World Unity/Volume 6/Issue 4/Text

WORLD UNITY

A Monthiy Magazine for those who seek the world outlook

JoHN HERMAN RANDALL, Editor Horace Hoi.ey, Managing Editor

CONTENTS

JULY, 1930 1¢ Tower of Philosophy Frontispiece orld Depression Editorial in Business Underwrite Peace? F. Emerson Andrews

ternational Cooperation Since the War Herbert Adams Gibbons

ternational Labor Organization Albert Thomas he Movement Toward Internationalism John Herman Randall he Hidden Meaning of the Naval Treaty Brent Dow Allinson ace and the War Loans A Revisionist

Report of World Unity Foundation Reading List on World Unity Round Table

ORLD UNITY MAGAZINE is published by WorLD UNITY PUBLISHING CoRPORA- N, 4 East 12th Street, New York City: Mary RuMsEY Movius, president; RACE HOLLEY, vice-president; FLORENCE MORTON, treasurer; JOHN HERMAN \NDALL, secretary. Published monthly, 35 cents a copy, $3.50 a year in the uted States and in all other countries (postage included). THE WorLD UNITY FLISHING CORPORATION and its editors welcome correspondence on articles ated to the aims and purposes of the magazine. Printed in U. S. A. Contents pytighted 1930 by WorLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION. �[Page 224]

Reproduced from “The Metropolis of Tomorrow" by Hugh Ferriss. Ives Washburn, Publishers.

THE TOWER OF PHILOSOPHY �[Page 225]WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Vor. VI Jury, 1930 : No. 4

EDITORIAL CN WORLD DEPRESSION

A New Challenge to the International Mind

HE first quickening of international consciousness was,

of course, the European War. Its interpreter, Woodrow

Wilson, focussed the hope of all war-ridden peoples that

the nations might organize for world peace. The historical deposit made by this hope is the League of Nations. This period, now past, represents the foundation of political world conscious- ness, an achievement whose significance can only be estimated by the sum total of the agony suffered by mankind between 1914 and 1918.

In the estimation of many students, we have now definitely entered an era of general economic depression, the extent and duration of which no one can foresee. If, however, we hold to the faith that world peace is the immediate objective of human evolution, it is possible to assert that the economic depression will last as long, and drive as deep, as necessary in view of our need to learn the second great lesson of the new age—that business is a Means to a spiritual end, and not an end in itself. Having ex- perienced the truth that war no longer produces the fruits of victory, we face the necessity of the next step in the development of consciousness, the understanding that world peace is far larger than the scope of treaties between sovereign states, for it includes a new order of justice between all human beings.

The burden of reparations and war debts, the stock market crash in the fall of 1929, the menace of high tariff and immigration exclusion policies—these are the incidents and conditions which, in the readjustment long due in economic theory and practice,

correspond to the incidents and conditions marking the outbreak 225 �[Page 226]226 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

of the European War. Unemployment and lack of purchasing power commensurate with decent human needs are tragic potenti- alities which may be likened to the more obvious suffering under- gone by armies and navies in that military conflict. While, for millions of individuals in China and elsewhere, the issue now is one of physical survival, just as it was for the soldiers forced by draft to take up arms, the element of mental agony is far more pronounced. The battle today is one of minds rather than of arms

Why, fundamentally, should there be the slightest possibility of any really severe world depression?

Whatever the economist, dealing with trade factors alone, may affirm, the ultimate answer seems to be that the race cannot yet support the moral weight of world cooperation. We continue instinctively to look for strife and competition. Our loyalty and our understanding seek fulfilment in partisanship that implies victory or defeat.

The inertia of long ages of physical struggle dominates our minds and hearts far into the new age when the human mind has been given the key to nature's infinite wealth. We erect emotional stockades against a foe whose existence is but the shadow of our own unreasoning fear.

Hence the true cause of world depression. Hence too, the larger purpose of the vast new experience humanity will surely undergo during the coming decade unless economic peace can be dramatized as Wilson dramatized political peace. To the argument that a shortened working day is required in order to meet the problem of increasing technological unemployment, we may add the more fundamental observation that a shortened working day is necessary for that study and meditation by which alone can men learn those fundamental laws of human relationship whose shattered and ineffective fragments are still disguised as ‘‘politics’’, ““economics’’, ‘‘religion’’ and other sciences manifestly incap- able of solving the problems of the modern world. �[Page 227]CAN BUSINESS UNDERWRITE PEACE?

by F. EMerson ANDREWS

I

NDER date of November 20, 1929, Mr. Edward N. Hurley, war-time chairman of the United States Shipping Board, submitted to the International Chamber of Commerce a plan for the world’s industrial leaders to unite against

war. From the conventional viewpoint, his list of peacemakers is probably the most extraordinary ever assembled. It includes such names as Charles M. Schwab, chairman of the Bethlehem Steel Corporation; Owen D. Young and Gerard Swope of the General Electric Company; Harvey Firestone of the Firestone Rubber Company; Pierre S. du Pont; John D. Ryan of the Ana- conda Copper Mining Company; Walter S. Teagle of the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey; many other industrialists of like calibre, including those of England and Continental Europe.

By an irony of coincidence the same papers which carried the names of these new proposed makers of peace carried aJso in another column the report of the final obsequies for Georges Clemenceau. In this column were the names of most of the men who were meeting in Versailles just ten years ago, dictating the terms of peace. The new list of peace-makers included not one name from the old list.

A still more notable contrast was furnished earher in 1929 when a group of ‘‘business men anxious to obtain effective re- sults’ Cas they described themselves) met in Paris for the purpose of arranging a workable reparations agreement to patch up the peace settlement made by the diplomats ten years earlier. The roster of this group of ‘‘business men”’ read like a financial Who's Who of the world, and included such names as J. P. Morgan,

227 �[Page 228]228 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Owen D. Young, Thomas W. Lamont, Dr. Hjalmar Schacht, Emile Moreau, Sir Josiah Stamp, and Emile Francqui. What they really thought about politicians and diplomats may be seen perhaps more clearly than they intended in the concluding para- graph of their report, which was contained also in the earlier Dawes report: ‘‘We regard our report as an indivisible whole. It is not possible, in our opinion, to achieve any success by sclect- ing certain of our recommendations for adoption and rejecting others, and we would desire to accept no responsibility for the results of such a procedure nor for undue delay in giving execu- tion to our Plan.”’ II

It seems evident that business is executing a complete ‘‘about- face’ in its attitude toward war. The Marxian school had attrib- uted almost all war to industrialism. Conservative historians had stressed economic causes of war and had traced in blood the course of dollar diplomacy. The trial of Mr. Shearer has given recent emphasis to the attitude that business is something to be promoted at almost any cost. Up to recent years war had clearly been regarded as good business for the victor nation. Bismarck called it ‘‘Realpolitik,’"—the only sort of maneuvering with material effectiveness. It seemed that in no other possible way could one obtain the large profits and advantages so easily won by a well-planned war. The peace movement was chiefly in the hands of women, labor, and the less militant of the religious groups, with contributions from diplcmats in weak countries until they could form an alliance sufficiently strong. The peace motive was almost solely humanitarian.

The emphasis is now suddenly changed. The cash register is taking a place at the head of the peace table, and taking it hard-headedly, with expressed distrust of even the earlier peace groups, which have been known to stampede in a crisis. Mr. Hurley expresses it a little bombastically: ‘‘Battlements of mora! purpose often have been washed away by floods of passion easily drawn from the wells of primitive instinct by chauvinistic dema- �[Page 229]CAN BUSINESS UNDERWRITE PEACE? 229

gogues. Political machinery is notoriously subject to the same kind of mishaps . . .”’

The reasons for this sudden shift will bear examining. For, in view of history, no one is likely to accuse business of purely humanitarian motives.

| III

Probably the profitableness of successful war was first called into serious question by the results of the World War. Examined in the perspective of a little more than ten years, the ledgers of victor and victim have not seemed to bear out the old rules of profit and loss.

Germany, surrendering unconditionally and burdened with the heavy penalties of a hard peace, is today economically sound. Her mark is at par (via a virtual bankruptcy, it is true), her people at work, and her industry notably expanding. The Young Committee, after a thorough survey of the country, has found her financial position so favorable that the reparations payment for 1930 has been fixed at 1,707,900,000 gold marks. Thanks to the terms of the peace, she is removed from the expensive race in competitive armaments. While her individual citizens may suffer from heavy taxes for reparations payments up to the year 1988, these very payments seem to insure for her a commanding economic position. In the words of a recent observor, ‘‘Germany has been condemned to prosperity."’

France was a victor nation. Her franc has been stabilized at about four cents, one-fifth of its normal value. Reparations have proved something of a liability thus far. In 1923 her min- ister of finance reported that up to that time ‘‘the various pay- ments that have been made barely cover the expenses of our army of occupation.’’ Moreover, for lack of gold many of the payments have to be made in goods. M. Herriot in an address before the Chamber of Deputies related how French manufac- turers had come to him and ‘‘actually wept"’ in their pleas to remove these payments before French industry be entirely ruined.

This is not at all the picture of ‘‘Woe to the vanquished"’ �[Page 230]230 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE ~

or spoils for the victor that earlier experience of war led one to expect. A number of men began examining the economic set-up for an explanation. On the theoretical side work of outstanding importance was done by Dr. James T. Shotwell, who edited an ‘Economic and Social History of the War’’ in 150 fat volumes (not all completed), containing contributions from outstanding economic and political authorities in all the warring countrics His conclusions and those of other students of the new enigma have resulted in an entirely new conception of the relation of war to business. It is no longer ‘‘calculable in its effects or even in its direction,’’ and is at best a blind gamble in which both principals are nearly certain to lose. This same conclusion, driven home by the hard logic of facts, is accountable for the new posi- tion of big business at the world's peace table. The economists are simply explaining the observed facts and pointing out what may be expected of the future.

IV

Several factors enter into the new economic set-up, and since all of these are becoming increasingly operative, the day of war as a profitable business venture seems definitely at an end.

The first consideration is the decreasing relative value ot: land. During the long agricultural era the wealth of a nation was roughly proportional to the arable land. Conquest of such land meant the acquisition of just so much present and future wealth. With the process of industrialization land suddenly lost its conspicuous value, and big cities with movable factories and working populations became the seat of wealth. Conquest ot an industrial country might simply paralyze the industry or drive it to a new footing elsewhere. The fruits of victory had turned mercuric, so that one might not grasp them.

Reduced to the single denominator, a farmer might be driven off his farm with a shotgun, and his land obtained with all its standing crop and future fertility. But if a blacksmith were driven from his shop with the same shotgun, only an old anvil would �[Page 231]CAN BUSINESS UNDERWRITE PEACE? 231

remain. The blacksmith with his bulging muscles and his skill might set up a forge elsewhere and the people who liked his kind of horse-shoes would follow him there. The new industrial system is makin'g blacksmiths by the wholesale, and against a thoroughly industrialized country war is futile.

The blacksmith’s profits may be obtained by other means, however. One may make better horse-shoes and take away his trade, or one may make something the blacksmith wants. Con- quest of an industrial country is to be achieved, not by gun- powder, but by favorable trade relations. Canada and the United States have conquered each other in just this fashion. The most ardent devotee of the war system will find it difficult to mention one additional advantage that either country might gain by the most successful of military conquests. If the United States of Europe materializes as a genuine economic union, few things will remain there to fight for.

One of those few things, however, will be ore-bearing land. This remains conquerable, and its value will increase as indus- trialization spreads. This back-eddy in the otherwise strong cur- rent of industry against war may be a point of future infection. Considerable heat broke out among the financial experts of the Young Committee and smoulders still in their evasive summary:

“The German Experts laid stress on the question of natural re- sources available to Germany, whether within her borders or not, and on Germany’s capacity to pay as affected thereby.’’— Part 4, Report of the Committee of Experts.

Aside from the land question, the new industrial order makes war unprofitable or at least extremely hazardous through its system of world-wide credits and international trade. As Dr. Shotwell once put it, “‘The frontiers of countries no longer run along their boundaries.’’ The whole world has got tied up into a complicated economic web, and when one thread is pulled the web may take a new and entirely unpredictable shape. When a country declares war, it may no longer be certain which nations will be its allies and which its foes. Germany in 1914 counted upon the assistance or at least the benevolent neutrality of Italy. �[Page 232]232 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

A conference of a few international bankers might cripple a country more than a Waterloo. Even victory itself may dis- astrously shift the economic web until former allies turn foes and one's own manufacturers ‘‘come weeping.”

One of the ironies of 1914 is that by fighting for a place in the sun Germany lost the one she was then getting. All over the world the trademark ‘Made in Germany’’ was trumpeting the fame of German industry. One could not buy a ten-cent tin flute or a hundred-thousand-dollar telescope lens without con- tributing to her wealth and being reminded of her industria! greatness. Then with a little gunpowder and in the name of conquest she shut off all her profits and her avenues of trade and went down to ruin. Now the victors have just finished a repara- tions agreement well calculated to force Germany industry again into world leadership,—all in the name of punishment. One suspects that the gods hold their sides with laughter.

