly agricultural. This constant interchange of the food commodities and raw materials of the less highly developed [Page 161]

THE NEW ECONOMIC ORGANISM

countries, and the manufactured articles of all kinds of the industrialized nations, is the fundamental characteristic in the relation of nations today as compared with their relations a century ago.

From a position of practical independence as respects all the basic necessities in the life of a people, the nations have moved on, thanks to the rise and spread of our industrial civilization, to a relation of interdependence. We are today all mutually dependent one upon the other. The interests of nations are no longer separate and isolated, but all bound together inextricably by a thousand and one new economic ties and relationships that had no existence whatever a century ago. No nation, not even the strongest, is in a position to break with the others without depriving itself of the sources of its indispensable supplies and of its necessary customers, and consequently, without bringing ruin upon itself.

From the economic viewpoint the world has changed to a greater extent within the last four generations than in the twenty centuries that have elapsed since the beginning of the Christian era. In the whole range of our economic life, as nations and peoples, we are today living in a world that has already become internationalized; it is only on the political side of the life of nations that we are still trying to live as if we were independent, self-supporting and sovereign entities; and the simple fact is that there is no such nation in the world today. The international banker and financier, the intelligent big business man realize this. They know that during the last century there has come into existence a vast, complicated, intricate economic world machinery that has made this world one in the whole range of its economic lite, and that is demanding new readjustments constantly if there is to be a larger measure of justice and a truer cooperation in the life of nations. But there are very few who know even the facts of this tremendous change that has taken place, and a still smaller number who see the significance of the facts for the world's future.

The trouble with this muddled and chaotic world today is that the statesmen, and rulers and leaders generally, with a few [Page 162]notable exceptions, are trying to solve problems, however honestly, that are in their very nature economic and international by means that are political and national; and it simply cannot be done. They are seeking to force this new internationalized economic world that has been brought into existence by the industrial revolution into the old thought forms and formulas and practices of the independent and self-supporting political state, forms that have become obsolete and that have no more existence in reality than the myths of ancient Greece.

Production of commodities in every field has long since become internationalized. When in the late eighteenth century, a few business men, making use of Crompton's invention, set up in Lancashire the first mechanical spinning "mules," the purpose was simply to sell cloth more cheaply than their competitors. It never crossed their minds that the woolen industry might run short of raw material. Sheep raising had been for centuries one of the main sources of wealth in Great Britain But a time came when the spinning mule was run at such a low cost that orders flowed in from all sides. Factories multiplied and soon there were not enough English sheep to go round. Ther the gold seekers of Australia, the gauchos of the Argentin pampas, the Puritans of the Cape turned to sheep rearing. They had at their disposal immense prairies belonging to nobody where innumerable flocks might graze under the supervision o one man and a few dogs. The wool cost practically nothing beyond the outlay for shearing, and soon the spinners would have no other. The English farmer, unable to hold his own against his remote competitors, became an insignificant factor in the world production of wool.

With an ever increasing demand from Yorkshire, flock have multiplied on the tablelands of the Transvaal and of Natal in the prairies of Argentine and in the mountains of New South Wales and New Zealand. These great sheep countries do not spin and weave their own wool to any great extent, for the simple reason that coal and skilled labor are not so easily obtainable as in England. Thus has each country become specialized. In [Page 163]

THE NEW ECONOMIC ORGANISM

Bustrial England produces relatively little wool; Australia, the Cape and the Argentine make little cloth. Division of labor has been imposed upon the nations by the freakishness of the cost of production. At the same time, it has made them absolutely dependent upon each other. Should distemper break out among the sheep on the pampas, at once the price of wool goes up on the Bradford market. An industrial crisis in Yorkshire will ruin the sheep raisers in New Zealand. Thus two countries situated at the antipodes one of the other are as closely united as the limbs of the same body.

The cotton industry, the silk industry, the shoe industry, the hat industry-in fact every article of human apparel-all have followed the same evolution. A heavy frost on the banks of the Mississippi, or the increase of activity on the part of the boll-weevil due to a wet season in Georgia or Texas, provokes a violent rise of the price of raw cotton on the Liverpool exchange, and the disturbance reverberates rapidly from Rouen, Lille, and Calais to the furthermost depths of Saxony. A change in the dictates of fashion, or the introduction of a new product like rayon, will bring on an industrial crisis among the silk-worm growers in Japan. Such is the solidarity that binds the different parts of the world together.

All this prodigious mechanical development presupposes a powerful metal industry. It seemed at first as if England would be able to supply the needs of other nations while retaining enough for herself. Since then the insatiable appetite of blast furnaces has almost exhausted her iron ore, and the United States has discovered her vast resources of iron, copper and other minerals. The steel works on the Rhine have exhausted the Sieg valley. The Belgians who have no ore, have sought for a supply in every direction, among the rocks of Algeria and under the shows of the polar regions. Today the metallurgical trades of Europe are supplied by the ore of Spain, of Canada, of Swedish Lapland, of Algeria, as well as by that of the United States and other countries.

At the outset the driving force required for all this machinery [Page 164]was coal, and coal has played as important a part as bread in modern life. The nation that is without the fuel necessary for it factories is no more master of its destinies than if it were unable to feed its population. On the other hand, the coal supplying nation secures for itself a very real preponderance over the others Coal lay at the basis of England's supremacy during the whol of the last century. Producing more coal than she required for her own industries, she had established coaling stations at every important point of the globe, and every other navy thus becam her tributary.

Today, however, with the invention of the Diesel engine oil is rapidly replacing coal in industry, in the mercantile mari and the navy. England, which achieved naval, commercial, and industrial supremacy primarily through her coal, is without oil she imports three-quarters of her supply from the United State and Mexico. In her turn, she thus becomes dependent upon other countries for what is today, and will be increasingly tomorrow an indispensable fuel. England, with all other civilized countries is frantically seeking to lay her hands upon any available o wells that may be found in the most remote regions of the earth

It is thus that the development of machinery has had the singular result of gradually and forcibly internationalizing th great industries. It has grouped together enormous agglomeration of factories and workshops mainly in the vicinity of coal basins Local resources having been promptly exhausted, it has had : seek its raw material in distant countries across the seas. Litt by little specialization has taken place, some people furnishing the raw material which they do not transform; others transform ing raw material which they do not produce. Thus they hav become complementary one to the other and solidarity has bee established between them. However national pride may seek t disguise it, the nations have ceased to lead an independer existence.

In three or four generations, the world has become so tran formed that every nation has ceased to be self-supporting. Special ization has been forced upon the nations as a result of the develop [Page 165]

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ment of machinery, and has brought enormous prosperity. But at the same time economic interdependence between the nations has become an unalterable law. They grow rich only by standing together; separated, they perish. Without cooperation the world that the machine has created could not exist a single day.

A series of intricate problems had to be solved in connection with the growth of international trade. How were these enormous masses of commodities to be transported to great distances across both land and sea? How were bargains to be clinched? How were payments to be effected, and how was capital to be transferred? It became necessary to devise a new kind of machinery in which railways and steamships, telegraph and cable, leading markets, stock exchanges, etc., all cooperated toward the smooth and effective running of this world machinery. This extremely complicated mechanism was gradually brought into more and more perfect running order during the second half of the nineteenth century. It constitutes today the circulating apparatus of the international economic organism; on it depends the life of every people.

The internationalization of trade is an obvious fact. But the intricate international mechanism by which purchases are made, and prices and payments are settled, is little understood even by those who make use of it. Because of the development the Cotton Exchange, for example, a manufacturer is able to purchase his raw material at a distance of thousands of miles and without seeing what he buys, or to sell from an equal distance without ever having met his purchaser. Similar exchanges exist for wool, corn, sugar, metals, rubber, chemicals, and generally, for all commodities involving considerable transactions. All of these exchanges in the different countries are linked up together telegraph and cable so that the chalking up of a figure in a New York bank can make or mar fortunes in London or Paris, in Stockholm or Brussels, in Rome or Tokyo. Orders are transmitted, prices fixed and accepted, goods delivered and payment made, all through the accurate working of the international mechanism that has come to underlie and control the world's economic life. [Page 166]In the recent words of a French economist: "Whether for clothes or food, for work or pleasure, we are all dependent upon every country under the sun today. We cannot make a gesture without displacing some object that has come from the most remote region; and conversely, every important event on the surface of the globe finds its echo in our daily life. Modern man is truly a citizen of the world. But be is completely unaware of this fa And herein lies the tragedy of our time and the cause of all the turmoil of the post-war age from which a means of escape has yet to be devised."

In these last words, our author lays his finger on the secret of much of the confusion in our thinking, and so much of the futility of our efforts, as we seek to solve the many complex problems that now confront the world. In the whole range of his economic life, modern man has indeed become a citizen of the world. His prosperity, and equally his ruin, are inseparably bound up with the fate of all other peoples. As a matter of grim reality, leaving all sentiment and idealism aside, no nation can longer live unto itself, any more than can the individual, in the world economic community into which our industrial civilization has brought us. And the tragedy does indeed lie in the fact that the vast majority of men, not in France alone, but in all countries, are totally ignorant of the facts of these new relations into which we have come, or else they fail utterly to see their significance for the world's life today.

All men know that the United States conducts an export and import trade of large and growing extent, but only a small proportion of our citizens realize all that this means in our relations to other nations. Few even visualize the extent to which the products of other lands enter into all our activities, rural as well as urban. All the facts are not obvious; many of them are obscure. A housekeeper buying domestic supplies from a department sto or a mail-order house might be amazed to be told that she was getting goods from abroad that her own country was unable to supply. Her kitchen equipment and personal apparel witness to it. We accept as a matter of course statements which place our [Page 167]

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country at the head of the nations in all that makes for material power. And such statements occupy the front page of our papers and feed our 100 per cent Americans.

The United States is doubtless a more nearly self-sufficient nation than any other. The development of our standards of life is such that our social life makes more extensive and imperative demands than that of any other country, and this has led to an economic development that is itself unparalleled. Without in any sense disparaging our material progress and economic power, with whatever real benefits these have conferred, what we do not realize is that our complex needs go far beyond the power of any one nation, even our own with all its rich resources, to satisfy.

The thing we must learn is that no nation today is self-contained, not even the United States, and that it is absolutely necessary for the maintenance of our very life as a people that we should reach out into all parts of the globe for the goods we require. Our insufficiencies and needs are as notable as our resources.

In 1926, William C. Redfield, former Secretary of Commerce, published a little book entitled, "Dependent America." In his position, the author was able to secure much interesting and authoritative data dealing with the economic relations of the United States to the rest of the world, data never before available to the general public. If every business and professional man in the country could but read and ponder this little book, it would tend to dispell the widespread illusion of our self-sufficiency; it might also chasten the blatant type of 100 per cent Americanism that thrives on ignorance of the real facts.