These are a few of the facts that have disturbed the pockct

nerve of big business. The result has been characteristically direct. Already a Bank of International Settlements has been organized to take care of present points of friction and vaguely to provide a credit control against future crises. Now big business, in the person of the International Chamber of Commerce, is invited by Mr. Hurley to organize its own industrial pact to prevent future wars by controlling essential raw materials. Direct and speedy action is recommended. Writes Mr. Hurley: ‘'Fortunately, the task of preventing war by control of raw materials need not wait upon further research or statistical surveys. There is not even need to defer to the tricks and prejudices of domestic politics or the red tape and etiquette of conventional diplomacy. All that is necessary is for the great industrialists of the world to OO sa” It appears that the cash register may seize the head position at the peace table by main force. It remains to be seen whether business can and will organize peace as effectively as it has at times organized war. �[Page 233]NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM

by

Hersert ApAMs GIBBONS Hifforian

a

INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION SINCE THE WORLD WAR (Concluded)

EFORE leaving the League of Nations, we must speak of its effort towards a limitation of armaments. As far as the League machinery is concerned, the effort has been an honest one. But there has been a lack of sincerity on the

part of its dominant members that does not as yet give much hope for tangible results. The World War should have been a great lesson:to all the nations involved in it. In the Treaty of Versailles the dictated disarmament of Germany was justified by a promise that the other nations would take concerted steps to limit similarly their own armaments. Lord Asquith, commenting upon this undertaking in a public speech in England, said that unilateral disarmament of a temporarily helpless foe would prove to be a constructive step toward world peace only if it were followed by universal limitation of armaments. The League of Nations recognized the truth of this statement, as did the Presi- dent of the United States, by calling a conference to discuss armament limitation.

One of the first acts of President Harding was to issue invita- tions for a conference to meet in Washington on the third anni- versary of the armistice. The agenda was wisely limited in scope. It was decided that five Powers—those who had navies—should endeay or to reduce by treaty the number of capital ships, and that four other powers should be invited to participate with the five naval Powers in the discussion of questions relating to the

Pacific, especially to China. 233 �[Page 234]234 =«* WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

The Nine-Power treaties stabilizing conditions in the Far East, reiterating the open door principle in regard to China, abolishing foreign post offices in China, and promising negotia- tions for restoring Chinese tariff autonomy, were not so success- ful. The Chinese civil war was an excuse for delaying the carrying out of the tariff autonomy promise; and the fact that Russia and Germany did not participate in the treaties vitiated them. The Chinese situation is still uncertain. As a precedent for later action, however, these treaties were a contribution to world peace and to the realization of China's legitimate aspirations.

In the economic field two great problems have engaged the attention of the nations since the World War: tariffs and interna- tional financial obligations arising from the war.

An economic conference was held at Genoa in 1922, in which Russia and Germany as well as the victorious powers participated. Many practical questions of interchange in commerce and of international communications and credits were discussed. Politi- cal considerations prevented tangible results. It became evident during the course of the conference that the grave economic problems that prevented European rehabilitation could not be solved in a gathering in which so many conflicting interests were at stake and in which the attitude towards Russia and Germany was still that of suspicion and actual hostility. The two ostra- cized powers made things worse by announcing the conclusion of a commercial treaty between themselves.

But France had to live in the same continent with Russia and Germany. Realizing this, she eventually recognized Soviet Russia, after direct negotiations, and renewed diplomatic rela- tions with her. Similarly, the French and German foreign min- isters held direct conversations, and finally came to an agreement with each other, which was subscribed to by Great Britain and Italy, at Locarno, after France's punitive expedition in the Ruhr had brought no positive result except an alarming further depre- ciation of French currency. Locarno was a step towards world peace because Germany recognized the permanency of the western frontier with France, agreed to negotiate a commercial treaty with �[Page 235]INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION SINCE THE WORLD WAR 235

France, to enter the League of Nations as a permanent member of the Council, and to abide by the decision of a committee of experts in settlement of the reparations question. |

International financial obligations have retarded the normal rapprochement among the nations engaged in the war far more than any other problem. The settlement of international debts has kept Europe from recovering financial equilibrium, and has put a wedge between the European peoples and the Americans.

By the Treaty of Versailles Germany bound herself to pay the war losses of the victors, including pensions. No definite amount was fixed. Germany was to pay all she could, and she recognized Cin the treaty!) that the utmost limit of her capacity to pay would not compensate the victors for the damage they had suffered on land and sea, and their budget charges for pensions. The idea of the framers of the treaty was to put Germany juri- dically in a position where, no matter what she paid, she would still owe more, and would thus remain in bondage to the victors. At any time, say fifty years, after the treaty had been signed, its terms would still enable the victors to argue that Germany had not even paid the interest on her obligations, and actually owed them more than she did when the war ended.

For this reason Germany tried to get a definite sum of indem- nities written into the treaty; and ever since the war she kept asking that the global sum be stipulated. Negotiations came to nothing, as far as fixing the total of German indebtedness was concerned, because the victors insisted that whatever Germany paid would not acquit her of her obligation. Therefore they had the right to wait and assess the annual indemnities on the basis of Germany's capacity to pay. From the viewpoint of international relations the uncertainty that this attitude created was deplorable. Despite the better feeling between France and Germany, following Locarno and the signing of a commercial treaty, the failure to present a definite bill to Germany, on the payment of which she would: be quit of reparations obligations, retarded cooperation for the economic rehabilitation of Europe. It gave France the excuse, also, to maintain an army of occupation in the Rhineland. �[Page 236]236 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

This abnormal situation, long years after the war has ended, pre- vented the restoration of peace for a decade after the war ended. Until the Young Plan was adopted in 1929, we were still in a pro- visional era—under an armistice, one might say.

Germans are a unit in repudiating the war guilt verdict of Versailles. But they admit the necessity—and to a certain extent the justice—of their obligation to pay a large indemnity for the damage done in France and Belgium by the invasion of their armies and on sea by the activities of their submarines. They philosophically accept the fact that they lost the war. They wanted to have the reparations question settled as soon as pos- sible, so that they could get the French out of the Rhineland and have a solid basis under their feet for internal economic rehabili- tation and for international financial relations. The French claimed that the invasion of the Ruhr was necessary to make German public opinion realize the necessity of a reparations set- tlement. That may be true. We must not forget the existence in Germany of the irreconcilable element. But it was equally truc that the Ruhr business opened the eyes of the French to the need of making reparations a question for financial experts rather than politicians if they ever wanted to see any real money.

Hence the Dawes Commission. We cannot go into the story of its formation and the plan that it devised. It was unable to accomplish everything that it thought necessary to be done. It was limited in its powers—even in the scope of its discussions. Had the experts been given a free hand, they would certainly have settled once for all the problem of German reparations by bar- gaining with the German Government on the total sum. Then, having fixed the global amount, the terms of its payment could have been arranged. As it was, they did the best they could by deciding upon a sliding scale of payments for five years, to be received by a non-political Reparations Commission permanently located in Berlin, which was to have a supervision of the revenues guaranteeing the payments and by agreeing that no sums should be withdrawn from Germany that would upset her recently- acquired financial stability. Because of the protection thus prom- �[Page 237]INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION SINCE THE WORLD WAR 237

ised German currency, the Government accepted the Dawes Plan. But it stated that it was not sure that the maximum sum sect could be paid. That was for the future to decide.

In German reparations and the Dawes Commission, with the only partial success attained, some observers saw nationalism at work, in its destructive mood. They pointed out German recal- citrancy and French insistence upon the pound of flesh. They showed how politics limited the work of the experts. The real reason for France's attitude on reparations, they told us, was the desire to hold firmly to the occupation of the Rhineland by making it impossible for Germany not to default on her payments. Germany was painted in France as a potential menace—a wild animal whose claws had to be kept clipped. On the other hand, German nationalists, fishing in these troubled waters, preached the impossibility of ever satisfying France and the inevitable new recourse to the God of battles.

But if we look beneath the surface we see that the Dawes Commission marked a step forward in international cooperation. My exceptionally close contacts with men who have molded and who are still molding public opinion in France and Germany have given me an impression quite different from what one gets who pays heed to the noisy manifestations of superpatriots. Since the Ru! avasion Franc: ana Germany are bound together, rather than separated, by the reparations question. More than that, other countries have become more closely linked in vital interests with both France and Germany. The work of the Dawes Commission—an international group—and the splendid spirit exhibited in following its recommendations were due to inter- national cooperation, not vo German good faith or to French acceptance of modifications aione.

Before the end of 1929 political exigencies yielded to practical common sense in the settlement—once and for all—of the German reparations question. The Dawes Plan was only a compromise—- a provisional modus vivendi. It was intended that another meeting of experts would convene after the plan had been given a trial. This financial conference, in whose councils bankers predomi- �[Page 238]238 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

nated, was held in Paris in the spring of 1929. It decided upon definite German annuities for fifty-seven years, after which the debtor would be free, and for payment through an internationa! bank, to be created by the interested governments.

The outcome of the deliberations of the experts at the end of the third decade of the twentieth century, ten years after the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, and incorporated in the Young Plan, made more interdependent than ever the basic financial systems of European countries. In 1911, war was said to have been prevented over Agadir because of interlocking financial interests But war did come in 1914. How disastrous it was for all nations is only just now being realized. And there is a new influence, not felt in 1911 or 1914, the American bankers, whose participation is essential to a permanent settlement of any international financial problem of Europe. When we think that since the war American investments have increased tremendously in Latin America alse. it will readily be scen how the money markets of all the world are interested in German reparations. Once this question was settled, the private investment field in France and Germany, as well as international exchange, benefited materially.

Above I quoted the Scriptural observation, ‘‘Where your treasure is there will your heart be also.”’ It is worth repeating here. His biographers tell us that Julius Caesar's start in public life was due to the amount of money he owed. His creditors could not see him fail When reparation payments flow naturally. with non-political guaranties, into the coffers of France, Great Britain, and other creditor countries, they will become an accus- tomed item of budget revenue that cannot be dispensed with Hence the health of the golden goose will be a matter of importance.

It 1s the same with private investments of other countrics Germany cannot pay the Young Plan annuities unless she gets a lot of money for her home industries. The golden eggs cannot be laid ualess the goose is fed. Every large investment made bv Americans or Britishers in Germany binds the three countries more closely together. They have one another's welfare increas- �[Page 239]INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION SINCE THE WORLD WAR 239

ingly at heart. This same observation extends to all international loans. You are perforce vitally interested in the well-being and srosperity of your debtors for the same reason that you are interested in the prosperity of companies whose stocks and bonds vou hold.

But there is a cloud on the horizon. It has been there ever since the Entente premiers proposed to President Wilson during the Peace Conference that some inter-Allied arrangement should be made, at the time the treaties were signed, concerning the indebt- edness of European countries to the United States. Before we entered the war, Entente countries owed considerable sums to American bankers, and they had out large short-term credits in the United States. When we became an associate of the Entente Powers in 1917, we began to lend them large sums of money, at nrst to protect their credit in this country and then to extend it for the continued and larger buying of supplies. Part of the money Great Britain borrowed from us went to settle purchases f smaller allies which she had guaranteed. Half of what we loaned to France was advanced to her after the armistice to «ttle outstanding obligations to America to buy foodstuffs, and to finance the purchase of the vast American army stocks in France. To help win the war we loaned moncv to virtually all of

- states banded against Germany, including sume, like Armenia, .at did not exist, and others, like Liberia, that were not con- tributing directly to the military effort. At the end of 1917, the Kerensky Government was overthrown in Russia. But we con- tinued to lend its ambassador in this country large sums, although he had been definitely dismissed by the new government that exercised effective administrative control at Petrograd and Moscow.

These loans, which amounted to about ten billions of dollars, were between governments. Congress authorized them. The money to make them was raised by bonds sold by popular sub- ‘cription chroughout the United States, and was paid to the Allied Governments by the American treasury, which took the receipt of the agents of the countries concerned. From the begin- �[Page 240]240 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

ning the American Government regarded these loans like any other transactions among Allies. They were obligations, to be met within a reasonable time or to be allowed to run with reasonable interest. But ever since the Peace Conference European countries, notably France, took the stand that the moneys advanced by the United States were contributions to the common cause, aid did not balance what they had expended in blood and treasure, and what they had suffered from devastation and loss of revenues through enemy invasion and occupation. The French, for instance, pointed out that they had lost three million dead and wounded, and that one-sixth of their country (from the view- point of revenue and population) had been in the hands of the Germans for four years. The American Government, however, sustained by public opinion, took the ground that the loans had been ordinary commercial transactions.

War debts became a burning question. Our government finally ‘‘invited’’ the debtor governments to pay or fund their obliga- tions. Commissions came over here, and you know how acrimo- nious were the discussions over terms of settlement. At first it looked as if we were bidding for the rdle of Shylock. But finally Congress authorized the Debt Funding Commission to make sweeping reductions in interest charges. A settlement was made first with Great Britain, and then with every other debtor except France. The Franco-American agreement was not ratified by the Chamber of Deputies until the summer of 1929, and only then after the French Government made a last-minute desperate effort at Washington to secure modification of the terms of the settle- ment.

Aside from the fact that the French think that they do not owe us this money, the obstacles to acceptance by French public opinion of the debt settlement are the reparations question and the debt owed by France to Great Britain. The British have told the French that they will ask from them only as much as they (the British) are bound to pay to the Americans; and that if the Americans ever forego the money owed them, they (the British) will forego their claims against France. The French say that they �[Page 241]INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION SINCE THE WORLD WAR 24I

are willing to pay the United States so long as Germany pays them; but that they cannot be expected to bind themselves to continue to pay the United States should Germany default on the Young annuities. The United States refuses to see any connection between German reparations and the French debt to us. There it will rest, an academic question so long as Germany pays her obligations under the Young Plan. But every year the growing generation in France will like Americans less.

‘I have tried to present a clear, if not detailed, picture of the war debt problem. It is important that we have this question in mind, and link it up with the reparations—as European peoples do—in order that we can grasp the full implications arising today in the world from the existence of these huge international obligations. Private debts, between individuals of two nations, or between a nation and private interests of another nation, have always existed, and are generally taken care of (except in backward or defaulting countries) by the ordinary banking processes. But these are debts between states, and they cannot come under general commercial rules. How are the sums due in interest and amortization to be transferred each year without upsetting exchanges? More than that, is it possible at all to transfer them jn any other way than by goods and services? What is going to happen if they are not paid? What precedents will be created? How are international relations, economic and political, affected? What social implications arise from the contracting of a certain form of economic servitude by one nation to another to extend for two generations beyond the time the money was borrowed and spent?

Reluctantly—for the subject is fascinating—we must forego the temptation to discuss these problems. Of two only shall we speak, because of their influence upon international cooperation: ‘1) affording facilities of payment, and (2) the long term of the payment contract.

We have said that there seems to be no means known to economists other than goods and services whereby enormous sums can be transferred from one country to another year after year �[Page 242]242 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

without upsetting exchanges. Most countries import foodstuffs or raw materials, or both, and certain types of machinery and fuel. To pay these bills they have to export. To export means having markets that will take your goods. The only sums avail- able for the payment of back debts are those that accrue to the credit of the country abroad through an excess of exports over imports. In the balance of trade, a favorable balance can be created also by the sale of services. This means insurance, mari- time transport, the use of laborers most of whose earnings arc sent back home, or catering to tourist traffic.

While the Dawes plan was in operation, Germany borrowed so much from the United States that she had available credits abroad for the transfer of indemnity payments. Because France wanted large public works completed, Germany was able to acquit a part of her annual payments by services rendered 11 French ports and highways. But both these sources of payment will soon come to a natural end. France therefore must send an enormous number of tourists to Germany, and she must buy lots of German goods. The same with Great Britain, if she wants lots of money from Germany. Similarly, if France is to pay great sums to the United States, and what she does for tourists is not sufficient, she must export to the United States. She has no laborers to send there. But have we not by our prohibition and our high tariff on silks, perfumes, and articles de Paris limited the market for France in the United States? Our immigration law deprives Italy of the large sums that used to accrue to her in the trade balance with us through laborers’ remittances. How are France and Italy to pay us? That is the practical question.

France has one other way, and that is to transfer to us directly the reparations annuities coming from Germany. This has been frequently proposed. It could be done by assigning to us the payments under the Young Plan, or by funding the German reparations, and having American investors buy the bonds. This would not solve the problem, as far as we are concerned, of how we are going to get our money. If it was to come from Germany instead of France, the same question would arise: do we want �[Page 243]INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION SINCE THE WORLD WAR 243

German goods or services? Another inconvenience to this scheme, from the American viewpoint, would be that we should become for two generations Germany's taskmaster. You know how the nublican is regarded!

Ic seems like a hopeless problem, does it not, the double problem of reparations and war debts? But it has its bright side, its very bright side, when we view it from the standpoint of international cooperation. For whatever solution is found, it is bound to tend toward a broader internationalism.

It is impossible to envisage the cancellation of inter-Allied debts unless it is accompanied by a sweeping reduction of German reparations. Considering the attitude of the Administra- tion and of public opinion, cancellation or radical reduction of war debt settlements seems unlikely. And if we go on collecting from the British, as there is every reason to believe that we shall do, they will go collecting from the French and the Germans and others. British commerce with Central Europe means a lot. Private American interests have invested sums of great magnitude in Germany since the war. If the British and ourselves, therefore, should agree to excuse the continental European debtors from inter-Allied debts, we should stipulate their waiving reparations. It hardly sounds possible, given conditions as they are today. But if it did happen, the improvement in international relations, material as well as moral, would be immeasurable.

Now if we continue, on the other hand, to exact repayment, and if the Entente Powers continue to exact reparations, things will happen exceedingly helpful to the cause of international cooperation. Whatever scheme of payment is devised is in itself a form of international cooperation. We shall find, of course, that considerably lower tariffs are essential, and we may come to a modification of our immigration policy. We shall have to give special facilities, too, to the shipping of our debtors, and patronize it liberally, so that they will have credit balances to pay us the annual sums they owe us. French and British, in turn, will have to establish intimate trade relationships with Germans, and treat them as we shall have to treat our debtors. �[Page 244]244 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

War debts and reparations may turn out to be a blessing in disguise. Anything that calls the world’s attention to the evils of artificial restriction of trade hastens the coming of world peace. For reasons already explained, measuzes enacted to enhance the exclusive privileges of one national group at the expense of another make for war. There are circumstances under which tariffs and immigration restriction laws seem reasonable. They do appear to be to the advantage of the United States at the present moment. But is there any way that we can get our ten billion dollars back plus interest, and maintain these barriers? The war debts, in the course of th: next decade, are bound to give the American people furiously to think. High tariff? Severe immigration restriction?

The ‘‘best minds’’ among American bankers, executives of great corporations, and merchants, studied the post-bellum situa- tion in Europe several years ago. They came to the conclusion that the division of the continent into many states, made worse by the results of the war, each with its own vexatious tariff schedules and passport regulations, was the most serious impediment to economic rehabilitation and constituted a menace to world peace. So they issued a manifesto, with an impressive list of signatures. What did they advise? The breaking down of tariff barriers, and freedom of transit and of entry and exit. Free trade and unre- stricted intercourse of peoples formed their remedy for the ills from which Europe was suffering.

Given the eminenc its signers and the conservative Republican views of many of them, the manifesto created a sensation on both sides of the Atlantic. Some of the signers hastened to come out with declarations of their belief in severe immigration restriction and high tariff for the United States. We did not need, in their opinion, the medicine prescribed for Europe. But if we take a world-wide view of international relations, why not? The signers of the manifesto were interested in the quick rehabilitation of European countries because they were debtors both to the American Government and to the American interests over which these gentlemen presided. Thank God for the debts, if they can open our eyes to the folly of artificial barriers! �[Page 245]INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION SINCE THE WORLD WAR) 245

The second point is the long period of time for which cred- itors ask debtors to commit their countries. A thoughtful French- man, for whose opinion I have the greatest respect, said to me recently at dinner in his home in Paris that the most iniquitous feature of the Mellon-Berenger agreement was that it committed France to payments over two generations, with the burden of the heaviest payment falling on a generation yet unborn. ‘‘Think of the social implication,’’ he said. ‘‘The children born in France during the next thirty years will grow to manhood with the burden of a heavy tribute to be paid to your children’s children, to which the French nation was committed by men who died long before they were born. If such an agreement holds, it will poison the relations between our two nations. It will make the French hate the Americans with a holy hatred, and this will not be a very pleasant country for Americans to visit after the burden of these payments has been weighing down on one generation and automatically increases for the next.’’

Now there is no doubt that in the year 1950 a German is not going to think any differently about paying money to France than a Frenchman is going to think about paying money to the United States. Neither will give much thought to why the obliga- tion exists. The fact of it will be enough to make the debtor see red. If the nations have not repudiated these obligations before that time, or if they do not do so then, it will be only because of military or economic pressure successfully brought to bear upon them by the creditor. .

At the very least it will mean white-heat nationalism, kept at that poiut by the sense of a great injustice. It will probably mean war.

However, things are not likely to go that far. The Entente Powers will be ready some day to modify the Young Plan pay- ments, and then agree to accept a lump sum, which Germany will fund commercially and pay, to ge- rid of the past. Similarly, the Unitca States will make a drastic reduction in the funding agree- ments with her European debtors. In the meantime, the working out of the modus vivendi of payments all around, with the aid of �[Page 246]246 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

international financiers, will bring debtor and creditor nations together more closely than ever before. Their interdependence will be accentuated.

So we see the silver lining in the clouds. While one could say that it is astonishing that so many unsolved problems remain, so many unsettled questions, after all these years of peace, it is equally possible to say that amazing and unexpected progress has been made in bringing the world back to normal after what was an iconoclastic world crisis.

Now we are coming to the end. Nationalism has its place in the scheme of things. That has been clearly proved. It is something concrete and tangible, and is not ever going to be replaced by internationalism. At heart we are all nationalists. We love our own country. We live for her. We would die for her. European nationalism has longer and stronger roots than American. The nationalism of non-Caucasian peoples has not yet taken the same form that it has taken in Europe, in the British Dominions, in the United States and in Latin America. But as the Orient becomes more completely bound up with our economic system, its nation- alism will have the symptoms of ours and will express itself in our way, as it has done in Japan. We have to expect that, and face the day when our political control will end in Asia and Africa.

If we have not as yet developed in America the strong national consciousness of most European countries, we are on the way to it. Even at our present stage there is more civic intelligence, more community spirit, more appreciation of the value and more knowledge of the functions of national govern- ment, in the United States than in any other country. I speak not of the elite, but of the general average. The American primary school, working on good material that lives under favorable economic conditions, is responsible for our high standard of citizenship.

But is that the only reason? Is not American nationalism an experiment in internationalism? The impossibility of arriving at a fair approximation of national origins in 1790 has been ac- �[Page 247]INTERNATIONAI. COOPERATION SINCE THE WORLD WAR 247

knowledged by the commission entrusted with the task of revising quotas under the new immigration law. In the successive decades of the nineteenth century all Europe sent us immigrants. The American of today has either sixteen or sixty-four direct ancestors who were living in 1790. In almost every case some of them were still in Europe, and the man would be rash indeed who would undertake to pro e that all his blood came from one stock. Even Americans c. unmixed colonial ancestry have been subject throughout their lives, as their parents were before them, to a constantly changing cultural and economic environment of a kind that the Old World knows nothing about. With the excep- tion of negroes and Orientals, ethnic and religious minorities in the United States have not experienced political disabilities or economic handicaps. In most places they have not been dis- criminated against socially. All this has helped toward assimila- tion. But that assimilation is a kind of international product.

The people of the United States, too, have changed their habitation in successive generations. They have gone from North to South, from East to West, from plain to mountain, from mountain to plain, from hinterland to sea. They have experienced pioneer conditions and have moved from one climate to another. But on their way they met no frontiers on the other side of which were people owing allegiance to another sovereignty and grouping themselves in another nation. From the beginning of the republic there have been no tariff barriers. Raw materials, foodstuffs, and manufactured articles have moved freely in the greatest free trade area in the world. Some years before the World War the volume of trade inside the United States was as great as the international commerce of the whole world.

It is generally assumed that nationalism is per se antagonistic to internationalism. But are the two incompatible? I think not. Throughout our review of the evolution of nationalism we have seen how internationalism is the complement of nationalism. Internationalism will never replace nationalism. Each exists because the other is. One cannot be understood without the other. It is like a blackboard and chalk. One needs both in order to write. �[Page 248]248 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Pacificists get curiously muddled when they talk about the United States of Europe, and then the United States of the World. They have a vague idea that there will some day be a common world citizenship. They say that if we do not recognize the obligation to serve a particular nation or flag, the brotherhood of man will be advanced. I have even heard them argue that if we would all refuse to fight there would be no war, no friction between man and man. How can any man or woman who has raised a family take this stand? All mothers, and some fathers, know that war begins in the nursery. And if there is anything harder than for a man to get along with a woman, I suppose it is for a woman to get along with a man!