On the cover-blurb of the volume the Publishers ask these questions: "Did you know that more than one hundred substances necessary for national defense must be imported from other countries? Or that half a million animals are killed every day throughout the world to supply us with leather? Or that we import each year a million miles of sausage-casings and twenty-five million tooth-brushes? Or that we produce no tin and yet we are the largest makers of tin-plate and consume more than one-half the tin output of the world?" [Page 168]This is a good introduction, but as we turn the pages of the book we discover that the steel production of the United States "our greatest industry," requires at least forty different commodities brought from fifty-seven different countries. Some of these commodities, like coal, copper, lead, iron ore, we produce on a great scale, but we also import large quantities of each of them from other lands; of others, such as manganese and chrome, we have only a limited quantity that would be exhausted in a very short time did we not depend on other countries; and of some, we produce nothing at all. Our leading steel makers have no rivals in the volume or variety of their output and their products go all over the globe. We make over half the world's steel American locomotives are drawing trains in every continent. and in Europe, Asia, Africa, and Australia our machinery and steel products are of widespread use. But this is only half the story. The modern locomotive is possible only through the sweat of the toilers in the Caucasus, or in the heat of India and Brazil. through the labors of miners in distant Rhodesia or in New Caledonia in the South Pacific, through the aid of Canadian workers in nickel mines, through the help of Peruvian Indians extracting vanadium ore. These have supplied for that locomotive what America lacked; their far-off labors have united with our efforts at home. Manganese and chrome, nickel and vanadium, tools of steel alloyed with Chinese tungsten, all have met in the steel fabric of our locomotive—literally the product of all the continents.

The United States is the foremost leather making, using and exporting nation in the world, and is still an important source of hides and skins; our production, however, falls short of domestic manufacturing requirements. In the year 1924 our supply of calf skins, cattle hides, goat skins, sheep skins, and horse hides was over 101,000,000 pelts, of which 62 per cent were imported, as the Tariff Commission says, "from all corners of the world." According to the official records for July 1925, we drew hides from twenty-seven countries, calf skins from twenty-two. sheep and lamb skins from twenty-nine, goat and kid skins from [Page 169]

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thirty-one, and "other hides and skins" from twenty-four. In all, Sixty countries sent us some kinds of animal pelts in that one month. But if the collection of hides for our tanneries is a "study in geography," the gathering of tanning materials is little less so.

The Official Report for 1922 states that nearly half of the materials used for tanning purposes in this country was imported from all parts of the world. "The peasant families gathering valonia in Asia Minor and Greece, the Italians sending sumac through Palermo, the natives of Natal shipping wattle from Durban, Indian nut harvesters in the hinterlands of Madras, and those collecting pods in Venezuela and bark in Madagascar, are all fellow workers with the tannery employes of Pennsylvania."

It is but a few years since the production of rubber boots and shoes was the largest single element of our rubber industry. That was the case as recently as 1901; but in 1923, as against 16,440 tons of rubber used in boots and shoes, and their parts, more than 120,000 tons were consumed in making tires, tubes, and their accessories. In the year 1924 we imported 734,845,000 pounds of rude rubber, of which 407,849,000 pounds came from the Straits Settlements, 131,762,000 pounds from the Dutch East Indies, and 1,074,000 pounds from Ceylon. Brazil, once the chief source of apply, sent only 29,025,000 pounds. More recently, however, American companies have made large investments in Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula and Liberia.

In his recent book, "The Old Savage in the New Civilization, Raymond Fosdick writes: "From the time an American Citizen rises in the morning until he goes to bed at night he is surrounded with the products of foreign countries. His linen comes from Ireland, his necktie from Japan, his suit of Australasan wool is padded with jute from Indie The buttons on his clothes come from South America, France or the Philippine Islands. The bristles of his hairbrush are from China, his toothbrush is from Japan. He cannot even wash his hands without calling on help from abroad. He sits down to a breakfast of grapefruit, coffee, sugar, and perhaps sausages-all of which are, in whole or in part, the products of foreign countries. His [Page 170]newspaper is made of Canadian wood pulp. He puts on a felt hat that comes from an Australian rabbitskin. The doormat at his front door comes from India. The nickel that he pays for his street car fare was mined in Canada. The tires of his automobile come from the rubber plantations of the Dutch East Indies. His briar pipe comes from France. Even the locomotive that pulls his train cannot be manufactured without imported materials—the manganese comes from the Caucasus, the chrome from New Caledonia, the vanadium from Peru."

America may be justly proud that through the application of science and skill to production and transportation, she has brought the material wealth of the world into the home of the average man to an extent never achieved before. We have gone farther than any other people on the way toward the conquest of poverty. But we should remember that it is the wealth of the whole world and not merely our own wealth that we have thus put at the service of the average man. Were it not for these immense contributions made daily to the needs and demands of our complex social and individual life by all countries of the world what would become of our wealth or our power?

The machine, and the civilization it has created, has made of the world an economic unit where we are all indispensable members one of another. The world has in fact become one organism. And one of the chief problems of the twentieth century is so to develop and perfect the world economic machinery that has already come into existence as to secure a larger measure of harmony, of justice, of honesty and fair dealing among all the various members of the new world community, be they large or small, strong or weak. [Page 171]

THE WORLD WE LIVE IN

Men live less and less in geographical and more and more in spiritual communities. The involuntary ments of existence tend to be limited to the regional area, the voluntary elements find increasing portunity of self-expression through association of likeminded people selected out of the entire population by identity of interests and ideals. In this department, World Unity Magazine will publish ach month a brief description of some important modern movement, voluntary in character and humanitarian in aim, believing that knowledge of these activities is not only essential to the world look, but also offers the true remedy for the sense of isolation and loneliness which has followed breakdown of the traditional local neighborhood.

LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY

by NORMAN THOMAS Excutive Dirler

que League for Industrial Democracy has been suspected of all sorts of things. It has been asked for information on company unions and how to make them work and charged with the crime of being only a variant of the I. W. W.

Actually the L. 1. D. is a membership society organized nationally and locally to promote education for a new social order based on production for use and not for profit. The phrase is gentle but deadly. It says that the present order is ethically indefensible and socially unsound.

The League is tremendously interested in the effective or- ganization of labor, but obviously it is not a trade union. It is tremendously interested in effective political action but is not a political party. Its function is in the realm of ideas and informa- tion though at all times it tries to relate ideas to concrete situations.

As things go, the League has attained a very respectable age. It was founded in 1905 as the Intercollegiate Socialist Society to promote the study of Socialism in colleges where at that time Socialism was little studied and commonly regarded as some [Page 172]a strange foreign disease. Among the founders of this movement were Jack London, Upton Sinclair, Thomas Wentworth Higginson and Clarence Darrow. After the war the League changed its name and somewhat broadened its scope. It still continues to stress it work in the colleges and at its Twentieth Anniversary Dinner was particularly proud of the greetings it received from the ables: educators in the country.

Whether in or out of the colleges the L. I. D. finds little com petition in its chosen educational field. Other organizations ma deal with particular phases of this problem, as, for exampl Public Ownership, Cooperation or the right of labor to organiz The League tries to bring into the field of thought and discussion all phases of the movement, conscious and unconscious, towar a social order which acknowledges the supremacy of huma need rather than private profit as its organizing principle. It is dealing with one of those great generalizations by which, a Dean Inge has said, men live. But it is trying to deal with that generalization in a scientific spirit attempting to test the facts to substitute knowledge for assertion and reasoned conviction for blind acceptance of slogans.

The L. 1. D. works through Research Bureau, Speakers Corps Pamphlet Bureau, Editorial Service, City Chapters, College Chapters, Winter and Summer Conferences. It is very proud o the fact that one of the pamphlets published by its Research Bureau, "The Challenge of Waste," written by Stuart Chase marked the beginning of the literary work of one of the most brilliant American commentators on our present social order Besides "The Challenge of Waste" some current pamphlets are "The Profit Motive" by Harry F. Ward, "Public Ownership" by Harry W. Laidler and "The Challenge of War" by Norman Thomas. The League has also sponsored three books discussing at some length "New Tactics in Social Conflict," "Prosperity? and "The Socialism of our Times."

It is dull business to chronicle conferences and the work of City Chapters and college groups, though the League is only too happy to write to individuals who seek membership or contacts [Page 173]

LEAGUE FOR INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY

with these groups. Norman Thomas sends out an Editorial Service that goes to over 200 labor, farm and college papers. But perhaps the most conspicuous work of the League has to do with is speaking activities. Its regular staff and special speakers under its auspices in 1928 spoke at over 100 college meetings to more than 44.000 students, not to mention another 50,000 men and women at labor forums, churches, synagogues and strike meetings.

As we write, the League through Paul Porter and John Herling is actively participating in the organizing campaign of the textile fields of the South. Its subsidiary, the Emergency Committee for Strikers Relief, has proved a very beneficent and useful industrial Red Cross. The now independent Committee on Coal and Power which the League established and fostered is responsible for some of the most thorough and valuable studies in the whole field of superpower. Raushenbush and Laidler's book on "Power Control" is a standard work on the subject.

It will be seen that the activities of the League are economic and do not directly touch the field of peace. Yet the League established the American Committee for Justice to China on the basis ot an appeal from its Field Secretary, Paul Blanshard, who was in China at the time of the great Shanghai strike. And the League is very sincerely and directly concerned with that cooperation which is the only sure basis of peace in an economically interdependent world.

The League is governed by its membership which elects the Board of Directors. Catalogues of names have a way of being things that everybody skips but the League believes that its ficers are a very genuine recommendation. They are President, Robert Morss Lovett, Vice Presidents, John Haynes Holmes, Vladimir Karapetoff, Florence Kelley, James H. Maurer, Alexander Meiklejohn; Treasurer, Stuart Chase. The Executive staff scomposed of Harry W. Laidler and Norman Thomas, Executive Directors, Paul Porter, Field Secretary and Mary Fox, Executive Secretary. The Headquarters of the League are at 112 East 19th Street, New York City. [Page 174]

ONE RELIGION-MANY FAITHS

by J. TYSSUL DAVIS Theillic Church, Londen

Brahmanism-The Religion of Justice

"LAS, alas that all men should possess divinity, be one with the Great Soul, and that, possessing it, the divine should so little avail them.

"Pervading all, yet transcending all; of all the within, of all the without; what none thinks with the mind yet what is in the thinking of the mind, what none sees with the eye, yet what gives seeing to the eye, that know thou as Brahman."-Upanishads.

"Whenever there is decay of righteousness and there is exaltation of unrighteousness, then I myself come forth, for the protection of the good, for the destruction of evil-doers, for the sake of firmly establishing righteousness, I am born from age to age."

"However men approach Me, even so do I welcome them. for all the paths men take are mine. The same am I to all beings Even the devotees of other gods, who worship with true devotion. in ignorance worship Me."-Bhagavad Gita.

As an Aryan people, we must be naturally interested in the Aryan religions, though destiny has made us nominal believers in the Semitic faiths. Celt and Saxon, Greek and Persian, Scandinavian and Hindu have all sprung from a common ancestry. It is to the religion of our common forefathers that the most ancient Vedic hymns take us back, and to a period before the great emigrations from the north of India began. These emigrations swept across Persia and Syria and Asia Minor, over Greece and [Page 175]

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Italy and Gaul, and in successive waves carried our Celtic and Saxon and Norman forefathers into the Isles of the West.

The life of the primitive Aryan people reflected in the most ancient Sanskrit hymns is that of a simple agricultural people, who lived in happy consciousness of the bounty of Nature, and expressed their gratitude in delightful songs to the benignant Powers they felt around them.