Is it paradoxical to say that peace is born of a conflict of wills? Not if we realize that individuality means more to every human being than clothes. The happiest families are those in which the members, parents and children, stoutly keep thcir individuality. It entails a certain amount of clashing, sometimes fighting, but it is fighting for peace. Families in relation to other families are the same way. Then we have the larger groups, on up to nations in relation to other nations. Communities assert their rights, and states resist the encroachment of the Federal Government. It is the same all over the world.

The good Lord put us in a certain country in the same way that he put us in a certain family. We are with our kin, and we are bound to them as they are bound to us by common interests. We share both responsibilities and privileges. Being a good family man, looking after your own before others; being a good booster for your city; being a jealous defender of local rights, does not make you less of a patriot. In fact, the one helps the other. Is it not so with the larger world citizenship? International coopera- tion has best been exemplified in the world so far by practical achievements of countries with a vigorous national life. Nation- alists ought to be the best internationalists. The hope of inter- nationalism lies in nationalism.

The End �[Page 249]THE WORLD WE LIVE IN

Men live less and less in geographical and more and more in spiritual communities. The involuntary ciements of existence tend to be limited to the regional area, the voluntary elements find increasing opportunity of self-expression through association of likeminded people selected out of the entire population by identity of interests and ideals. In this department, World Unity Magazine will publish each month a brief description of some important modern movement, voluntary in character and ,umanitarian in aim, believing chat knowledge of these activities is not only essential to the world outlook, but also offers the true remedy for the sense of isolation and loneliness which has followed the breakdown of the traditional local neighborhood.

INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION

by ALBERT THOMAS Director, International Labor Office

EN years have come and gone since the International Labor Organization was entrusted with the realization of a program of aims which were outlined in the Labor Section of the Peace Treaties.

From the outset ths Organization has had a program, byt it is in the very nature of programs—which are products of reason- ing, of ideas of justice and of the ideals of the human mind—to run foul of the stern realities of life. The young Organization had in truth to contend with unprecedented difficulties: the world-wide economic crisis of 1920-21, the financial crisis in various countries and political crises. To try at such a time to establish this international system of legislation for the protec- tion of the workers, the idea of which had forced itself on the minds of the Treaty makers at Versailles, was little short of a paradox.

From its birth, too, the Organization has had a definite con- stitution and ‘strict rules of procedure.

But it may be asked whether this constitution was really suited to the mentality and needs of the peoples who had just

249 �[Page 250]2.50 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

come through the War. Were these rules favorable to the speedy furtherance of international agreements and their application? For a century back, it is true, Robert Owen, Daniel Legrand and the Berlin Congress had, if we may use the metaphor, conceived certain laboratory experiments. In 1905 the first Convention adopted at Berne actually led to a limited application of these experiments to industry. Their adoption in their totality involved, as always, a certain risk.

On the whole, however, there is no reason to be dissatisfied with the results achieved. A part of the program has been car- ried out.

The Chairman of the Governing Body has shown by sound mathematics that an output of 62 per cent, attained by an entirely new undertaking working under the very unfavorable conditions already referred to, would be considered satisfactory by any business man who had experience of the practical difficulties to be faced.

The ratification of Conventions does not necessarily signify a new reform, fresh progress or greater well-being for the workers. It may in fact be asked whether the ratification of a Convention has an equal value in every country. On the other hand, the figures for ratifications are not sufficient to show the impulse given by the International Labor Conference. Japan has not ratified the Washington Convention for the abolition of night work for women, but it has suppressed this work for at least three-quarters of its women workers. The lively joy which this step caused was freely expressed in the dormitories of the factories. But there is no trace of this in the table of ratifications. If we pass to the question of the eight-hour day, the figures show that the Wash- ington Convention, which aims at the adoption of this principle as a universal rule, has been ratified by only fourteen countries; in some cases it is conditional and in other cases it is subject to special exceptions which have been granted. Nevertheless, it is impossible to deny the latent but definite effectiveness of this Convention. In 1921, four years before ratifying, Belgium included all the clauses of this Convention in its national legislation. Just �[Page 251]INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION 251

the other day Argentina, without ratifving all the provisions, took its text as the basis for a new Act on the eight-hour day, and the same Convention is at the basis of the present German Bill «nd the British Bill on hours of work. Mere figures cannot show that the struggle for ratification for ‘‘the eight hours’ civilization’’ has enabled the progress made in more than twenty countries to be maintained or even developed, that it has ani- mated the worker with fresh hope and for more than ten years has been the mainspring of the work of our Organization.

Allowing for these sources of error, however, we may accept the figure given by our Chairman as a true approximation.

The question now arises, at what cost, by what constitu- tional reforms and by what new methods can these figures be improved upon in the next ten years.

There must be no waiting for improved economic or political conditions. Great commanders, as Gallieni said, are always pes- simists. Those who wish to be good servants of the cause of reace must be the same, in the sense that they must boldly face the obstacles to be overcome and thus escape the risk of disillu- sionment. Their duty is merely to avoid becoming blunted by habit; their duty is to redouble their imagination and their will.

Surely there are certain material barriers which might be removed from the path. Is the form generally adopted for Con- ventions the best that can be found? Can the procedure of general Conventions cover all the possibilities of international agreement? Can all the aims of social justice be expressed in a system of international labor legislation? All these problems must be reso- lutely tackled. Experience seems to show that the procedure for amendment provided in Article 422 of the treaty is not easy to apply; but it is possible to supplement the written constitution and make it more pliable by unanimously adopted custom or by established precedent, as has happened in certain States.

Once these obstacles have been cleared, international labor legislation may proceed more rapidly on its way. The necessary impulse has been given. From now onwards Governments and Parliaments accept it without resistance. �[Page 252]292 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

After all, is not our essential task to give an impulse and to create an atmosphere?

Remember the famous saying of the Socialist Bernstein: ‘The final goal is nothing; movement is everything.’’ Interna- tional Conventions are far from being ‘‘nothing’’; they are the only exact measure of the degree to which international life already exists. But they cannot lead to ratification and application unless they are supported, as Mr. Barnes said in his report, by the creation and mobilization of humane public opinion.

Mr. Olivetti, in his able analysis, prepared for this Album,* of the origins of our constitution, insisted on the opposition in the early days between the spirit of ‘‘constraint’’ of the original British proposal and the idea of ‘‘persuasion’’ in the American proposal. I do not imagine that he wants for a moment to dis- courage us from continuing the elaboration at all costs of that international labor legislation which alone can bind States by mutual obligations. But he is very right in pointing out that the continuation of this work would be vain, nay impossible, without that exhaustive study of the problems and that action in favor of social justice which can convince Governments and peoples.

It is useless for me to recapitulate the results obtained in this sphere; no one denies them, and we are proud that the Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the Governing Body have stressed them.

After some groping and, we may admit, some mistakes, reliable methods have been found for collecting, appraising and distributing international information. A young and loyal team of workers has been trained, which keeps in touch with and enjoys the confidence of the circles concerned in each problem. Already it can even reach and move public opinion in general. It is already sufficiently conscious of its task to realize the extent of the responsibility which rests upon it.

International social science is still in its infancy. In most spheres there is no uniform basis for statistics. Similarly, there are no uniform principles for the study of wages. The systematic

The International Labour Organization 1919-1929

�[Page 253]INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION 253

exchange of information has still to be organized, even in branches where it would be most valuable, such as health and safety. In many cases, especially when sentiment and politics enter into the question, the only recourse is to the monographs published by national Governments or by individuals.

But we have the undiluted joy of realizing the immensity of the scientific work still to be accomplished, of understanding its significance and of having sketched its outlines. We have the joy of estimating with certainty its effectiveness. A discussion on native labor would have led merely to confusion and inevitable friction but for the admirable work of the section led by Grim- shaw, whose death has been such a loss to us. So also, the work begun by Pardo, the first of our staff to give his life for his work, did more than anything else to reveal the true meaning of the activity of modern Russia behind the childish mirage of Com- munist propaganda. Or again, would the Technical Conference on Mines to be held shortly have been possible but for the inquiry carried out by our services since 1925?

Proud of such results and confident for the future, our col- laborators will continue with unwearied enthusiasm to ‘‘mobilize humane public opinion."’

x* * *

Even more than the moderate, but by no means insignificant, number of ratifications; even more than the application with ever-growing fidelity of the Conventions ratified; even more than its scientific work which forms the first and even the most impor- tant part of trade libraries; even more than its edifice of wood and stone solidly built in two years and four months and well fitted for its purpose, the International Labor Organization has a still greater source of pride after these ten years—its moral influence. The Organization made vse of to a' varying degree and more or or less known in its daily working, enjoys to a steadily increasing extent the confidence of Governments and representa- tive assemblies, of administrative bodies, of industrial organiza- tions and already even of the mass of the people. �[Page 254]254 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Yet its progress has not been free from grave dangers. It came into being in the abnormal post-War period when the workers of every country, victors or vanquished, seemed, perhaps prematurely, to be called to a noble and not far distant destiny. On all sides there was talk of the accession to power of industrial organizations and the domination of organized labor. Some regarded the Office as the technical organization which could produce a ready-made legislative and administrative code for this new society. There lay a great danger. At a time when enthusiasm was bound to wane during the spell of economic depression, anything might have happened.

In point of fact, the Organization kept intact the sympathy and confidence on which it has been built up. Despite inevitable disappointments, the industrial organizations which desired and had obtained this new institution remained loyal to it. Other organizations were added to their number. The Office was not reduced to the cribbed and cabined existence of a small bureauc- racy: it has continued to breathe an atmosphere of hope.

Nay more, it has extended its influence, for in recent years distant peoples from South America and the Far East have taken a more active part in its work. From year to year the industrial congresses in Japan, China and India have been more and more preoccupied, and unfortunately also divided, by the choice of delegates to be sent to the Conference. The same Conference has been asked to settle the problems of representation raised by the first delegates of native workers from colonies and protectorates. In the older industrial States wage earners of every trade— seamen, agriculturists, salaried employees and miners—have found their means of expression within the Organization as established by Part XIII too limited, and desire to collaborate more intimately and on a more technical basis. Further, since the Permanent Court of International Justice decided, when con- sulted, that Part XIII should not be interpreted restrictively and that its Preamble provided protection for all workers without distinction, the professional workers in their turn have asked to be defended. No one can fail to be moved on seeing, in countries �[Page 255]5

INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION 255

where modern industry is only now gaining a foothold, the workers of the older system, the handicraftsmen of all classes, demanding in their turn protection or insurance.

Finally, we must recall the constant desire of the cooperative organizations in every country and of every shade of opinion to enter into close touch with the I.L.O., for these organizations are the expression of the sense of responsibility and the constructive effort of the workers.

May the Organization never turn a deaf ear to these urgent appeals. May it act with sincerity, skill and prudence, so as to coordinate all these vital forces and use them for the noble ends of social justice which it serves. May these appeals not meet with disappointment.

* *

Three great moral reasons—three great forces—should enable the Organization to face the future with ample confidence.

The first is the great authority of the International Labor Conference, which may truly be called a Parliament of Labor and a World Tribunal. These comparisons are powerless to express an imponderable quantity. The fact remains that year by year the Governments of the State Members, guided merely by what President Wilson called ‘‘the law of honor,’’ have been led almost irresistibly by the discussions of the Conference to develop their national legislation and thus smooth out the difficulties which might prevent ratification. The decisions of th “onference have only a moral value, but nevertheless they cou re and more and the mass of the workers place their hopes in _n.

In the second place, the program is still there. The fi group of reforms adopted during these ten years has done little more than outline the possibility of realization. But we still adhere entirely to the Labor Charter which was the essential innovation in the Treaties of 1919. The principles of the Preamble to Part XIII and of Article 427 still remain the basis of new measures and reforms. Their special potentialities have not yet been completely realized. �[Page 256]256 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Finally, there are at present great aspirations in the hearts and minds of the producers.

Part XIII contains a creed if not a doctrine: labor is not to be regarded merely as a commodity. The human factor counts and its inherent dignity must be respected. The undoubted improve- ment in the material situation of the workers during the last ten years has given them a greater desire for education and for moral and intellectual culeure. They have understood that the first and indispensable guarantee for such culture consists in these equitable and humane conditions of work which are solemnly promised them by the Treaties. Since then they have attached greater value to these conditions. Since then they have longed for them more earnestly and more consciously.

It is on this realization and on this longing that the future of the International Labor Organization in the last resort rests.

�[Page 257]A WORLD COMMUNITY

The Supreme Task of the Twentieth Century by

Joun Herman RanpDALL THE MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERNATIONALISM

s wE turn the pages of history we find that men commonly A pass imperceptibly from one period of historical develop-

ment to another, with a lagging self-consciousness that awakens only after the frontiers have been long left behind. The revolutionary change through which England passed during the rapid rise of the industrial age, left scarcely a trace in contemporary literature. One might suppose that the novelists and poets of that time had never heard of a factory or a steam- engine. A philosopher like Godwin could discuss at length the structure of society, without a mention of the new ruling power of industrial capital. Even Cobbett, who was painfully aware of what was happening around him, imagined that a well-directed agitation would avail to reverse the new tendencies and bring the agricultural England back again. When Robert Owen, some vears after the return of peace, compiled for the benefit of the bewildered philanthropic world of London a statistical estimate of the growth of machine production in the unknown North, it came as a staggering revelation to the ablest and most influential men of the day. The social change was already a settled and accomplished fact, before the country was ready to make the modification in its constitutional form which corresponded to the shifting of economic power from the landed to the industrial masters of England. It may be that the past generation was stumbling into the period of world-government with as little consciousness of its 457 �[Page 258]258 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

direction, but this can hardly be said of our own. We may still be unconscious of the means and methods required, but that there is a palpable drift among things toward political internationalism is unmistakably clear. Blind economic forces drive us into ever closer association. Governments feel constrained to concern them- selves, now by blunt speech, and again by active intervention, with what happens on the territories of their neighbors. We attempt in a constant succession of consultative conferences to achieve by negotiation and consent what eventually will have to be imposed by legislation. We grope after methods of settling our disputes by arbitration, shutting our eyes all the while to the need for creating a central authority which can organize for the world a solution of the problems that give rise to these disputes. We know at every turn of our economic life, as the world’s needs and the world’s crops determine a world price for cotton or wheat, that frontier boundaries have almost ceased to concern us. And yet the hard fact stands out, that a multitude of sovereign states, some effectively self-moving and independent, others mere satel- lites which must revolve in the orbits of the Greater Powers, are still attempting to maintain their tradition of a defiant inde- pendence.

As has been pointed out, the evidence of this drift toward internationalism is found in the world of culture where the new knowledge is fast breaking down old barriers, in the development and improvement of communications which annihilate distance, and in the expansion of industrialism with the growing com- plexity of world-commerce it creates. ‘‘In the last resort one might say that the advance of machinery is itself a sufficient driving force towards internationalism. The almost unlimited potentialities of modern machinery, its costliness and the conse- quent pressure upon its owners to keep it working at its full capacity—these technical considerations drive industry to seek for ever-widening markets. Mass-production may in its earlier stages foster imperialism, as the readiest means of ensuring a market as safe as it is wide. But as the pressure continues even the greatest empire becomes too narrow. The United States finds �[Page 259]THE MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERNATIONALISM 299

Canada a more valuable outlet than its own colonial possessions; as little can Great Britain neglect Europe or South America. An advanced modern industry must take the world for its market. In this sense then, frontiers tend to lose their importance. At the same time, the investments of foreign capital are breaking down the barriers hetween national states and limiting their sover- eignty. The process nas already gone so far that one may say that the national sovereign state is undergoing a slow process of decay.”’

There open now before us the possibilities of the future, if the reader is willing to enter that unexplored territory. The atmosphere may seem hazy and distant objectives rather indis- tinct, for we are peering into a region of speculation and hypothe- sis where every statement must be made suggestively rather than dogmatically. The future we are to imagine, however, is not a future divorced from the past or present, but one that grows directly out of present drifts and tendencies in the world’s life. The Great Society, which is all humanity bound together by a thousand and one new ties and relationships, has indeed come into existence; it is the most veritable fact of the twentieth cen- tury. To transform the Great Society into a World Community is the supreme task of our age. And yet in the most reassuring of senses, the World Community already exists. It exists because humanity in its finer moments has become conscious of a sym- pathy and unity that is world wide.

In order to recognize the real significance of the present drift toward internationalism and its implications for the future, it is necessary to hold clearly in mind the beginnings of this movement in the early part of the nineteenth century. The world had then practically no international organization. The Grotian system of international law was a great cementing force, though Grotius’ distinction between good and bad wars was never really accepted. Even after the beginning of the industrial revolution, and long after the changes in transportation and communication were well under way, politicians continued to think of states as sover- cignties wholly independent of each other, whose relations knew �[Page 260]260 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

no restraints except those which had grown up out of the diplo- matic traditions of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The large international congresses of the earlier half of the century, assembled in each instance to deal with acute political exigencies, did attempt some international legislation—the Congress of Vienna in 1815 promulgated legislation as to international rivers, and the Congress of Paris in 1856 laid it down as a rule that “‘free ships make free goods’’ in time of war. But no machinery existed for periodical legislation with reference to the common interests of the various states, and it was long after scientists and mer- chants had begun to build the modern unity before lawyers and politicians began any corresponding activity.

As international contacts multiplied, however, and the new Great Society began to emerge more clearly, new needs made themselves felt more and more insistently, and soon after the middle of the nineteenth century various international organiza- tions began to make their appearance. Very naturally, they had to do at the outset with contacts that might be called non- contenticus, or that did not affect in any serious way the tradi- tional view of national independence. The recognized method of transacting international business had been through a special departinent of state, the Foreign Office, or Ministry of External Affairs, with its staff of ambassadors, ministers, and consuls abroad, in regular communication with it. The Foreign Office as an institution dates back to the middle of the seventeenth century, and permanent legations, adopted by Britain, France, Spain and Germany as early as the end of the fifteenth century, became regular among the civilized states in the seventeenth century. Not only the routine business in normal times, but the conferences and congresses which supervened in times of crisis were left in the hands of Foreign Secretaries and their personnel.

But in the last half of the nineteenth century, an important if little noticed change occurred in the conduct of international relations. A number of routine matters belonging to the non- contentious class were withdrawn from the management and, in some cases, from the control of Foreign Offices, and handed to �[Page 261]THE MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERNATIONALISM 261

special bodies created by treaty for that purpose. This process was a direct and inevitable result of the nineteenth-century inventions and the immense increase in international contacts which they created. The most important of these new agencies may be briefly mentioned again: the International Telegraph Office of the Inter- national Telegraph Union was established in 1868; the Inter- national Post Office of the Universal Postal Union was established in Berne in 1874; the International Office of Weights and Meas- ures for states using the metric system was established in Paris in 1875; the International Union for the Publication of Customs Tariffs, with its office in Brussels, dates from 1890; the Central Office of International Transports at Berne, also from 1890; the International Institute of Agriculture at Rome from 1905, and the International Health Office in Paris from 1907.

It is obvious that the subjects covered by this list are not only non-contentious but of a kind to invite uniformity—in other words, management by an international authority, since they clearly deal with what may be described as international material. The material, for example, of the International Health Office is material from which every drop of the bitter waters of nationalism has been squeezed out. It is, therefore, material which can be studied impersonally, disinterestedly, supernationally, scientifi- callv, in the sole interests and under the auspices of mankind as a whole. And what is true of health, is true, if in a lesser degree, of most of the other material for which international unions and offices had been created before the war.

So far, we have been dealing with international relations prior to the World War. But in this, as in other spheres of inter- national organization, the war by creating new problems forced men to take stock of the progress already achieved along inter- national lines. For the contacts between the Allied states in the war were. not exclusively military, naval and diplomatic as in previous wars, but extended along the whole line of governmental activity. There was hardly a department which was not required to contribute from its expert service to the Allied collaboration. By the autumn of 1918 the Interallied organization had reached a �[Page 262]262 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

point of development far beyond the wildest dreams of pre-wa: administrative internationalism. Never before in human history has the world been so regimented in its actitivies, from Iceland to Australia, and from tonnage to tobacco, as in the closing months of the war. This amazing achievement of collaboration disappeared with the disappearance of the common purpose which had sustained it; but its administrative experience remained. The lessons to be drawn from the experiment have been ably and lucidly summarized by Sir Arthur Salter, one of the men closely concerned in it, in his volume on the Allied Shipping Control.

The great volume of international cooperation between 1850 and 1914 has been described as ‘‘a nascent international govern- ment of the new world community.’’ From 1864 to 1914 two hundred and twenty-eight multipartite treaties and conventions dealing with the common interests of mankind, had come into existence While it is true that they did not directly touch upon the more delicate and contentious questions arising between nations, it is also true that by developing an experience in inter- national cooperation they indirectly suggested and pointed the way to the possibilities of closer cooperation in the whole field of the more delicate and vital matters.

But there were such wide gaps in the political organization of the world before the war, contests over markets and territories had become so sharp, such intense rivalries and bitter hostilities had been nourished, that in the more important relations between states there was nothing that could by any stretch of the imagina- tion be called world-government, or even a tendency toward such government. An ‘“‘International anarchy’’ as G. Lowes Dickinson has aptly phrased it, prevailed throughout the world, in which each state declared its freedom to act as it pleased, and recognized no outside restraint. With plenty of facilities at hand for pur- suing common action, the world of states was without any political machinery for beginning it in 1914. The early years of the twentieth century, therefore, were years of recurring crises, leading at last to the supreme crisis of 1914.

The League of Nations was born of sheer necessity. It was not �[Page 263]uz MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERNATIONALISM 2.63

the product of President Wilson's idealism, though he became its chief exponent. If the war had not brought it into existence, sooner or later it would have come by other means. If this league should fail, some other league is inevitable. The League at Geneva sprang from that definite sense of the interdependence of modern nations, which was rapidly growing before the war and which was sharpened into keen anxiety by that tragic experience. It is the logical outcome of the effect of the scientific and industrial development of the nineteenth century upon political relations; it is, therefore, the natural and inevitable next step in the political evolution of our time. It must not be forgotten, however, that the way had been paved for the coming of the League by the experi- ence of all the various international unions for important forms of cooperation that had come into existence since 1850. All of these unions had grown up along much the same lines of organization. Periodical international conferences meeting at stated intervals exercised a general legislative power, and in many instances, departures began to be made from the requirement that unanimity should exist before such legislation could become effective.

Before 1914, many voices had been raised on behalf of a law- and-order organization of the new world community. Such hope had been greatly quickened by the assembling of the two Hague Conferences; and they were especially fastened, immediately before the war, upon the assembling of a third Hague Conference in 1916. Perhaps the idea of world organization was as prevalent in the United States as anywhere else, and two prominent Amer- icans, Mr. Andrew Carnegie and Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, per- sistently urged the formation of a League of Peace. It was the easier, therefore, for American opinion to develop during the years of America’s neutrality in the war, to a point where President Woodrow Wilson could make it America's chief insist- ence, at the Versailles Conference in 1919, that a league of nations should be formed to maintain the peace that he hoped was being ushered in. Ignorance of the significance of changed world con- ditions, and the bitter political partisanship then running ramp- ant, kept the United States from joining the League. �[Page 264]264 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Opinion in this country is still widely divided as to the advisability of the United States entering the League. It is no necessary in this connection to argue this much mooted question The fact is that while not formally a member of the League, the United States is nevertheless closely associated with many of it; activities, and is unofficially represented at many of its more important conferences. Whether eventually we join the League or not will depend not nearly so much on arguments as upon the sheer logic of events, and also upon the growing realization of the close interdependence of all nations, including our own. The question may become, not, Shall we join? but, Can we afford not to join? It is obvious that from the viewpoint of the League, so long as the United States and Russia remain outside, it will be shorn of much of its power. Regardless, however, of any personal Opinions as to the wisdom of our entering the League, it ought to be possible to approach the subject of the League today with the disinterested desire to understand its purpose and justly appraise its achievements up to date. Ten years ago when the first Assembly of the League met in Geneva, only four European foreign ministers deigned to attend it. When the tenth Assembly convened in September 1929, all but four of the European foreign ministers were present at Geneva. So gradually has the ‘‘Geneva habit"’ created by the League of Nations grown. For a phe- nomenon without parallel in history to become such a matter of course in a single decade is, perhaps, a phenomenon in itself.

What is most important is not what has already been achieved by the League, nor yet, the imperfections that it still reveals, but the testing of the soundness of this new method of procedure on the part of the nations. We know now that it is possible, when public opinion is ripe for it, to take a problem ‘‘out of politics,” or to be more accurate, out of the old methods of diplomacy, and to entrust it to a body of men drawn from many nations who have the expert training and the outlook, not of the negotiator and old-time politician, but of the scientist and the social engineer. This is what is meant when it is said that Geneva has given the world for the first time an international civil service, an organized

�[Page 265]THE MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERNATIONALISM 265

hody of servants of mankind. This surely marks one of the greatest advances ever made in the art of directing human affairs. The League Secretariat is made up of a splendid body of internation- sllyv-minded and forward-looking men, gathered from all the nations, Who are ready to move forward just as rapidly as the cublic sentiment of the peoples of the nations warrants it, and ‘his, without doing violence to existing principles and ideals. it does not reject democracy and substitute the tyranny of the -xpert, nor does it invalidate national sovereignty by the imposi- ‘on of a centralized oligarchy. It merely enables the free self- soverning peoples of the world, if and so long as they desire it, «» employ the best men and the best means for collaboration in eroblems which no government however powerful can solve for itself alone.