With the stage of deeper reflection came the conviction that all the forces of Nature, all the creative, preservative and destructive powers, all the gods are only manifestations of the One, "the only being that exists." (Rig Veda.)

"He who is our Father that begot us, he who is the Creator, He who knows all places and all creatures, He who gave names to the Gods, being one only, To Him all other beings go, as suppliants."

So, though certain Gods became favorites, Indra, Agni, Mitra, Varuna are just so many forms of the One God.

It is significant that the name given to the oldest Aryan Scriptures is Veda, "Knowledge." The Hindu religion is based on the assumption that the truths of religion may be known at first hand, that they form a demonstrable science, and are not matters of faith or belief or tradition.

God, the soul, immortality, all the facts of spirit are matters to be experienced at first hand, not to be taken on trust. All knowledge is based on experience. Science is that which any man under given conditions can demonstrate, prove, re-discover for himself. Somebody once knew the facts. What once happened may happen again. "Christ knew. The Buddha knew. The Hindu Rishis knew. Why take things on trust, on faith?" asks a modern Hindu.

No wonder, then, that when our missionaries go to India, offering not what they know, but only what they have been told, they win but slight response from the disciples of Brahmanism. Their own Vedas have taught them that in the Great Quest a man must go beyond the books and attain Truth for himself. [Page 176]For over 4,000 years the Sages of India have followed a system of obtaining direct Truth. On the basis of the Divine Immanence, God is present in his fullness at every point. To be able, therefore, to reach the inner core, the kernel, the real substance of anything, is not merely to get at its divine essence, but to get at That which is the Divine Source and Origin and Life of everything.

When Tennyson addressed the flower in the crannied wall, he said to it, "Little flower, but if I could understand what you are, root and all, and all in all, I should know what God and Man is." That is the fundamental teaching of Hinduism. Only Hinduism goes farther, says there is no if about it, but such knowledge is possible, man has the capacity for it, and such knowledge is the only thing worth possessing.

The key of the system is to get at the divine essence of the thing nearest to man, his own nature. By deeper and deeper consciousness, sink into the depths or rise into the heights of your own divinity.

"Truth is within ourselves, There is an inmost centre of us all Where Truth abides in fullness."-Browning.

There in the secret Holy of Holies, man meets the Eternal face to face. Whereas in the West men have been more prone to seek without, to gaze outward for Truth, the Easterner and the mystic everywhere have penetrated within.

The training of the truth-seeker in India, therefore, is a rigorous discipline of the powers of the mind and the will in order to lift the range of his consciousness up to that level upon which God thinks his thoughts and man may think them after him. A whole body of sciences and arts dealing with mental concentration, meditation and contemplation have been evolved to help the disciple.

The first qualification for the task is a complete ethical equipment. There must be perfect unselfishness, subjugation e the ordinary desires, greeds, ambitions. The things upon which [Page 177]

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Ethics lay stress, gentleness, kindness, forgiveness, purity, love, are only preliminaries. Saintship is only a preparation. A realization of God, of one's own divinity is the goal. Union with God, "I and my Father are one"—that is the end. For the human spirit is in essence identical with God. That is why we love. The divine self in me seeks the divine self in you. That is why the beauty of nature attracts. That is why the wine of fellowship is so intoxicating. To all things that stir the spirit within us, we may say: Tat twam asi—"Thou art That." Where, but in India, could the victim turn to his murderer and say, as the Yogi who broke a vow of silence kept for fifteen years, in order to say to the man who stabbed him: "Thou also art He"—Thou also art God!

The tendency of this spiritualization of the nature of things is to make the physical body of no account. It is merely a portion of the physical world under the control of the dweller in the body. The True Self is also distinguished from the mind. Man is not the mind, but uses the mind as its instrument in the world of thought. The soul in the same way is the passional, affectional vesture of man in the world of desire and emotion. To transcend these worlds, and enter into the peace and serenity of man's spiritual home is the religious aim of Brahmanism.

But to distinguish the divine reality from that which is not reality is to create a dualism. How is this dualism to be reconciled with the doctrine of the divine unity constantly reiterated? This is one of the most difficult tasks which Hindu philosophy has attempted, seeing that thought itself is impossible without the antithesis of subject and object. Still the Hindu will have it that there is only one Reality, and all else is Maya, illusion, appearance. Just as dreams are true while they last, so is the world-dream, the projection from the mind of God, an appearance lasting only as long as God imagines it. The universe is God clothed in this veil of illusion.

Why God called it into being, why God made the universe is, of course, the ultimate problem. The answer Brahmanism offers is on the following lines. Why does the bird sing? Why does the artist create a beautiful thing? So God made the world for the [Page 178]sake of lila, for joy, for fun, out of a happy creative impulse, the pleasure of doing it. The universe came into being as an act of free joyous sacrifice, a love of giving, of spending himself. That is why life is normally such ecstasy, such wonder, such bliss. We were born out of the Divine joyousness.

But as to the why of everything, the Brahman prefers to answer with his finger upon his lips. We may know something of what God is in the world, of his wisdom, his power, his love, in fact, all that we do know is a knowledge of God, but of what is behind, the eternal unconditioned and unmanifest, of Parabrahman, better be silent.

In this way place is found for the transcendent deity of Hebraism, and the immanent deity of pantheistic Hellenism, and reconciliation of the unknowable of Herbert Spencer with the personal God of the Christian.

Hinduism lays no obstacle in the way of those who need comfortable gods. Men are at all stages of evolution. Give milk to babes. Give toys to children. Saints and saviours, ministering angels, nature-spirits, these you cannot revere and adore without revering and adoring the bliss and wisdom which they express and embody. There is no gap in the beneficent order between man and the archangel. This desire to meet all tastes, to satisfy all needs, this attempt to exclude nobody and to include all truth, to accept all that God accepts from snakes to seraphim, marks Hinduism as the most catholic and in this respect "the most important religion in the world" (Fairbairn).

But this toleration of every form of childlike faith and practice has led to gross abuse and superstition. The counteracting advantage is that it is able to keep the most ignorant within the restraining influence of religion. And there are ever waiting for those ready, the cogent appeals of the most subtle Vedantist philosophy. The gods arrive when the half-gods go. And one must judge of a religion not by the tastes of the idol-makers, which have furnished such a stumbling-block to the severe monotheism of Islam and Judaism, but by its highest and best. Brahmanism has been described as less a religion than a cycle of [Page 179]

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religions, a congeries of worships, unified by a comprehensive theory of the universe.

With this comprehensiveness goes perfect freedom of opinion. It is orthodoxy of conduct rather than of belief that Hinduism chiefly concerns itself with. You may think as you will in matters of theology, but for the sake of the stability of the social fabric you must preserve the purity of the family life, you must not marry beneath your caste.

When the Aryans entered India, populated by an inferior aboriginal race, it was necessary that they should be protected from a lowering of the standard of Aryan integrity. The laws of Manu made provision for this contingency. Upon them the Hindu Caste-system is founded. Its vindication is the natural inequality of men, due to the fact that souls born into this world are at different grades of development. Young souls have to be guided by their elder brethren. It is the oldest and strongest who must bear the heavier burdens. And it would be fatal if the lower should have power over the higher.

According to Hinduism, birth, like other natural phenomena, is under the operation of law. There is no chance. Heredity and environment are only two of the determining factors. The most important is the third-Karma, the principle of cause and effect in the moral world, which directs that a spirit shall be guided into a condition suitable to its needs of experience and to its deserts. It is man himself by his conduct in a former existence who decided the kind of life he should have in this life. The law works out equitably, without favor. A man's poor circumstances, delicate body, slender capacities are the outcome of the use and misuse of the opportunities accorded in former lives. You get what you ask for. Only in the course of a multitude of lives you learn to ask wisely. God is kind. He offers endless chances.

In the doctrine of rebirth, Hinduism offers a solution to the apparent injustices and inequalities implied in the wide disparities of human destiny. The purgatories and heavens through which the soul passes are essential phases of development, the discarnate experiences between two incarnations. School is not [Page 180]left till its lessons are lear... One does not pass into higher worlds until all that this world can teach is learnt. One does not pass from the kindergarten to the university by an act of faith So let men not gird at life's anomalies, but resolve to do better, to deserve better. This doctrine gives courage and confidence to the most unfortunate, the most miserable. For it cheers them with the promise: "Where the highest and purest now stand, you shall climb." The road of the saint and the sage is open to all. Absolute justice rules the affairs of mankind. There is no luck, but inexorable law. Play the man, you cannot fail, or miss your way. One day you shall arrive.

The sage and the saints, being what they are without grace or favor, are apprised at their true worth. "Those who can, do. those who can't, teach"-not so in India. It is only those who can, whose teaching is heeded. These are the men who have attained. The respect paid to them is sincere. High officers of state and royal personages will go and pay reverence to a naked ascetic, who possesses nothing, is outwardly ungainly. He is the symbol of the true greatness of India, of the wealth of India. For he is the witness that there is something more precious than riches, or science, or social rank-and that is spiritual power He is the actual proof that a knowledge of the mysteries of life. a command over the forces of nature, a contempt of heaven, are still possible to men. To attain to his indifference to worldly things, to require nothing from men, to laugh at destiny, to be a king over himself, master of his fate, to front the world and be able to say "I want nothing, for I have God"-that is the dream of the Hindu devotee, and the ambition of the philosopher and the wonder of those still held in the toils of the vanities of Maya [Page 181]

NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM

by HERBERT ADAMS GIBBONS

Hillerian

Nationalism versus Internationalism from 1789 to 1815

ΟNLY a superficial reading of history would give anyone reason to believe that the American Revolution was the precursor of nationalism in Europe, and that the Declaration of Independence inspired the Declaration of the Rights of Man. Thomas Jefferson never made any such claim. In common with other founders of the American Republic, he got his inspiration from France. And the French Revolution was due to causes that had been at work since before the discovery of America. If you go back into English or French history, or into the history of any European country, to trace the growth of nationalism, you will realize that the traditions of a European race are the heritage of centuries. They have not only to do with the blood, the common blood, of the people, and with the language and culture that had been regionally developed: they have also to do with the country itself, the land, the union of duchies and principalities, and, back of that, of petits pays. Europeans have made a definite locality their pays, and attachment to the soil has been born and handed down through centuries.

On May 5, 1789, Louis XVI opened at Versailles the first session of the States General that had been held since 1614. The reason for convoking it had been to reconcile the people to increased taxes. The king's advisors had been aware, of course, of the unrest in the country, and the fact alone of the convocation of the almost forgotten feudal assembly indicated their knowledge [Page 182]of the necessity of appeasing the people. In fact, in the call for the election of the States General, the government had asked the people to send in their grievances and their suggestions for reforms. The response to this request, in documents known as the cabiers, was overwhelming. Such an indictment of a régime by the people who lived under it had never before been known in history. Go to your public library, and ask for a collection of these cabiers, of which there are several English translations They make fascinating reading. If you supplement the study some of these with the perusal of Arthur Young's diary of his journey through France on the eve of the Revolution, you will have gone to original sources without much effort, and you will have gained an insight into the causes and conduct of the French Revolution that no history book could give you.

It was suicidal folly for the King of France to face twelve hundred elected representatives of his people, half of whor belonged to the Third Estate (those not nobles or clergy), and make no promises of reforms. Then to have Necker, the finance minister, follow him with a three hour speech on finances, the upshot of which was that the States General should express assent to increased taxation! The Third Estate, which represented nineteen-twentieths of France, convinced of the bad faith or ignorance of Louis XVI and his ministers, after six weeks of waiting declared itself to be a national assembly, and in the old tennis court that still stands its members took an oath not to disband until constitutional government had been won for France. Two and a half years of royal errors followed. After the destruction of the Bastille, Louis went to Paris, and signed the decrees that abolished the last traces of feudalism, game laws. tithes, and other things complained of in the cabiers, including the old local administrative divisions which had so long hindered national unity. A mob from Paris compelled the royal family to return to the city, and wrung further reforms, such as the abolition of hereditary titles and the sale of Church property. Many nobles fled from the country. Louis XVI tried to follow them, but was captured and brought back to Paris. [Page 183]These dramatic events led to an effort on the part of the Kings of Austria and Prussia, the former of whom was the brother of Marie-Antoinette, to declare that they would like to form a coalition to rescue the king and maintain the existing social order. England was not ready to cooperate. But all the neighbors of France encouraged the nobles who had left the country to return and lead a counter-revolution. Austria at that time was a neighbor of France through her control of Belgium. Her bitter hostility, and her instigation of counter-revolutionary movements, led the Convention, now the supreme authority in France, to declare war. Prussia joined Austria. The two powers promptly invaded France with the idea of capturing Paris and releasing the royal family. Many of the French nobility accompanied them.

Thus began the gigantic struggle that was to last until 1815, and give birth to nationalism throughout Europe. The French retaliated by executing their royal prisoners, and sending to the guillotine most of the nobles who had not fled. Revolutionary tribunals were set up all over France, and excesses more frightful than those of the reign of terror in Paris were committed in Nantes and Lyons.

England, Spain, Holland, the smaller states of Germany, and Italy, frightened lest the revolutionary movement would spread to their countries, joined Austria and Prussia. It was Europe against France. But France was ready for the test, and demonstrated at Jemmapes first of all, and then on numerous fields of battle during the years to follow, that she was a nation—la patrie in a sense that had never been revealed before. In two years 750,000 volunteers had enrolled in the Republican armies under the tricolor. Considerably more than half of these soldiers came from provinces of France that were far from the menace of invasion. These soldiers did not fight for a feudal lord or a king; they did not fight for a religion; they did not fight for their own little bit of soil; they fought for the defense of France as a whole and for the spread of the principles of the Revolution to other oppressed peoples. [Page 184]The first stage of the new nationalism ended with the disappearance in the reign of terror of the great figures of the Revolution. After guillotining their King, they sent one another to the guillotine. When Robespierre’s head fell, in July 1794, the new France was without a commanding leader. But the enthusiasm he had inspired kept the movement going. Militant nationalism, triumphant over the invaders, annexed Belgium and Nice, and declared that the natural frontiers of France were the Alps and the Rhine. The armies were in good hands. But Paris floundered for a while. The new master gave the first glimpse of himself in 1795, when, at the age of twenty-five, as a young artillery officer, he was entrusted with the task of putting down an incipient insurrection.

During the First Directory the war with most of Europe continued. Only Prussia, Spain and Holland made peace with France. As general commanding the armies in Italy, Napolcon Bonaparte compelled Austria to sue for peace, and erected the Cisalpine Republic, the herald of United Italy. The new star sailed for Egypt in 1798. Upon his return, it was easy for him to become the commanding figure as First Consul, and then crown himself Emperor of the French in 1804.

It was only five years from the beginning of the French Revolution in the revolt of the Third Estate from the Versailles Assembly and the oath they took on the tennis court to the death of Robespierre; three years from the death of Robespierre until General Bonaparte signed the treaty of Campo Formio with Austria; and seven years from this first successful campaign until Bonaparte became emperor of the French as Napoleon I. Let us pause a moment to consider the significance of the development of nationalism in those fifteen years.

The grievances put into the cabiers which the delegates of the three estates took to Versailles had grown up through centuries. They summed up the reasons why France wanted a change in régime and demanded representative government. The grievances were those of the centuries. The tangible expression of them was possible only when a large body of people [Page 185]

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in an autocratic state became intelligent and well-informed.

The Revolution in its incipiency was marked by no violence and no bloodshed. Public opinion demanded constitutional guarantees for the liberty and security of the individual and for the equality, fiscal and judicial, of all Frenchmen. There was no sudden rebellion or uprising in Paris or elsewhere. The men who went to Versailles were willing to negotiate with Louis XVI for a constitution. They asked of their sovereign only what the English Constitution had given the people of Great Britain a hundred years before. At the beginning there was no attempt to assassinate Louis XVI or even to put him in prison. The voice of nationalism spoke to him. He did not understand it. He became frightened. He ran away. Foreigners invaded France to rescue him. The nobles came back to their country with the foreigners. And there was a counter-revolution in the Vendée. It was then that Louis lost his life, and the guillotine began to work.

The conscious expression of national feeling, translated into the spontaneous action of Frenchmen hurrying to join Dumouriez and Hoche, was possible in 1792 where it would not have been in 1789. The people of France, during those three years, had gained precious rights, which the foreigners, egged on by the Royalists, were going to nip in the bud. Men were not anxious to join armies of their own free will and get themselves killed for the beautiful eyes of a king (pour les yeux beaux d'un roi) in a quarrel that they had had no part in making. In 1792, they said to themselves, "We have liberties now, which we shall defend; we have privileges now, that they want to take away from us; we have opportunities now, that the restoration of the old régime will cause to disappear." Mixed up with the idea of la patrie was the idea of le patrimoine. Patria et patrimonium. The two things go together, or nationalism is the unstable dream of fools. Even the prodigal son, going out from the father's house, had the sense to ask for that portion of the goods that belonged to him.

There is no use being born into a nation by right of family or being born into it by right of soil, if you are not born into something worthwhile and that is going to do you some good. Only [Page 186]when you have the idea that your citizenship is a benefit to you personally and to those you love, have you a genuine and lasting conception of nationalism. The soldier defends his soil, his home. his loved ones, and, above all, the privileges that are his from belonging to la patrie. Why did the Roman proudly boast, Ciris romanus sum? Kaiser Wilhelm II did not tell his German subjects that they could have pride in saying, Ich bin ein deutscher Burgher, until he had dilated upon the privileges of that status.

The Revolution of 1789 was an example set to the rest of continental Europe by nearly one-fourth of her population. The French demanded representative government, not accidentally or carried on the wave of some enthusiasm or impulsive mob psychology, but because there had gradually grown up the knowledge as to what a state in the management of whose affairs they had a voice would mean to them. And then there was the feeling, so eloquently expressed when the Third Estate changed itself into the National Assembly, that they had the power to insist upon their rights.

The Declaration of the Rights of Man was a document. however, not limited to rights for Frenchmen. Let us recall the formula of Robespierre: "Think only of the good of the country and the interests of humanity." And the interests of humanity He taught the Jacobins that the principles of the Revolution were of world-wide application. That Revolutionary ideas were not for France alone is the significance of the Jacobin movement. and it is the key to the history of the period from 1789 to 1815. In drawing up the Declaration of the Rights of Man, its framers were thinking not of themselves and their homes alone, but of all Europe. They had instinctively the feeling that they could not stand against their lords, against their monarch, against the forces of autocracy which controlled the governmental machinery of other countries as well as their own, unless, after asserting the "rights" at home, they were able to cross national frontiers, carrying to these other countries the principles of the Rights of Man which they believed were necessary to their own political development. [Page 187]

NATIONALISM VERSUS INTERNATIONALISM TO 1815

Here is the difference between the French Revolution and the American Revolution. Here is the difference between the French Revolution and the English Revolution. The Declaration of the Rights of Man might be called a pan-European conception, no, more than that, a mondial conception. The French Revolution was the first revolution in the world’s history that was intended to be world-wide. When they held the torch, the Jacobins thought not of Frenchmen only, but of a universal principle. Their nationalism was at its foundation internationalism. It was really a move toward human brotherhood. It was one of the early manifestations of the world unity of which we are thinking and talking today.

Every revolution that France has experienced since 1789, has had an international repercussion. This was especially true of the Revolution of 1789, when it was as Europeans rather than Frenchmen that the idealists of 1789 proclaimed their great truths. They yearned for the acceptance by all Europeans of the principles of the Rights of Man. It was only a step from the pious wish to the determination, in the first flush of victories on the field of battle. Their gospel was a gospel for all Europe, and, by the Eternal, all Europe had to accept it!

At Philadelphia in 1776 we spoke for ourselves, in a struggle with a government of our own race and traditions across the sea in London. Ours was a family revolution. The limited scope of our vision is proved by the fact that when we proclaimed, "All men are born free and equal," we did not include the negroes in our midst. Since then we have not included Chinese and Japanese; and we have been disposed to qualify the statement in regard to Jews, Italians, and all other non-Nordics. The leaders of the French Revolution, inspired by Rousseau, thought in terms of men and not in terms of Frenchmen. They ardently believed that a new epoch was dawning for the whole world, and that they were contending for civilization against darkness, fighting the battles of others as well as of themselves, when they turned the tables on the invaders of France, and carried their flag and the Revolution across the Meuse, the Rhine, and the Alps. [Page 188]The French are like that. They have been like that since the days of the crusades. Their battle line is always the frontier of civilization.

Victories in the expansion of France from Lodi to Austerlitz won the people so wholly to Napoleon that there was no opposition to his taking the government into his own hands. First of all, everybody was thankful for order after the reign of terror, and for the reëstablishment of commerce and industry on a sound money basis. Then Napoleon's armies lived on the land wherever they went and cost France nothing. The transition in ten years from a nation fighting for its life against half a dozen hostile states to the greatest power in Europe, imposing treaties upon all other countries, nourished fully the rapid growth of nationalism.

But there was more than that! Napoleon utilized the Jacobin spirit and ideal from the day he led his first army across the Alps into Italy. He made his armies feel that they were freeing oppressed peoples and bringing to them the blessings of the Revolution. What he told his own soldiers, he told the peoples of the countries he invaded. France was not the enemy, but the big sister who had found her way into nationhood. Hers was not the spirit of conquest but of emancipation. Every proclamation of Napoleon, as well as every speech to his armies, was a declaration of the high mission of France. The French were friends; the enemy was a ruler who had not given his people liberty, equality, and fraternity. It was Jacobinism pure and simple.

We are not concerned here with the motives of Napoleon, and his inconsistencies. He put himself on the throne of France, and gave to members of his family the thrones of some of the countries of Europe that he had conquered. His actions often seemed to belie his words. But whatever his motives, the wars waged by Napoleon in all parts of Europe did carry on the program of the French Revolution. Peoples who had no national consciousness began to acquire it. Slumbering traditions, which would tend to give birth to national aspirations of submerged peoples, were awakened. Large states, through the humiliation of invasion [Page 189]

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and conquest, were incited to the same growth and display of nationalism that had recently come to France through invasions. Last, but not least, Napoleon's interference with the existing political divisions of the Holy Roman Empire and Italy, paved the way for the later development of German and Italian nationalism. It is not too much to say that the Napoleonic upheaval marked the beginning of national movements in Europe which transformed that continent into a series of countries and peoples inspired with nationalism.