No new experiment like the League of Nations can be ex- rected to fulfill the entire promise of its possibilities in the first vears of its growth. For the League has no body of tradition nhind it, no precedents to guide it. It must feel its way along trom case to case, adapting itself to new conditions and new prob- ims. This is the history of all great social and political experi- ments. None of them has ever sprung full-armed and powerful into a waiting and, friendly world. None has ever been born to its maximum strength or able immediately to measure up to its full responsibility.

‘It would of course be idle to pretend that the League is out of the danger zone, or that it has certain power to control the | rces that are working toward violence and war. In attempting (0 correct age-long international practices its task is indeed cizantic. It necessarily partakes in large measure of the defects of the old order; except as the spirit and fact of cooperation may raise the ethical level, the League in reality can be no better than the individual governments that compose it. . . . The League of Nations must inevitably go through the same process attendant upon every real social advance. Step by step it must win its way ‘orward to a surer footing, adapting its machinery and its methods 'o the ever changing conditions. There will be moments of dis- �[Page 266]266 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

couragement and despair. People will jeer at its errors and con- demn its faltering progress. But with courage and patience t sustain it, the idea upon which it is based will steadily grow in strength and prestige. Upon it depends perhaps the whole destiny of Western civilization. For what else is there to take its place’ What substitutes, what alternative, tias been proposed? If this technique for international cooperation fails, what chance o: hope is there of rationalizing international relations in a world in which the necessities of the race pull one way, while human passion and prejudice, pull the other?”’

The future lies on the knees of the gods; no one can predict with any certainty what the tw: >tieth century will bring forth One side of the picture is bright with promise when we think o! the possibilities for an ordered world; the other side is dark with menace when we remember the blinding power of traditiona! ideas, and the many destructive forces still alive and operative in the life of nations. There are just two alternatives facing man- kind: If the nations will not learn the way of cooperation, then they must continue in the fatal state of international anarchy If they cannot be induced to subordinate nationalistic aims and desires to the common good of all peoples, then they must con- tinue to be dominated by selfishness and greed. If they will not disarm, then clearly they must continue to arm increasingly, an¢ the end of that way is death. If they cannot be awakened to i consciousness of their mutual interdependence and the new prir- ciples in that one fact, then the future of civilization is hopelessh doomed.

When we remember, however, that the beginnings of the new way of cooperation on the part of nations have already been made, when we realize how much the League of Nations has accomplished in these few vears, and against every obstacle, wher we see the numbers of those who are internationally-minded increasing stead.ly, when we think of the new education that the younger generation is receiving in school and college, and the many agencies that are fostering the new knowledge among the adult members of every community; above all, when we take into �[Page 267]THE MOVEMENT TOWARD INTERNATIONALISM 267

account the logic of events that is forcing us into ever closer relationships on this planet, we dare not but hope that the increasing application of intelligence to these problems of inter- national relations will lead gradually to a further extension of the method and the spirit of cooperation from the field of matters of lesser importance to the region of those problems that now seem most difficult and contentious.

If the new education can succeed in creating an international public opinion, if the people can be awakened to an intelligent world-consciousness, then the implications for the twentieth century are for a slow but sure development of a genuine inter- nationalism in the political life of the nations, in which coopera- tion shall gradually replace the ruthless competition of the past, and ultimately, peace, prosperity and happiness to all mankind.

As we contemplate the possibilities of a coming true inter- nationalism, it is clear that the assertion of the absolute sover- eignty of the political state has become in our time the supreme anarchy. The old doctrine of the absolute rights of nations is seen today to thwart the fullest growth of human welfare. It may have been a desirable expedient in the past, but ultimately it must pass away. There can be no absolute sovereignty except the whole of humanity acting as a unit through World Govern- ment. We may question the present constitution of the League of Nations, but to see the accidental boundaries and present status of nations as conferring absolute sovereignty is to be blind to what is both inevitable and good.

To quote from Professor Frank H. Hankins of Smith College: ‘All the conditions are now working among Western nations to bring about a more complete political unification. When one studies the rise of nationalism and notes the long slow process whereby previously disparate and contentious political units were at length welded into a genuine political unity, he need scarcely Joubt that like conditions will ultimately produce a super-state above the present world powers. The United States was a genuine League of independent states in 1789. The process of unification was slow, largely because communication and transportation �[Page 268]268 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

were slow and permitted, or even necessitated, the maintenanc: of local patriotisms and jealousies. Moreover these same condi. tions permitted the development of different and exclusive economic systems in North and South. Consequently, it was no: until 1865, or seventy-six years after its establishment, that the United States turned out to be not a League, but a Union of states

‘‘What the present League of Nations needs above all, if its possibilities are to see development, is the allegiance of th United States and the added prestige which would be acquired thereby. It has begun weakly but has grown rapidly in respect and power. If it can maintain peace in Europe for a generation i: will have thrown a powerful weight of both economic develop ment and of fresh tradition into the balance for permanent peace Meanwhile, international investments, the growth of trade, the modification of tariffs, the development of international trust: aad combines, the increasing speed of transportation and com: munication, and the perfection of international news services, al! work powerfully for the cultivation of the international mind We shall see increased attention to educational devices for visual: izing the new internationalism in the minds of the younger generation. Finally, we shall see the development of symbols songs, ceremonials, and even myth and folklore, whereby th: League of Nations will become enshrined in the hearts of million: as the supreme object of earthly devotion."’ |

The internationalism we seek, however, cannot be create through a belittling or a disregard of our nationalisms, bu: only by building upon whatever is good and true in these nation: alisms the higher and more inclusive internationalism. Mazzin: was a great internationalist. Yet at the same time he was a grea: Italian nationalist. He believed that the road to permanent peac: and real international understanding lay through the self-expres- sion of the nations of which humanity is composed. Humanit was for him an orchestra, in which each nation had its ows appropriate instrument to play, its own distinctive contributio: to make to the harmony of the whole.

�[Page 269]THE HIDDEN MEANING OF THE NAVAL TREATY

A Plea for Political Understanding

by BreENT Dow ALLINSON University of Chicago

I

HE success of the Treaty of London may be judged not by

its Own terms and contents or the avid arguments of admirals, not by statistical tables of tons and guns and speed and weight of armor-plate, but by its political im- tlications, by the trend of its basic assumptions, and by what it does not do, or attempt to do, of that which must be done before disarmament, or even naval limitation, can be achieved. Dis- armament is a by-product of a salubrious social order, even as happiness and health are by-products of the knowledge and practice of right living and creative activity directed towards ends of beauty and use. Disarmament would be the best evidence of the world’s social health of justice, and solidarity; the presence of arms and of violence, or threatened violence, is the sure symptom of disease, of the presence of injustice, fear, and force applied towards destructive ends. One quarrel with the Conference of London and with its product, the Naval Treaty, is not that it is not sincere, not that it does not mark a great and sustained effort at historic achievement, but that it is an effort in a hopeless direction, that it deals with menacing physical entities in physical terms, when the evidence of experience indicates that they must urst be dealt with in moral terms before they can require meaning or lose their mythical spell; and that not until we have made an cqually sincere and sustained effort to achieve a political under- 269 �[Page 270]270 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

standing, openly covenanted and freely accepted, can we have any true idea of what parity means, of what naval armament we require, of whether we are secure or insecure and moving towards peace with freedom, or towards mounting menaces of violence and convulsion. In short, the ratification of this sort of treaty, without any effort towards achieving the kind of agreement which will make disarmament possible and national life secure, if it detracts from that necessary effort by disseminating a false sense of achievement, is either a meaningless gesture of collective futility, or a positive retardation and gratuitous frustration of the struggle of civilization to escape catastrophe. . . . Worst of all, its basic assumptions are assumptions of military strategy and ultimate war.

II

Behind the immediate negotiations of the great naval con- ference of London stood Germany, Russia and the whole ‘‘nev- tral’’ world awaiting the outcome, not invited to the party. We dare not forget that neither the United States nor Britain, by any mere executive agreement between them, can substantially modify the positive obligations of neutrality enforceable at law, in the judgements of international courts and tribunals. Such obligations each and every state owes to all the others, and will be expected to perform, in the event of any future conflict in which it finds itself in the position of a non-combatant, i.e. a neutral. This is a solid legal fact. We cannot lay down a boycott, or connive at a blockade of even an ‘‘aggressor’’ state and a violator of the Kellogg-Briand pact, and remain a meutral with the historic rights and privileges of neutrality which we have been accustomed to claim. We cannot do any of these things with- out being guilty of an infraction of international law, and of committing something tantamount to an act of war, for which we may be held to a strict and costly accountability. The obliga- tions assumed by members of the League of Nations have not been assumed by the United States, and will not protect us from the consequences of internationally illegal conduct. We shall do �[Page 271]THE HIDDEN MEANING OF THE NAVAL TREATY 271

well to hold this thought clearly in mind. Losing it, we may get ourselves sadly bogged in a legal Saragossa from which no presi- dent can extricate us.

The problem before the United States at the present hour is one of the most delicate and difficult which American statesman- ship has ever been called to solve. Morally, in a certain sense perhaps, we are ‘‘cornered,’’ from the old, happy-go-lucky isolationist point of view. Mr. Shearer and the jingo navalists have done the cornering, unwittingly. Militarism, like other disasters, comes unwittingly. We are ‘‘cornered,’’ and confront perhaps, what has been called ‘‘the political reconquest of American by Europe,"’ asa result of our intervention in a European war, of our desertion of the fold and the philosophy of neutrality. Our most tortuous efforts to resist entanglement in the reticulated European system of law and power-politics have been pathetically, cpically amusing, because they have constituted an attempt to undo the fateful skein of events woven by those who forced America into the War, and out of its native political orbit. We are ‘“‘cornered’’ because we cannot morally dec'’ 1c to cooperate in lending some measure of assistance and ‘‘sanction’’ to those who will take upon themselves the new ‘‘white man's burden’ of enforcing peace in the name of our Pact, whenever the League breaks down. We can not remain neutral, in the sense of indifferent or insensible, where our peace-pact is threatened. The League could not involve us, but the Pact undeniably has. What must we do to be saved?

It is plain, that if we do not act in our way before the next crisis comes, we shall be compelled to act, quite possibly, in a way not of our own choosing or willing; in a European way, and ina way we shall, perhaps, live to regret as much as Americans regret today the participation of United States troops in the imperial armies that sacked Peking after shooting their way into the Chinese capital to avenge the death of a German minister and to cow the xenophobia that had been aroused, not without cause, in the Celestial Kingdom at the turn of the century. We shall be compelled to take action, because not to act for our Pact will be �[Page 272]272 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

regarded as a national humiliation, as political stultification, and as connivance at the perpetration of what we have led the world to pronounce as the supreme international crime. . . . How. then, can we act without perpetrating further violence? How far must we agree to go? With whom shall we gg? What is the pric of this naval disarmament we are engapedie promoting? . . These questions stare us squarely in the face today. Our delega- tion at London could not answer them. The President, the senate, and the American people must answer them.

III

It is in effect, if not quite openly, proposed that we shall agree, tacitly or overtly, to act always in unison with British power. Not having a voice of our own in the League of Nations, does this mean that we must accept the fact that the British spokesman at Geneva, of whatever political complexion he mav be, is to be our spokesman, even as against the rest of Europe and Asia? ... This will be a large dose of gall for a large section of the American people to swallow, if not quite tantamount toxthe ai nexation of the United States by the British Empire! . . . If i¢ dees not mean this, what does it mean?. . . How can we undertake to act in unison with British naval power, and ever disagree with Downing Street or Geneva as to which nation, in time of crisis or of strife, is to he denounced as the violator of Peace and denicd the ‘‘benefits of the Pact,’’ the freedom of the seas, and all that freedom means? If physical parity means anything to the United States worth having, it must be a larger capacity and responsi- bility for defending the Peace Pact of the world, and the new Peace System, against any threat of violation, through a greater international security and a clearer international law. It will be a disaster if its unintentional result should be merely the cancella- tion of British sea-power, with doubled insecurity and confusion for other nations. Such is the danger of the legal and political ambiguity which now obscures the law and the sanctions of peace.

The mind boggles apprehensively at the effort to imagine �[Page 273]*

THE HIDDEN MEANING OF THE NAVAL TREATY 273

the particular configuration of the dangerous predicament in which the American people may easily find themselves plunged some unlucky midnight, as the situation rests today. . . . Who, for example, can now decide the confounded question as to which party is the real aggressor in Manchuria? . . . Or, if France and Italy, the latter operating under a heady resentment at the dis- abilities and disbarments of its surplus population and the pro- pulsion of imperial tradition and propaganda, should come sud- denly to armed loggerheads and excited alarms over African dominions, or some impassioned Fascist provocation in the Alpes Maritimes, which Mussolini appears to regard as an Italia irredenta deserving a display of sacra egoismo; suppose that the League of Nations should find its Council divided and paralyzed by the contretemps, and unable to stigmatize either party as the aggressor against whom the League's sanctions may be mobilized, and unable to stop the quarrel, Jugo-Slavia and Belgium, Germany and England taking opposing sides in the Sanhedrim. Suppose, then, that a British Cabinet, for reasons connected with British

policy in Egypt or farther east, decide to support the Italian case,

to demand larger scope for the more fecund branch of the Latins, and, conceivably, to declare France, in the light of some French military maneuver, the aggressor, or even the violator of the Pact of Paris,—while the French insist that that Pact never re- nounced defensive war and that they are acting in defense of their vital national interests or colonial empire. What now?. . . Is the Administration at Washington to be required to connive at an economic or naval blockade of France, or even to close our ports and banks and impede the flow of gold or goods to France which the British Admiralty, in the name of Peace and our Pact, if not of the League Covenant, may propose? The problem is complex and may become only too real. We have apparently—no public admission having been made it cannot be said categorically—at London, or at the Rapidan, agreed not to oppose measures taken by the British Admiralty to maintain peace, in return for the concession of naval parity with Britain, and we have agreed not to press the discussion of the troublesome question of the freedom �[Page 274]274 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

of the seas which lies at the root of disarmament. But, sande existing international law, France undoubtedly would have reason and right to expect a declaration of American neutrality, in such an event, and the strict fulfillment of its legal obligations, which would permit us to do nothing of the kind, and, indeed, requir, us not to connive at any such British naval program but rather to resist it. Should anything like this occur, tee consequences tu the world and to the American people would be rather more than unpleasant. They would prove very costly and disastrous, what- ever might be the outcome of the struggle, for sucli acts on our part would be acts of war, albeit performed in the name of peace and even of the Pact. Yet, as things stand, there is little to prevent just this kind of predicament from being precipitated, little save the higher sentiment and the unofficial peace movement of the world which work everywhere against enormous obstacles, in the face of inertia and a cynical or venal press, or in the teeth of governmental or jingo provocation and repression. Is it any wonder that thoughtful men are alarmed?

IV

The best insurance against disaster of this kind is the clarifica- tion of the ambiguity and uncertainty in which the nations move. Where policy is in doubt, it is time to consult the law. The law itself being obscured by the violent chaos of the World War, the first necessity is the elaboration of a new maritime code, based on the Pact. An unequivocal and equilateral principle of law guarding th Pact and governing the conduct of non-combatant states, which will reserve to them the largest freedom of action consistent with their indts- pensable cooperation in compelling any dangerous international dispute to be brought before a supreme tribunal of arbitration or law—this, and nothing less than this, must be the goal of American diplomacy in the immediate future, as the demonstrated prerequisite of national security and international disarmament. It is the largest lesson of the London Conference, which raised so many hopes and dashed them. �[Page 275]THE HIDDEN MEANING OF THE NAVAL TREATY 275

In the absence of this needful definition of rules governing the accepted duties of non-combatants large and small, when confronted by a serious menace to peace from any quarter—and a menace which will involve, very probably, violations of the Pact of Paris by both disputants and not by one only (as often unfairly assumed in the academic discussions concerning the definition of “the aggressor’ at Geneva),—there appears to be a real danger that the voice and votes of the British power at the League of Nations may henceforth be misinterpreted in Europe as the voice and vote of the United States,—i.e., of Anglo-Saxon naval power, pledged to act in unison, unless American diplomacy does some- thing to prevent it. For a tacit understanding between a premier of Britain and an American president, not defined in a rule of general law, may lead to unforeseeable consequences and un- desirable construction. Even as the private understanding with France, sought by M. Briand when he first proposed the treaty which was later generalized by American effort into an all but universal international legislative act—the Multilateral Treaty for the Outlawry of War—-would have been dangerous for us, without such generalization, so, it is believed, any private agree- ment with Britain concerning the future use of the American naval power, may prove, in fact, to be an immeasurable obstacle to peace in the world, unless its terms are generalized, accepted by, and published to, the world at large, as the new law of the sea, when ratified by all nations. Moreover, it is well argued, only the elaboration of a new Sea Code, built upon the Pact, can insure the continuance of American influence for international justice and peace, or prevent the cancellation of that influence, as a result of our new naval parity. For, to the degree that American naval power operates to restrain the British navy from serving as the police-force of the League of Nations, and the principal agent of its hypothetical sanctions, to the same degree may the British navy, in the absence of legal restraints, thwart the maintenance of free traffic potentially, and even interfere with the flow of food, between ‘‘neutral’’ states which have looked to the United States for defense and leadership in the past. Hence, if either British or �[Page 276]2.76 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

American naval power is to become a force for peace, and not for greater misunderstanding in the world, it is essential that their uses en bloc, should be ‘‘moralized,’’ and pledged to the service of law rather than allowed to remain, as now, the agents of arbitrary action. The true position of the United States, it thus appears, is, in the line of almost the whole of its history, at the head of the non-combatant world in the elaboration of new techniques for the defense of the Pact of Paris consistent with its spirit and with the instrumentalities of the modern world; and therefore means other than those traditionally used or threatened for the maintenance of the political status quo.

In a sense, Peace is not an ideal at all, as Nicholas Murray Butler has somewhere observed, but rather the natural conse- quence of liberty and justice in an ordered and humane inter- national society. Without justice, the free spirit will revolt in search of it. .. . What position will the United States of America, founded on the indefeasible right of revolution, take towards freedom ‘‘when whirlwinds of rebellion shake the world?’ Sea-power brings gravest responsibility. Without previous ade- quate clarification of duties, by reason and assent, sea-power becomes the jinx in History and the frustrating Devil-in-the- Machine of Progress. Without it, the Peace Pact may become a deception, or even a covenant of war. In the language of the lawyer: ‘‘Clearness of thought concerning the rules which any state may soundly press for adoption in a codification designed for general approval imposes, as a condition precedent, an exact enunciation of what are conceived to be the existing requirements of international law.’’* Such enunciation cannot be effected as a mere post-script to a naval pact, any more than it can be estab- lished by a téte-d-téte. To effect it a congress of jurists is necessary, a legislative assembly cuormposed of representatives of all the states signatory to the Pact of Paris,—in effect, a Third Hague

Conference, including Russia There is no escape from this con- clusion, and no proba>lc alternative—save violence of one or another form, whether r sized as war or not, late or soon.

Charles Cherney } rea i Law Preface, page 1.

�[Page 277]PEACE AND THE WAR LOANS

by A REVISIONIST

rR. CLARENCE Darrow, upon his return from Europe, stated that we have not a friend in Europe and are universally disliked by reason of our treatment of the war loans.

The vista of a half a century of cumulative hatred is not a pleasant One nor quite consistent with the efforts for permanent peace that are the natural result of the four awful years of war. The schedules of the funding agreements show an aggregate col- lection of 22 billions while the actual outlay of our government will probably not exceed 15 billions in paying off the bonds issued for these loans and interest on same. Of the 7 billions excess—after deducting the French and other debts for supplies purchased and the loss on the Italian settlement—there will remain about 6 billions banker's profit, due to interest simple and compound for the 62 years, and of this over 4300 millions will come from the English funding agreement.

Who can foresee what may happen in the next 50 years and what bearing the cumulative hatred of all Europe may have in its relations with this country. Our government was certainly right in claiming that reparations were in no way related to the loans—but the Allies made these loans a strong feature in their claims against Germany and it seems strange that Germany should have made no protest. The Allies apparently used it as a makeweight to increase their recovery and with much success. There have been several figures reported by French statesmen as to the amount expended so far to repair devastations ranging trom 4800 millions to 7000 million dollars.

This could only be achieved by increase of the French debt

277 �[Page 278]278 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

and would involve an interest charge of from 200 millions to 2°. millions per annum. It is therefore apparent that when Fran« reaches the 125 millions payable to us and with 60 millions ¢ England to meet our demands—the 52% of the Young plan wi): after such payments have a balance of only enough to meet fro one-third to one-half the interest she must pay, and of cours nothing to create a sinking fund for the debt incurred.

If Germany defaults as seems probable after a few years wit! trade balances against her and foreign loans no longer available what then will be the attitude of France in dealing with this debt? Will she still continue to pay us the 185 millions a year- The Allies have agreed to credit an important proportion of any concessions made by us against Germany's debts and this featur has neutralized the efforts of those urging revision.

Notwithstanding this fact, would it not be wise and credit- able to this nation to disclaim mow any intention to collect from our debtors more than is necessary to repay the amount of actua! outlay by our government in paying off the bonds issued t» finance the loans and interest paid on same—the payments to continue as per schedules in the funding agreements. This woul mean a debit of par and interest paid on the bonds and a credit u all schedule payments, both interest and principal. It woul result in a final liquidation in from 25 to 30 years—instead o: from 50 to §5§ years.

In this connection, the change of view of George Harvey wil! be interesting. As stated in his biography—while Ambassador to England he was strenuous in pushing the collection of the deb: but after the funding agreements were made he saw the injustice of the grotesque 62-year scheme and wrote (pages 410-411, ‘“[ was trying to pave the way not for unattainable cancellation but for just equalization of our credit obligations. The two great points are:

‘1. Every dollar paid by any country would be applied to liquidation of the principal and not to hateful interest—a circumstance that would surely incite willing rather than resentful endeavor and good will in place of bad. �[Page 279]PEACE AND THE WAR LOANS 279

‘‘2. We would probably get the reduced sums within a rea- sonable time, say, say 25 or 35 years, in place of dis- tasteful mortgages of so long a duration that no sane man can regard their liquidation as more than a hope.”’

If this scheme were adopted Germany could claim no conces- sions until the debtors were entirely relieved from further pay- ments and the proportion due for reparations would still be in force, though totally inadequate.

The moral effect of such an announcement by our Govern- ment would be marked and our debtors’ views of our Shylock attitude would certainly be changed. The present writer is in his Sind year and if the funding agreements hold and are carried out his grancchildren’s grandchildren will have the benefit as tax- payers in 1983 of the collections from our debtors.

Great Britain ..........4.4.. 187,250,000 France .....+ 56 se ee se ew we 125 ,000,000 WO oe KR ee ee we 76,428,000 Belpiwm. 2. wwe we we ee we 9,968 ,coo Poland ..i 6 © eee u wenn es @ is 8,802,000 Czechoslovakia ............ § 879,425 a 2,490,505 ROMOS 2 ka wee et KR ee 2,246,005 Hungary, Finland, Latvia, Lithuania and

| a a a a ee 1,454,460

$419,518,395

This averages $1,150,000 per day and with our bonds all paid off for 30 years or more. Senator Smoot (prominent in the funding commission) himself testified that when these loans were made they were not considered as commercial in character. He said (page 586-7, Treasury Reports) in the Senate, ‘‘Our first contribution to the cause could only be money. Those of us who were here in 1917-18 know how we felt then. There was no thought of Commercial loans or investment of our resources in the bonds of our Allies. We were bound together in a common cause: Money was all we had to give and we gave it freely." �[Page 280]280 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

In contrast to this, he said at a meeting of the Senate Finance Committee (page 553.) ‘My suggestion on all these settlements has been to get every single dollar out of these countries we coul possibly get out of them and let the countries live.’ This heartless and ungrateful sentiment prevailed and is apparently sustained by Secretary Mellon who said (page 302): ‘We have, I believe, made for the United States the most favorable settlement that could be obtained short of force.’ They proceeded to exact payment of the principal in full with interest for 62 years and to again quote Mr. Mellon: ‘‘at the normal rates payable by strong gov- ernments over long terms of years.’’

This means settlements of nine of the thirteen agreements upon a strictly commercial basis; if such a proceeding can be justified it is not open to criticism. The old saying that he who lends is a king. while he who borrows is a slave, is well illus- trated and verified by these nine settlements. Such stupendous debts between nations were never known in the history of the world and settlement by lump sum payment was manifestly impossible and our unfortunate debtors were completely at our mercy as to the gradual payment of the loans. This fact enabled our astute commission to exact annuities on a basis of such small payments of principal as to prolong the interest payments for 62 years—starting at 12% of principal and increasing so gradually that 4% is only reached at the end of this long period.

Our debtors were helpless, the empty privilege of paying the debt and thus escaping the prolonged bondage could not be availed of as no loan could have been obtained at any less rate of interest.