But in stirring up nationalism to destroy the rulers who opposed him Napoleon had an international conception. In 1804, with the crown of France upon his head, he had predicted that there would be no peace in Europe until it was under a single ruler. His idea of uniting European peoples-of making a United States of Europe-was a system in which there was to be an emperor who would have, as he put it, "kings for officers." This idea he tried to put into effect. But the nationalism he evoked did not become internationalism: it was nationalism of the kind that destroyed him and that has prevented France from ever again attaining the place in Europe she occupied under the Fourbons and himself.

During the recent World War the Entente Powers preached the doctrine of self-determination, and made themselves its champion, with the sole thought of weakening their enemies. They did not realize the boomerang effect upon themselves. It was that way with Napoleon during his attempted conquest of Europe. He capitalized nationalism, bringing to bear every argu-rent that history and tradition, economic interests and idealistic principles of government, could give him, in his effort to destroy the despotic rulers who were his enemies, "enemies of civilization" they were styled in France. But the enthusiasm he called forth, turned against him in the countries his armies invaded; and the spectre of despotism he evoked became, in the eyes of the people to whom he posed as liberator, the Emperor Napoleon.

The outstanding illustration of a national spirit created by Napoleon which destroyed him is the Tugendbund in Prussia. [Page 190]Napoleon thought he had disarmed Prussia in 1806. He had. But the youth of the country, organized by men imbued with the spirit of the French Revolution, prepared secretly for years to free their country from foreign domination. Nationalism became their religion, and was the incentive for every sacrifice. In 1813. when the tired armies of Napoleon returned from Russia, they found themselves passing through hostile territory. Napokon could not believe that the Prussians, whom he had crushed at Jena only seven years before, could put up much of a fight. At Leipzig, in October, 1813, the secretly trained members of the Tugendbund furnished the principal contingent in the armies of the last coalition against Napoleon.

Leipzig was Napoleon's first overwhelming defeat. It was called significantly the battle of the nations," because the opponents of France were not rulers whose soldiers were fighting at their behest, but citizen armies, like those of Dumouriez and Hoche twenty years earlier. A new spirit had come over Europe. The Russians at Moscow had burned their city rather than see it fall in the hands of a foreign invader; from the first clash at Gerona, the Spanish people had fought Napoleon; and everywhere a flaming spirit of opposition to the foreigner, which was the first and most marked sign of nationalism, was in evidence. Was not this proof that the French Revolution had started a new era in Europe? [Page 191]

THE QUEST OF WORLD PEACE

by DEXTER PERKINS Department of History and Government, University of Rochester

HOW THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS WORKS

IN AN earlier article, discussing the rôle of the League of Nations and the quest for world peace, I dwelt particularly upon the utility of the League as an agency of contact for the statesmen of most of the principal countries of the world. But the League is much more than this; it is an important piece of machinery for the solution of vexing international problems. It has played a great rôle in the practical settlement of international disputes; in the interpretation and execution of the so-called minority treaties; in the institution of that new method of treatment for the simpler peoples which is known as the mandate system; in the development of other instrumentalities for the preservation of world peace. In this and succeeding articles I intend to discuss its work from this point of view.

In the actual composition of serious disputes between states the League has played an important, though not invariably successful, rôle. Its critics may legitimately call attention to certain decisions which depart from ideal justice; they may indeed direct their criticisms against other cases in which no solution at all has been arrived at; but the friends of this great international institution are doubtless in a position to retort that human institutions have a way of functioning with somewhat less than 100 per cent efficiency, and that it would be as unreasonable to expect complete success from the League as it would from any other agency for the settlement of controversies between man and man, group and group, or nation and nation. [Page 192]But let us look more closely at the record itself. There are. it is true, two cases in which the League Council, after long discussion, has not been able to find a solution of the questions brought before it. One of these is the question of Vilna, which involves the conflicting territorial claims of Poland and Lithuania. Always an obstacle to the relations of the two nations since the seizure of the city by the Polish freebooter Zeligowski in 1921, this dispute remains unsettled up to the present day In the same way the problem of the Hungarian optants has baffled solution. The inhabitants of the Rumanian province of Transylvania who have elected to retain their former Hungarian nationality have steadily resisted the application of the Rumania agrarian laws limiting the size of landed estates, and have been sustained in their point of view by the Hungarian government The Council of the League, though frequently occupied with this controversy, has as yet found no way of reconciling the rival interests involved.

Yet even in these cases the activity of the League has not been entirely fruitless. If no solution has been arrived at, there has at least been an opportunity for the release of the irritation felt by both of the contestants, and this safety-valve type o activity ought to be recognized as having a certain value.

But in the main the League has been much more successful than in the two cases just alluded to. Perhaps its most striking success was in the prevention of a possible war between Greece and Bulgaria in 1925. In this case, a border clash having occurred in Macedonia, M. Briand, the President of the Council of the League, called an immediate meeting of the Council, and this meeting demanded of the two disputants that they immediately desist from military action, pending an investigation. The Greek and Bulgarian governments acquiesced in this demand. A military commission was despatched by the League to Macedonia to investigate the situation. The upshot of the matter was that the Greek government was found to be responsible for the clash which had occurred, and was required to pay an indemnity to Bulgaria. Swedish officers were attached to the Greek and Bul [Page 193]

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garian forces on the border to prevent further breaches of the peace, and a dangerous and explosive situation thus lost most of its perils. It is very doubtful indeed whether this crisis could have been dealt with so effectively if the machinery of the League had not been available.

There are, of course, numerous other instances in which the League has composed national differences, and relieved the tension in moments of strain. One of the most interesting is the case of the Silesian plebiscite. The treaty of Versailles called for a plebiscite in the important province known as Upper Silesia, to determine whether in the ruture this territory should belong to Germany or to Poland. The plebiscite was held, but the interpretation of the results was not at all easy. The British and French governments, moved by differing sympathies, the first inclined toward Germany, the second toward Poland, were at loggerheads on the question. Direct negotiations proved extremely difficult, and, as so often happens, national pride added to the troubles of the negotiators. M. Briand, then as in 1925 and in 1929, one of the best friends of international peace, proposed that the matter be referred to the League for solution. The thing was done. The status of Upper Silesia today is regulated by the decisions taken by the League Council, and accepted by the two governments immediately concerned.

In this case, no doubt, it would be easy, speaking from the stand-point of abstract justice, to criticize the character of the solution arrived at. It is certainly exceedingly complicated, and whether or not it accurately reflects the results of the voting, it clearly involves economic maladjustments of a rather annoying kind. And yet it is only fair to observe that the arrangement which the League has formulated actually works in practice. It has been the cause of relatively little controversy since it was put into effect. Judged by the comparative and not the absolute standard, it deserves to be ranked amongst the League’s successes;

In certain other problems the League has again and again been extremely effective. In the case of the Aland Islands, for example, it brought about a wholly satisfactory solution to the [Page 194]controversy between Sweden and Finland as to sovereignty over this disputed territory. It settled a boundary dispute between Czecho-Slovakia and Poland. It provided a formula for the reconciliation of the rival claims of Great Britain and Turkey with regard to the territorial limits of Iraq. Its action in such matters has more than once removed a very vexing problem from the sphere of diplomatic controversy.

I have left to the end of this article the most interesting case of all, the case of Corfu. In September, 1923, the Italian dictator, Mussolini, basing his action on the murder of an Italian member of a boundary commission delimiting the frontiers between Greece and Bulgaria, bombarded and then seized the island of Corfu and demanded of the Greek government an apology and an indemnity. A critical situation thus arose, and many there were who believed that even were the Greek government to accede to the demands of Italy, the island of Corfu would probably remain in Italian hands. Events, however, turned out otherwise. The Assembly and Council of the League happened to be sitting at the time. A storm of criticism broke upon the heads of the Italian delegates. The public opinion of the world was mobilized. The way was cleared for a solution of the crisis. It is true that. to save the face of the Italian government, the final settlement of the question was handed over to that curious post-war survival, still in existence in 1923, the Council of Ambassadors. But it is also true that Italy got out of Corfu.

To sum up, one’s opinion on the League action in composing international disputes depends upon how much one demands of human institutions, and whether one judges them from the abstract or from the practical and comparative point of view. By the former test, there is room for legitimate criticism. By the latter, this new international institution marks an indubitable and very considerable advance. And surely, the way to render its decisions still more effective and still more just, is not to seek to demolish and restrict its influence, but to lend it a hearty, though discriminating, support in its labors for the peace of the world. [Page 195]

THE PARIS PACT AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

CLOSING THE GAP IN THE COVENANT

by PHILIP C. NASH Director, League of Nations Association, Inc.

THE Tenth ordinary Assembly of the League of Nations has just adjourned and the general opinion seems to be that it has been by far the most important and constructive Assembly that has yet been held. This feeling exists because of several very important accomplishments and announcements of programs for the future.

Among other happenings these stand out. Forty-two nations have now signed the optional clause of the World Court, agreeing in advance to submit to the Court all disputes coming under its jurisdiction. Fifty nations have signed the protocol for American adherence to the World Court; M. Briand announced that he would try to secure French ratification of the General Act for the pacific settlement of all disputes; Mr. Henderson declared that Britain would support a convention to give financial aid to an attacked nation; the cornerstone of permanent League buildings was laid; M. Briand started serious discussion of a United States of Europe; and Britain, Germany, Greece, Belgium, Peru. and Lithuania recommended that the League Covenant be revised to bring it into harmony with the Pact of Paris.

It is this last proposal that is of most immediate interest to Americans and may well result in far-reaching changes in our official attitude towards the League. The situation is about as follows.

The Paris Pact forbids all the signatory nations to wage [Page 196]war for any purpose whatsoever except defense. Articles 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17 of the League Covenant, although far superior in outlining methods for the settling of disputes, do not go so far in actually prohibiting war, when peaceful methods fail. Under these articles, the nations agree to submit any disputes to arbitration, judicial settlements, or to the Council of the League. If the Council does not come to a unanimous (excepting the parties to the dispute) decision in the matter, the members of the League reserve the right to themselves to "take such action as they shall consider necessary for the maintenance of right and justice"—that is, to go to war. It is this "gap" which the League is trying to close.

The Assembly made real progress in the preliminary study of such changes, providing for the appointment of a committee of eleven persons to meet early in 1930 and report to the members of the League in order that such action as may be deemed appropriate may be taken at the next Assembly, September, 1930.

The basis of the committee's work will be the amendments to the Covenant of the League proposed by the British delegation as follows:

In Article Twelve, paragraph one, the last words (in italics) would be stricken out thus:

"The Members of the League agree that, if there should arise between them any dispute likely to lead to a rupture they will submit the matter either to arbitration or judicial settlement or to inquiry by the Council and they agree in no case to resort to war. until three months after the award by the arbitrators or the judicial decision or the report by the Council."

In Article Thirteen, paragraph four, one clause (in italics) would be deleted thus:

"The Members of the League agree that they will carry out in full good faith any award or decision that may be rendered. and that they will not resort to war against a Member of the League which complies therewith. In the event of any failure to carry out such an award or decision the Council"

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shall propose what steps should be taken to give effect thereto."

In Article Fifteen, paragraph six, the last phrase would be changed from: "Members of the League agree that they will not go to war with any party to the dispute which complies with the recommendations of the report" to "the Members of the League agree that as against any party to the dispute that complies with the recommendations of the report they will take no action which is inconsistent with its terms" so that the whole paragraph would read thus:

"If a report by the Council is unanimously agreed to by the members thereof other than the Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute, the Members of the League agree that as against any party to the dispute that complies with the recommendations of the report they will take no action which is inconsistent with its terms."

In Article Fifteen, paragraph seven, these words would be added, "Other than a resort to war," so that the paragraph would read:

"If the Council fails to reach a report which is unanimously agreed to by the members thereof, other than the Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute, the Members of the League reserve to themselves the right to take such action as they shall consider necessary for the maintenance of right and justice, other than a resort to war."

With changes of this sort the Covenant of the League can be brought into entire agreement with the Pact of Paris. Under both treaties the nations will have given up their right to go to war. Under the Pact a nation breaking this law "should be denied the privileges of this treaty"; under the Covenant she "shall be deemed ipso facto to have committed an act of war against all other Members of the League" who will proceed to take economic and financial steps against her and to give financial aid (if the proposed convention is ratified) to the defending nation or nations. [Page 198]Our country realizes that the Paris Pact is not a complete finished document. It is a noble expression of policy agreed to by fifty-three countries of the world but it still needs "implementing" to make it wholly effective. The parts needed to make the machine really do the work demanded of it might be listed thus:

A. Sanctions (1) Factfinding machinery to determine which is the aggressor nation in case of actual hostilities (2) Some form of definite sanction against a nation breaking the Pact. Such sanction proposals are already on file before our Congress in the Burton, Capper, Porter, and Fish resolutions.

B. Machinery to call into operation automatically the "peaceful means" for settling the dispute and the underlying causes of the trouble.

One familiar with international affairs will realize at once that this machinery is provided and is ready for use, in the League of Nations and the World Court. Not only is the machinery built, it has been tried out and actually tested in practice. In the Graeco-Bulgarian dispute, the factfinding commission appointed by the Council collected the data and made recommendations which solved the problem. In the Bolivia-Paraguay trouble and in disputes which did not drift so far towards hostilities as this, the Council of the League, being already organized for just such purposes, was able to suggest peaceful methods of handling the case.

The other nations of the world have been quick to see how the Covenant of the League can be strengthened in the prevention of war by the philosophy of the Pact. Presumably this change will be made in 1930. It is now the duty of American statesmen to see how the Briand-Kellogg Treaty can be similarly strengthened. We are proud of this Pact; we feel that our country took the lead in offering it to the world. But it would be a sad commentary on our statesmanship if we leave it, half-finished, to become mere words and pious wishes. [Page 199]

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The steps that might be taken were hinted at above:

A. Join the League under the amended Covenant. Presumably the proposed amendments, the membership and even leadership of Ireland and Germany in the League, and the general progress and development of the League in the last ten years, ill dispel most thoughtful opposition to membership of the United States. If this step were taken, then practically the whole world would be consulting and acting together in case peace were menaced.

B. If public opinion in the United States is not ready for actual membership in the League, a plan might be formulated by which a representative of the United States would sit with the Council of the League temporarily and for the sole purpose of conference and action on a threatened breaking of the Paris Pact. This form of cooperation is the same as the situation which will arise in the election of World Cou judges, when and if we adhere to the Court. It will be a natural development of international cooperation, making the world as safe from warfare as treaties alone can make it. [Page 200]

THE RISING TIDE

Notes on current books possessing special significance in the light of the trend toward world unity.

Edited by JOHN HERMAN KANDALL, JR. Department of Philosophy, Columbia University

THE ORDEAL OF LIBERALISM

GILBERT MURRAY has written a powerful and brilliant plea for the ending of international anarchy through intellectual cooperation. His argument is focussed upon th avoidance of war, and the practical means to this end; but he rises from this pressing problem to the still further need for the creation out of our present chaos of a genuine cosmos, a ordered and unified world. It is still doubtful whether civilize man will succeed in understanding the profound changes that i the last fifty years have overtaken his environment, and in adapting himself to meet them. This broader problem constitutes the "ordeal of this generation."

The book has a finely reasoned coherence, and is beautifully and movingly written. Professor Murray has illustrated once more the lucidity of expression and the imaginative insight that can be gained from contact with the best thought of ancient Greece. H. possesses also an invaluable acquaintance with the practical difficulties of international cooperation, through his years as president of the League of Nations Union, and through his participation in the work of the International Secretariat at Geneva, as British member of the Committee of Intellectual Cooperation. He is. moreover, one of the most persuasive surviving representatives o

Gilbert Murray, The Ordeal of thes Gemmation. Harpers. x, 276 pp. $3.00. [Page 201]

THE ORDEAL OF LIBERALISM

the long tradition of British Liberalism, and his book comes with the magisterial blessing of the Manchester Guardian, "The very best introduction yet written to the technical problem of bringing international anarchy to an end." It is a thoughtful and sane discourse, delivered out of the fulness of political wisdom and the ripeness of a reasoned outlook on the world. But there have been many reflective considerations of the present international situation and the adequacy of the League to meet it; and save in its moving eloquence this treatment does not differ markedly from the best of the others. What interests the reader is not so much its practical counsel as the philosophy in which it is set. And here he soon finds himself wondering whether it is really the ordeal of this generation which Professor Murray so deeply feels and so keenly analyses, or the ordeal of that in which he grew up. In the face of our present confusion, he exhibits a touching nostalgia for the great days of Victorian Liberalism. And it is such Liberalism bravely struggling to meet an altered world that is here displayed.

Professor Murray tells of a friend whose eloquence fell flat because his audience wanted "none of that damned middle-class idealism." "It was the Victorian Age," he adds, "condemned by that which came after: the 'middle-class idealism' of people who did not suffer, but sympathized with suffering and wished to be good, condemned by people who themselves suffered and hated those who did not suffer, and did not in the least care to be good."

It is such idealism at its best, chastened by the common suffering of the War, that Murray offers. Its best is very good; but the reader is left wondering whether for better or worse he is not fated to belong to that audience. Liberalism is today facing its ordeal.

Murray has a philosophy of history. There is in civilization a constant alternation between two processes-first organization and then disorganization, first the slow building up of an ordered social structure or cosmos, then the reduction of that cosmos into chaos. No human cosmos endures long; such stagnation would mean the end of progress. But it is in a cosmos that man wishes [Page 202]to dwell; there alone is security, there are standards, there is mutual confidence and trust. "A clear conteption of the world as an intelligible whole is an immense influence towards regular and law-abiding conduct. Morality and decent living depend so much on the recognition of oneself as being only a member of a great ordered whole, not an isolated being whose sole purpose is its own happiness."

For Murray, the Victorian Era was such a cosmos, an ordered unity; and we have witnessed its breakdown. "The age of 19th century Liberalism was, comparatively speaking, a Cosmos. Not merely a great age, or an age in which society seemed on the whole successful, but an age possessing a definite form and character, in which people knew what to expect of the world and how to live in it." Englishmen were agreed on the family, on parliamentary government, on a common humanitarian religion of progress. "The English 19th century view of the world was apt to be shallow, but it worked. . . . For Great Britain especially it marked the zenith of national success, the widest expansion over the world of British government, British commerce, British political thought, British morals, philosophy, science, poetry and prose literature." And Murray, looking back to that golden age, rings the changes on its achievements in every sphere of life, from plumbing to poetry, and ridicules its contemners. "The Victorian Age cared more for life than for thought; consequently it produced abundant and fine life, while its thought was comparatively unambitious and aimed mainly at serving the practical purposes of life. It cared intensely for morals and little for metaphysics; a good deal for religion and scarcely at all for theology; and since morals depend ultimately on metaphysics and religion on theology, it left always a large extent of vague and misty margin in the beliefs which it held most firmly. It had an immense faith, a faith in goodness, in duty, in the future of mankind. . . . It realized especially the immense value of reticence in art. . . . In politics there was the same reticence, the same idealism. Where a social evil could be dealt with, they talked about it; otherwise not." [Page 203]

THE ORDEAL OF LIBERALISM

Now this grandeur of the Victorian compromise may all be true; but I doubt whether many today, who did not grow up in that era, would share Professor Murray's yearning for its remembered security. Above all, I doubt whether they would pick the 19th century from the record of history as peculiarly a cosmos, an ordered world; whether they would see its legislation as aimed at "the protection of the nation as a whole against abuse and privilege, as "abandoning the ferocious defence of property for a spirit of sympathy and help to the oppressed." Nor would they view the industrial revolution as a kind of "flaw and excrescence" in the Victorian cosmos! Liberalism has ceased to mean for us what it means for Murray, and we cannot agree that its one defect was belief in the independent sovereign state. Far from being an excrescence, that belief seems to us the inevitable flowering of a chaotic and transitional world.

Murray bewails the decay of this golden cosmos. Religious agreement has vanished. Pacificism and militarism are fighting each other. Nationalism is rampant. Men have turned aside from politics to football. Political machinery has broken down. For all this the war is partly responsible, in destroying the discipline of peace, in lowering standards of public and private action, in unsettling education, in creating cynicism and bitterness, in overthrowing parliamentary government throughout Europe. But deeper causes were at work: Britain lost her industrial supremacy; science abandoned its Victorian neatness, and a transformed physics shook men's faith in science, in reason, and therefore in Liberalism; psychology has taken up vivisection, glorified impulses once unspeakable, and degraded the Victorian virtues; women have emancipated and educated themselves into the general chaos. Victorian Liberalism needed criticism; and the great writers supplied it. But the time has passed for such critics. "It is all very well to praise storms at sea when you are safe on land and not intending to make a voyage. It is all very well to ridicule the law and peace and conventional morality when you are not in danger of being left with no law and no peace and the standards of behaviour broken." We need to seek safety, to cling to what is [Page 204]left of our 19th century standards; for our whole civilization is in danger. Such an attitude is natural in a Victorian Liberal; his civilization is in danger. But those who have grown up in this newer world of ours are not so perturbed. We can accept its passing with few qualms, and with no nostalgia. We see, not cosmos dissolving in chaos, but an opportunity to turn chaos into cosmos; or rather, we rejoice that a narrow and inadequate form of life has given way to the promise of greater richness and the challenge of genuine organization. And we rejoice that in practice we can work shoulder to shoulder with Murray. For in his view, civilization is bound up with the British Empire; and the safety of the Empire depends absolutely on the tranquillity of the world. Another war would end the Empire, Great Britain, and civilization. There must, therefore, be no more war.

The American may be pardoned a smile at the argument Professor Murray uses, not so much to express his own convictions, as to reach the British public. It is an argument made on grounds of material advantage, of common prudence, of fear, and of self-flattery. "The British Empire stands to gain nothing by war; it stands to lose all. The Empire is of all the Powers of the Eastern hemisphere the richest, the most contented, and the most vulnerable." England represents almost alone today a shaken and unpopular principle, the rule of human beings by an alien race. Against her is now directed all the hatred, the malevolent propaganda, that before 1918 went out against all the imperialisms. Against her is arrayed a new social system and a new religion, which promises freedom to those peoples bearing the burden of Empire. Her greatest advantage is the League of Nations. Through it alone she can prevent a fatally disruptive war; through it she can secure an international sanction for her Empire, provided she lives up reasonably to her imperial obligations.

In other hands and other lands this argument might not sanctify the League. Coupled in Murray with a genuine enlightenment as to imperialism, and a readiness to condemn the thoughtless refusal to accept any commitment, like the optional clause or [Page 205]

THE ORDEAL OF LIBERALISM

the Kellogg Pact, which ties England's hands against war, it is obviously sincere. And to Englishmen, whether Liberals or Conservatives, it is conclusive. Imperial Britain confesses, with Lord Grey, "We must learn or perish." That peace and fair-dealing and cooperation are indispensable to the very existence of Britain, does not convict Englishmen of hypocrisy. It aligns behind world organization the strongest of all forces, national self-interest and patriotism. World unity must rise above such forces; but it cannot dispense with them.

For his part, Professor Murray smiles at America. "It is strange to hear sober Americans, when not a tomtit in the wide universe utters a chirp to threaten their security, talk glibly of the need of a vast navy to make themselves 'respected' and the need of inventing synthetic rubber for 'the inevitable war with Europe. These things move one not so much to indignation as to a sort of despair of the human race. . . . A comparison of the speeches made on Armistice day, 1928, by Mr. Baldwin and Mr. Coolidge respectively, reveals not so much any great divergences in policy, but an extraordinary difference in spiritual experience. One sometimes feels toward the American public as the small Balkan nations are said to feel towards the English. No doubt they are very rich and strong and full of good-natured impulses; but they care for nobody, nobody can tell what they may want to do next, and as they turn to the right or the left their whim may spread prosperity or ruin. America is probably the one nation in the world which does not realize what war is and which could afford the luxury of another." And Professor Murray has the same doubts about the Kellogg Pact that others have about British adherence to the League.

What is the way to Cosmos? Through world cooperation, through the machinery of the League. The League furnishes the all-important opportunity for conference; it provides a permanent Secretariat. It has established a World Court, and it offers an optional clause to accept its jurisdiction. It has failed to provide an effective sanction for its decisions, specifically because England refused to sign the Protocol, but more generally because the spirit [Page 206]of cooperation is still weak. "There is still too much mutual distrust in the nations of Europe. 'Make a firm treaty and we can trust each other,' said the French and those who thought with them; 'we cannot trust you while you refuse to commit yourselves.' 'We will make a firm treaty when once we do trust each other,' responded the British and Scandinavian elements. 'we cannot pledge ourselves to you till we are sure that you are playing fair.' It is this kind of imperfection, rather than any actual incompleteness of provision or flaw of drafting, that has most hampered the working of the League for peace. It can only be removed by a much more whole-hearted acceptance of the League spirit and League methods on the part of the Great Powers."

Throughout the sober discussion of the world inside and outside the Covenant there runs the same note. The Metanoia, the change of mind and heart, is still to be accomplished. Men still talk in the old fashion, of wars and rumors of wars. They point to the tiger in man, oblivious that "war in modern conditions is never a mere outburst of angry passions; it is simply the result of bad policy—stupid, selfish, narrow-minded, aggressive or dishonest policy." They are not willing to reduce armaments because they do not trust each other, or their own loyalty to peace; there is no moral disarmament. The Council of the League has not trusted itself; it has been afraid to act where action was not difficult. No one has cared about protecting minority populations. The dark shadow of imperialism persists under the mandate system. Yet "the Covenant, though not without certain ambiguities and loopholes, is on the whole a wonderfully successful instrument, flexible, comprehensive, and exactly directed to the main evil which it was desired to cure. It does aim straight at the heart of the international anarchy; and it does so by a method which is calculated to stir up the very minimum of opposition. Its normal sanction is the public opinion of the world; its most effective weapon publicity." The chief source of distrust of the League is the peace treaties it guarantees. Murray agrees that at some time these should be reconsidered; but "it is more important to get rid of war than to rectify the treaties." [Page 207]

THE ORDEAL OF LIBERALISM

Outside the Covenant are many dangers. Civil war is untouched, and quite properly; but it is unsettling. There is no out and out prohibition of warfare; Great Britain has steadily defended the right of war. Murray hardly takes the Kellogg Pact seriously. America's reservation of the right of self-defence, with no machinery to decide on aggression, such as the League provides, restores the old freedom to make war when a nation chooses. England's imperial reservation is just as bad. Fortunately the Covenant has no such gaps. Above all, there is imperialism, which ill fits in with any scheme of world organization, and is the source of most of Britain's difficulties. The only hope there is to apply the spirit of the Covenant beyond its present jurisdiction. America stands alone, although she has just pledged herself to commit no aggression. Russia is an open enemy of the League, the chief instrument for improving the social order without war or revolution.

What is the way to Cosmos? It is the intellectual cooperation of the nations. "The first need is disinterested good will, the next is to pool the best brains of all nations for the common service of all. Are the new forces that have come pouring in to bring the edifice of Victorian Liberalism tumbling to the ground to destroy us completely? Murray answers as a true Liberal, still firm in the faith. "Surely by now we know a better method. We have the instruments for practicing it. Man has, in the last issue, only one weapon for dealing with the innumerable problems which bewilder and which may destroy him, the weapon of thought. Thought may go wrong; but it is the best guide we have, if it is patient, if it is based on study, if unwarped by personal interests and unmoved by the spirit of good will. Need we ask no more? Yes, just a little more. We may ask something of that spirit which, since the very beginnings of history, men have expected and found in the average common soldier-a will to endure hardship for the sake of duty and to use life as one who knows of things better than life. That granted, I look to intellectual cooperation among men of good will for the restoring of our lost Cosmos and the ultimate wise guidance of the world." [Page 208]

YOUTH AND THE MODERN WORLD

Edited by ISABELLA VAN METER

"Above and beyond all war and death is our deep yearning for the time when we shall be able to work side by side with the youth of the whole world."

During the crucial years since the European war, the youth of the world has been gathering its force as if for a supreme struggle with the militant, destructive past. Repudiating alike its inheritance of institutions, customs and ideals, the generation now assuming manhood and womanhood in East and West is gradually creating the substance of a different way of life, a new outlook, destined to form a new civilization. Viewed from the ranks of those molded by the past, this manifestation of youth has appeared one of the most tragic, misguided, even sinister of social phenomena, since its triumph must involve the overthrow of so much that mankind has done and been. The statement of youth itself, so far as youth has yet defined its own energies, experiences and directions, will tell a different story. In this department World Unity Magazine will publish from time to time brief articles expressing the outlook of youth, by youth itself, on those vital issues which are recurrent from age to age.

FOREIGN STUDENTS SHOCK OUR COMPLACENCY

by CHARLES D. HURREY General Secretary of The Committee on Friendly Relations among Foreign Students

DO FOREIGN Students promote friendly relations? In general, yes; in some instances, no. It all depends,—upon factors like the following:

Economic Status. If the student is dependent upon his own efforts to earn part of his expenses, he comes into competition with American students, to whom preference is generally shown. this fact makes him conscious of being not too welcome in the community. Moreover, his limited financial resources compel him to deny himself many of the "extras" which are essential to a liberal education and also add to his handicap of strangeness of language and social customs. Too often a student in such circumstances lives to himself in the daily struggle for existence and does little to promote international friendship. [Page 209]

Social Relationships

The foreign student who is extraordinarily fond of social life becomes sensitive to any little discrimination; if an American girl refuses to dance with him, his feelings are hurt; he is grieved if he does not receive a "bid" to fraternity membership, and in his opinion people are "high hat" if they do not speak to him on the campus after having met him casually at a church social. Fortunately this sort of student is in the minority. It is my observation that there is a growing friendliness between students from abroad and American students and professors; at least ten different national fraternities have admitted Oriental students to their membership. It must be remembered that aversion to inter-racial marriage causes reserve and discrimination on the part of some people toward certain foreign students. The student from abroad who is content to enjoy his American girl friendships in a mixed group rather than by individual "dating" is not encountering serious discrimination.

Campus Activities

It is to be deplored that there still exists in some colleges actual opposition to admitting certain foreign students to honor societies and fraternities; such discrimination is shown more frequently toward Jews and colored students than toward others. There are instances on record of denying a foreign student a place on a debating team or in an oratorical contest or in musical or dramatic clubs because of race or color. Some Cosmopolitan clubs blackball the black man, though he comes direct from the West Indies, Africa or Brazil; such clubs are perplexed when called upon to defend their motto, "Above all nations is humanity." In the realm of athletics the foreign student from the darker races suffers much unjust discrimination; the "Big Six" athletic league, including, among others, the universities of Missouri, Oklahoma, Kansas, Nebraska and Colorado, denies the colored man a place on its teams; the use of gymnasium, swimming pool and shower baths is granted in several instances only by a plan of humiliating segregation.

Facilities for Room and Board

Preference is almost invariably shown for American students by keepers of rooming and boarding houses; some college cafeterias and dining halls refuse admission [Page 210]to colored students, native and foreign. Among the attempts at a solution of this problem are Cosmopolitan club houses, racial club houses such as the Chinese, Japanese and Filipino centers at the University of California and elsewhere. The compiling of a list of boarding houses open to foreign students has been a helpful service rendered by many college communities.

Relation to Churches and Other Religious Organizations

Many foreign students take an active part in the program of the churches and Christian Associations; there are a few followers of non-Christian faiths enrolled in our theological seminaries; frequently. however, the foreign student encounteres in pulpit and pew such ignorance and intolerance regarding the culture and religious background of his people that he is repelled and assumes an ultra-critical attitude. When approached naturally and with an open mind the foreign student is not only willing but eager to discuss religious questions; he is here to study all phases of our life and he does not overlook our organized religious agencies.

Attitude Toward Western Civilization

It is significant that an increasing number of Oriental students are coming to the United States for the study of engineering, commerce and industry; they realize that the development of natural resources and the industrialization of the Orient are inevitable. Quite naturally these Orientals in their contact with the West do not wish to become "Americanized;" their future usefulness at home depends upon maintaining a close and sympathetic contact with the home people and their problems; they must therefore keep an open mind toward all new ideas, but they must constantly ask: "How can we best apply our training to the service of our people?"

Much damage is done to the cause of international friendship by allowing students to come here too young; such a practice means that they often remain eight or ten years, and their affection for the home land is frequently alienated on account of the luxuries and comforts which American life affords; utter lack of adequate knowledge of English on the part of the foreign student is another cause of disappointment and ill feelings; the student may have knowledge and capacity but if he cannot express it the [Page 211]

FOREIGN STUDENTS SHOCK OUR COMPLACENCY

impression made upon fellow students and teachers is that of stupidity. The student who comes from abroad with the feeling that generous Americans are somehow going to take care of him is out for trouble; those who have come with a "chip on the shoulder" attitude, willing to accept help on every occasion, but even more willing to malign the people who have offered assistance, are blocking the wheels of progress in better race relations.

The goal of the ten thousand foreign students in America from one hundred different nations should be pursuance of their studies, the acquiring of knowledge and training, the exchange of ideas concerning ur respective cultures, and a return home, preferably after three or four years to devote their ability to the advancement of their own people and the furtherance of international understanding. Such agencies as the Friendly Relations Committees, the Chinese, Japanese, Filipino, Korean and Russian Student Christian Associations, the Cosmopolitan Clubs, the International House and Hindustan Association are immensely helpful in enabling foreign students to realize their ambitions. Mature graduate students who are specialists in their line are coming to the United States from all parts of the world; such men and women are effective ambassadors of goodwill; they are significant in the promotion of commerce, industry, education and religion; if we treat them with respect, cordiality and justice we shall receive in return their undying gratitude and their championship of our noblest ideals. [Page 212]

WORLD UNITY CONFERENCES

Under the Auspices of World Unity Foundation

The World Unity Conferences are a medium by which responsible leaders of opinion can conver their message to the public without restriction of race, class, nationality or creed. Upholding the ideals of brotherhood found in all religious and ethical teachings, the Conferences strive to quicke the spiritual resources of the community by bringing upon one platform gifted speakers representing the universal outlook and capable of interpreting the meanings of the new age. World Unity Co ferences are held at frequent intervals in cities of the United States and Canada, and this educationa activity will be extended as soon as possible to Europe. A distinctive feature of the Conference consists in the local World Unity Councils, composed of leading liberals, established in the variou cities to further the world unity ideal.

Program of Meetings-October, 1929-May, 1930

Cleveland, Ohio-October 20 to 24 Chicago, Ill.-November 10 to 24 Buffalo, N. Y.-December 1 to 5 Detroit, Mich.-January 19 to 23 Washington, D. C.-February 16 to 19 Baltimore, Md.-March 9 to 13 Pittsburgh, Pa.-April 6 to 10 Philadelphia, Pa.-May 4 to 8 Boston, Mass.-May 18 to 22

WORLD UNITY COUNCILS

• • Buffalo**

Rev. R. Carl Stoll, Chairman Dr. Allen Knight Chalmers Mrs. Joseph Devine Mrs. Harold M. Esty Mr. William Evans Rabbi Joseph L. Fink Mrs. Chauncy J. Hamlin Rev. Palfrey Perkins Dr. Augustus H. Sherrer Rev. Donald Tullis Miss Olive Williams

• • Chicago**

Prof. Fred Merrifield, Chairman Dr. George W. Allison Prof. Edward Scribner Ames Dr. William H. Boddy Dr. Preston Bradley Mrs. Charles S. Clark Mrs. Henry Clay Doffeen Mrs. Ed. E. Dixon S. John Duncan-Clark Mr. F. C. Eiselen Dr. G. George Fox Dr. Charles W. S. Gilkey Professor A. Eustace Haydon Mrs. Edward S. Lowenthall Miss Mary McDowell Rabbi Louis L. Mann Dr. Rowena Morse Mann Dr. Curtis W. Reese Mrs. P. A. Spaulding Lorado Taft Dr. Ernest F. Tittle

• • Cleveland**

Dr. Charles F. Thwing, Hon. Chairman Mr. Thomas J. Holmes, Chairman Rabbi S. Goldman Rev. Joel B. Hayden Prof. W. G. Leutner Dr. Dilworth Lupton Parker Wright Meade Miss Ethel Parmenter Mr. Joseph Remenyi Rabbi Hillel Silver Mrs. Judson Stewart Judge George S. Addams Dr. Henry Turner Bailey Dr. Dan Bradley Mrs. Frances F. Bushea Mr. Dale S. Cole Mi Linda A. Eastman Dr. A. Caswell Ellis Mrs. Royce D. Fry [Page 213]WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Detroit

Frank D. Adams, Chairman Mr Phalamine Altman Ms Wm. Alrord Mrs Carl B. Chamberlin DeFrank Cody Dan W. 1. Coffee M John Dancy Mr Robert L. Davis Mrs. H. W. Dunklee Dr. Chester B. Emerson Rabbi Leo M. Franklin Mrs. Eric Leyton Gates Mrs. G. T. Hendrie Mr. Ralph C. McAfee Mrs. Charles M. Novac Rt. Rev. Herman Page Dr. Morton Pearson Dr. Augustus P. Reccord Mr. Jarvis Schermerhorn Mr. Adam Strohm Mr. Lee M. Terrill Mr. W. W. Wing Mrs. R. P. Nason

Hartford

ah Abraham J. Feldman, Chairman Miss Mary Bulkley Res Willis H. Buuler Mr C. C. Heminway Mr. George C. Hubert Dr. John C. Jackson Rev. Richard H. McLaughlin Dr. A. B. Meredith Miss Ella E. Muir Dr. Rockwell Harmon Potter Mrs. Milton Simon Professor Edward L. Troxell Mr. Fred D. Wish

Springfield

Lawrence L. Doggett, Chairman Rev Fred Winslow Adams Mr William B. Belli Mrs W. J. Campbell Miss Mary Vida Clark Miss Maude B. Corbett Rev. W. N. de Berry Rev. Owen Whitman Eames Mr. Carlos B. Ellis Dr. James Gordon Gilkey Rev. Frank B. Fagerburg Mrs. Archer F. Leonard Mrs. Asel A. Packard Rabbi Samuel Price Mrs. Joseph Pynchon Mrs. Robert E. Stebbins Mrs. Hilley C. Wellman

Toledo

George Lawrence Parker, Chairman Tige Jason B. Barber Robert Blyth Now Matilda Campbell Mass Olive Colton Mr. John D. Dun Mrs. F. L. Geddes Dr. John L.. Keedey Rabbi Kornfield Dr. R. Lincoln Long Mrs. George Lawrence Parker Mr. Grove Patterson Mr. Harold C. Place Miss Florence Sprague Mrs. Robert J. West

Toronto

M Maurice Hutton, Chairman Mes John S. Bennett Murray G. Brooks Mr Maurice Bucovetsky MJW. Bundy Rev WA. Cameron Trevor H. Davies Professor de Lury Mrs. Dunnington-Grubb Dr. E. A. Bardy Mr. J. W. Hopkins Dr. James L. Hughes Rabbi Ferdinand M. Isserman Dr. D. D. MacDonald Mrs. J. Pat McGregor Mr. Fred C. Meyer Miss J. M. Norton Dr. George C. Pidgeon Rev. C. V. Pulcher Mrs. H. W. Price Dr. J. R. P. Sclater Mrs. Robert B. Thompson Mrs. F. C. Ward

Washington

Miss Hettie P. Anderson George F. Bowerman cator Capper MWm. Knowles Cooper Dr. Henry Grattan Doyle Dr. Mordecai Johnson Rev. Moses R. Lovell Mr. Allan B. McDaniel Judge Mary O'Toole Dr. Jason Noble Pierce Rabbi Abram Simon Mrs. Wm. Adams Slade

Providence

W. H. P. Faunce, Hon. Chairman Mes John H. Wells, Chairman De John L. Alger Mrs James E. Cheeseman Rev. Arthur W. Cleaves Mrs. George H. Crooker Professor L. M. Goodrich Rabbi Samuel M. Gup Rev. Richard McLaughlin Miss M. S. Morriss Mrs. Frank E. Peckham Rt. Rev. James de Wolf Perry Rev. O. S. P. Thompson

Rochester

Rev. David Rhys Williams, Chairman Mrs Helen Probst Abbott Kabby Philip Bernstein Mr Thomas A. Bolling Mas Elizabeth Brooks Mrs. Mary Thorn Lewis Gannett Mr. Frank E. Gugelman Dr. Raymon Kistler Mr. Clement G. Lanni Dr. Dexter Perkins Dr. Justin Wroe Nixon Miss Helen W. Pomeroy Dr. Orlo J. Price Mr. Harold W. Sanford Mr. LeRoy E. Snyder Mr. William F. Yust [Page 214]

ROUND TABLE

Another annual program of World Unity Conferences began with the meetings held in Cleveland, Ohio, October 22 and 23. The complete Conference schedule for the season October, 1929-May, 1930 appears elsewhere in the magazine.

The Cleveland meetings presented an educational program of unusual scope, the speakers including Mr. William Pickens, Field Secretary, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; Dr. John Herman Randall, Director, World Unity Foundation; Dr. Ralston Hayden, Department of Political Science, University of Michigan; and Rabbi Solomon Goldman, Congregation Anshe Emes, Chicago. These "responsible leaders of opinion" made available to the public of Cleveland a free, non-partisan discussion of the following subjects: the Race Problem, World Community, Problems of Unity in the Pacific Area, and Christianity and Judaism. The World Unity Foundation is greatly indebted to the members of the local World Unity Council whose active cooperation enabled the meetings to reflect the thoughtful and progressive spirit of the city.

The considerable volume of current literature written by Contributing Editors of World Unity Magazine, as listed on this page from time to time, now includes the interesting title "The Scourge of Christ" by Paul Richard, published by Kropf Mr. Richard's power of spiritual perception was made apparent to World Unity readers by his article "The Spiritual Crisis of the West," in the August, 1929 issue.

Every reader of this magazine is invited to participate in a Questionnaire which the editors are sending to 1000 international leaders in sociology, religion, education, journalism and public affairs, the purpose of which is to secure an expression of opinion on the question: what ten living men and women constitute the most powerful and effective influence for internationalism?

An adequate response to this Questionnaire should have more than casual interest, for the results of an impartial vote will reveal what factors and influences are considered to be vitally potent in the promotion of world unity at this time, whether political, educational, etc.

We hope to receive many replies from readers on this question before February 1, 1930. [Page 215]

PARENTS AND SCHOOLS

The December issue of PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION

Of vital importance to parents who want the best education for their children, and who want to know what the progressive schools are doing to provide it. Notable articles. Concrete school surveys. Striking illus- trations. Interesting projects. The new books.

For teachers as well, who want to know what the alert parent is thinking concerning the schools.

Single copy, $.75. Subscribing-Membership, $3.00 yearly.

Important Announcement

Beginning with January 1930, the magazine will be issued eight times a year, instead of quarterly except the summer months. The subscription price will remain the same. Single copies will be $.50. All subscriptions received before December 1 will include the December issue free.

Write Department C Progressive Education Association, 10 Jackson Place, Washington, D. C.

Date Please enroll me as a Subscribing-Member in the Progressive Education Association. It is understood that I am to receive the December issue free. Enclosed is my check for $3.00.

Name Address [Page 216]

BOOK OF THE MONTH

IN THIS SPACE EACH MONTH WORLD UNITY WILL RECOMME ONE CURRENT WORK WHICH CAN PROFITABLY BE READ BY ALL WHO SEEK TRUE UNDERSTANDING OF THE NATURE OF WORLD AFFAIRS

December 1929 Selection

"LEARNING AND LEADERSHIP" by ALFRED ZIMMERN

Lectures delivered at the Genera School of International Studies

"Man's needs and desires have brought about a world-wide civiliza- tion. His next task is to discover its institutions."

This work is a study of the needs and possibilities of international intellet cooperation, dealing with the new environment evolved since the war, and problem of its control in terms of education.

ORDER BLANK FOR BOOK ONLY OR COMBINED WITH SUBSCRIPTION TO WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORP. 4 EAST 12TH STREET NEW YORK

I enclose $2.00 for "LEARNING AND LEADERSHIP." (Or) I enclose $4.75 for "LEARNING AND LEADERSHIP" combined with year's scription (regular price $3.50) to World Unity Magazine.