Referring to Mr. George Harvey's final conviction as to crediting all payments to the principal of the debt, a closing paragraph in Prof. Sidney B. Fay’s article in March 1930 Current History is significant as showing how thoughtful men feel on this subject. The paragraph is as follows:

‘Finally, if the United States continues to pay off its own internal war debts consisting in good part of Liberty Loans at the same rate she has been doing in recent years they will be paid off �[Page 281]~sACE AND THE WAR LOANS 281

in 15 years. When they have been liquidated what shall we do with the debt payments still owing to us by the allied powers? Should we have the face to use these annuities from the Allies in paying the running expenses of the United States? If so, would not the Allies again begin to speak of Uncle Sam as Uncle Shy- lock.’ Whether our entire debt is paid off in 15 years or not, it is clear that with the schedule of English payments, all the bonds issued to finance the loan to her wili be paid during this period. The original loan was 4075 millions. By 1947 she will have paid us 4348 millions. This year’s payments bring up a total to date of about 1300 millions, all used by Mr. Mellon in liquidat- ing debt; to this add the reduction from sinking fund and surplus revenue for 10 years and it is probable that not over 2000 millions are Outstanding today, chargeable to this loan. The interest not exceeding 80 millions while England is paying us this year $132,- -80,000, a clear profit of over 50 millions, none of which is credited against the principal debt. In 1933 the interest goes up to 314% and amounts to $157,900,000. The payments for the three years by England, $480,000,000, further reducing the outstanding bonds, together with surplus and sinking fund—with probable interest payment not exceeding 60 millions, or a profit of over go millions for the year available for debt reduction.

These facts and figures are assuredly known to our debtors and while at present reticent on the subject can we expect them to continue for 54 years under such a burden without protest?

At this point it will be interesting to note where our debtors will stand in 1947 if our dept is then all paid off. It would be well lirst to consider them in the aggregate. The Treasury reports

page 443) give the total of loans and debts of the 13 nations as Pewee ee RR mR OR 9811 millions From this should be deducted war material debts of France, Belgium, Czechoslovakia 462

Fo) a a a a ee 9349 as the actual amount of the loans for which Liberty bonds were issued... �[Page 282]282 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

The figures of the reports show that by 1947 our debtors will have paid 7073 million dollars and at that point still owe 946; millions; slightly more than the original loans, after having paid during 25 years this stupendous sum. This is explained by the 1711 millions accrued interest added to the loans and included in the funding agreement, this amount having first to be paid before the original loan could be started upon.

The plan for acceptance of our actual outlay involves a com- plete surrender of our claim for the funding agreements as settle- ments of commercial loans. It means as to most of the debts a release in 30 or 35 years and the relinquishment of the banker's profit of 6 billions or more payable under the present arrange- ments between 1960 and 1987.

Would this country have advanced 9% billions to the Allies in their desperate situation in 1917 for the sake of a possible profit from interest had we not been at war with the enemy they were then fighting? This surely shows the advances were war sub- sidies and we are exacting from most of our former allies from 234 to 314 dollars for every dollar advanced to them. In the case of the peasant Kingdom of Rumania we have scheduled a return of 122 millions based upon an original loan of 36 millions; this due to interest compound (page 253) accrued and simple— nearly 314 times the original advance. This certainly proves the success of Senator Smoot's scheme to obtain every dollar and also Mr. Mellon's possible suggestions that Rumania's navy could hardly sustain its dissent to the proposed basis of settlement.

This country, through the Kellogg Peace Pact, has assumed a position of moral leadership. With these debt settlements in mind, the European cynic influenced by envy, hatred and con- tempt, denounces the peace compact as futile and our position as inconsistent. These .exacting schedules contain the possibilities of a serious contention in the future, in which event we shall not have a friend in the world. The status of each of the debts in 1947 will be about as follows:

England's original loan—go75 millions; after paying us 4,385,325,000, she will still owe 3,795,000,000. �[Page 283]PEACE AND THE WAR LOANS 283

France's original loan—2,933,400,000; after paying us

,820,000,000, she will still owe 3061 millions, including the debt

for war supplies.

Italy's original loan—1,650 millions; after paying us 365 millions, she will still owe 1,773 ,600,000.

Belgium's original loans—377,280,000; after paying us 119,014,000, She will still owe 327,480,000.

Poland's original loan—160,000,000; after paying us 166,- 192,800, she will still owe 149,500,000.

Czechoslovakia’'s original loan—115 millions; after paying us 7,527,600, she will still owe 127,050,000.

Serbia's original loan—26 millions; after paying us 10,305,845 she will still owe 54,670,000, including 25 millions for war supplies.

Rumania’s original loan—36,135,000; after paying us 32,- 666,555 she will still owe 48,510,000.

The extraordinary result is due to accrued interest and interest in deferred payments compounded with an aggregate total of 122 millions for the original loan.

Hungary's original loan—1,686,o000; after paying us 1,823,500, she will still owe 1,611,500.

Finland's original loan—8,282,000; after paying us, 8,500,- 000, she will still owe 7,430,000.

Lithuania's original loan—4,980,000, after paying us 5,216,000, she will still owe 5,105,000.

Latvia's original loan—5,132,000, after paying us 5,440,000, she will still owe 4,784,000.

Estonia's original loan—12,066,ooo—after paying us 13,- 060,000 she will still owe 11,419,000.

It is certain that the present agreements are only temporary and that in the not remote future modification and revision will he necessary. Is it not important that the change should be a vol- untary and spontaneous action of our nation as a recognition of our moral obligations to our former allies? �[Page 284]THE WORLD UNITY FOUNDATION Summary of Activities: July 1, 1927—July 1, 1930

N JuLy 1, 1930, the World Unity Foundation completes the third year of its existence. A brief statement of all its activities during these past three years will be of in- terest to those who are promoting international coopera-

tion and peace.

The World Unity Foundation was organized as an adult educational enterprise, non-sectarian and non-partisan, whose purpose was to create the international mind and awaken a world consciousness through breaking down the old barriers of ignorance and prejudice that now separate races, nations, classes and creeds.

From the beginning the Foundation has functioned through three main channels of activity.

1. World Unity Conferences

During the past three years public mass meetings in the interest of world unity and international cooperation have been organized and held in the following cities: New York, Phila- delphia, Washington, D. C., Baltimore, Boston, Worcester, Springfield, New Haven, Hartford, Providence, Portland, Me., Rochester, Buffalo, Ithaca, Detroit, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Toledo, Dayton, Chicago, and Toronto and Montreal in Canada. In most of the above cities three annual series of such meetings have been held; in the remainder two series.

The programs of these conferences have consisted of from four to eight addresses given by outstanding leaders in both the educational and religious fields, and bearing directly on some phase either of the problem or ideal of world unity. In connection wit these public meetings an opportunicy has also usually been 284 �[Page 285]THE WORLD UNITY FOUNDATION 285

irranged for an informal discussion meeting when the various jcal leaders of important groups come together to consider the nest methods of carrying on this needed educational work in their own community.

In each of these cities there has also been organized a local World Unity Council, made up of some fifteen to twenty-five of the leading internationally-minded men and women of that ‘community. These local councils cooperate with the national Foundation in the planning and arranging of public meetings

‘from time to time, and also in carrying on in their own com- munity this particular educational work by whatever means they may deem best adapted to their own community. The Foundation has no hard and fast method of procedure which it seeks to impose

upon these local councils. It only seeks to stimulate interest in world unity and suggest methods by means of which the inter- national mind can be more widely extended.

During the same period of three years, Dr. John Heeman Randall, Director of the Foundation, has given more than nine hundred addresses dealing with various phases of the problem of world unity and international cooperation in some 175 repre- sentative Christian Churches and liberal Jewish Temples, in 240 leading Universities, Colleges, High Schools and private schools, including Roman Catholic and Jewish institutions, and in some

50 Clubs of various kinds—Women's Clubs, Luncheon Clubs,

Chambers of Commerce, etc. It is interesting to note that while at the outset compacxatively few opportunities for presenting the subject were available, today all doors are open, and the invita- tions to speak on world unity for various groups of all kinds during this last year have far exceeded the Director's time and strength. This reveals the rising tide of interest in the subject in all the cities visited. The experience of the past three years has clearly demonstrated that the time is ripe and the opportunities are available as never before fur carrying this educational work in the field of international cooperation and better understanding directly to the people in every community—both adult and student groups. �[Page 286]286 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

2. World Unity Magazine

This publication, the first number of which appeared ir October, 1927, is the organ of Worid Unity Foundation, th: medium established to publish the valuable manuscripts prepared as lecture courses for the Institute or as addresses for public World Unity Conferences.

The magazine has from the first received the endorsemen: aind effective cooperation of educators and men of affairs in Europe and Asia as well as America. Its staff of contributing editors and authors, now including about one hundred and fifty names, js thoroughly representative of the international mind.

Among the serial articles of book length published since 1927, or available for publication during 1930-1931, special mention should be made of the following titles: Science and Religion, by Kirtley F. Mather; Interaction of Europe and Asia, by William R. Shepherd; Sacred Scriptures of Five Religions, by Alfred W. Martin; International Politics and World Peace, by Dexter Perkins; Racial Relationships and International Harmony, by Frank H. Hankins; Science, Philosophy and Religion, by Edwin Arthur Burtt; A World Community, by John Herman Randall; One Religion—Many Faiths, by J. Tysul Davis; The Quest of World Peace, by ,Dexter Perkins; Nationalism and Internationalism, by Herbert Adams Gibbons; World Log of a Sociologist, by Herbert A. Miller; Elements of World Culture, by various authors; Leaves of the Greater Bible, by William Norman Guthrie; History of Religion, by Nathaniel Schmidt, etc

The inter-racial, inter-religious and international basis of World Unity is indicated by the following partial list of foreign contributors: Pierre Bovet, H. M. Swanwick, Norman Angell, Walter Walsh, Paul D’Estournelles de Constant, F. S. Marvin. Eugene Shen, P. M. Matthief, Paul Richard, David G. Stead, J. Tyssul Davis, Nicholas Roerich, S. G. Pandit, Armand Charpen- tier, Ernest Judet, Richard Lee, Charles Richet, Th. Ruyssen, Hellmuth von Gerlach, Yamato Ishihashi, Dhan Gopal Mukerji, Albert Léon Guérard, Taracknath Das, Ramananda Chatterjee.

The editorial ideal of World Unity Magazine is to present

�[Page 287]THE WORLD UNITY FOUNDATION 287

enlightened comment on all world movements making for a true civilization. As such, it has made an appeal to a significant audi- ence of progressive individuals and organizations throughout the English-reading world.

. Summer Institute of World Unity

Three Summer Institutes have been conducted. The first two vears the Institute was held at Green Acre, Maine. In 1929 ic was held at Hyannis on Cape Cod, Mass. The first Institute held a five weeks’ session, the other two ran four weeks each. The program has consisted of four to five courses of lectures given each week by outstanding and recognized scholars in the field of international affairs. The lectures have been followed by round table discussions. While the attendance at these Institutes has not been all that the lectures deserved, those who attended have been enthusiastic in their appreciation of the subjects and of the benefits they have received. The names of the lecturers at these summer Institutes are sufficient proof of the high character of the work done.

For various reasons, the Foundation, in accordance with its original plan, took steps during 1930 in the direction of establish- ing a permanent Winter Institute of World Unity in New York City. A preliminary course of lectures was planned on ‘Paths to World Unity and International Cooperation—the Cultural Basis of a New World Order.’’ These lectures were given during February and March in the auditorium of the Roerich Museum in New York, by recognized scholars, and dealt during successive weeks with Economics, Science, Religion, Philosophy, Educa- tion, with a special lecture added on Art. Plans are now under~ way for continuing this winter Institute in New York, and if they work out successfully, it is probable that the summer In- stitute will be merged in the permanent winter Institute. It would be the purpose of this winter Institute to build up and develop a constituency in New York of internationally-minded men and women who would thus have the privilege of hearing the ablest leaders in the international field from both sides of the Atlantic. �[Page 288]288 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

4. World Unity Library

Through cooperation with the Frederick A. Stokes Publish. ing Company a World Unity Library has been planned consisting of a series of non-technical, popular-priced volumes, dealing with various phases of the world unity problem by expert and well- known scholars in this particular field. These volumes will be brought out by the publishers at the rate of two or three new volumes each year. The first two volumes of this library were published in February, 1930—an introductory volume to the series entitled ‘‘A World Community"’ by John Herman Randall, and ‘Nationalism and Internationalism'’ by Herbert Adams Gibbons. These books have received very favorable notice and will be followed by other volumes next year, among which may be mentioned ‘Seven Great Bibles’’ by Alfred W. Martin.

This gives a brief summary of the activities carried on and the actual work done by the World Unity Foundation during the first three years of its existence. What began more or less as an experiment in adult education in international-mindedness has demonstrated, first, how great is the need in this country for this particular kind of education, and, second, that it is possible through the technique that has been developed to reach the rank and file of the people as represented in the many various groups with whom contact has been made. As a result of the work of the past three years, all doors are now open for this education. The opportunities are legion. Expansion of the activities of the Foun- dation for which the demand is steadily increasing is only limited by its financial resources.

Honorary Committee Trustees S. Parkes Cadman Rufus M. Jones John Herman Randall Carrie Chapman Catt David Starr Jordan Director Rudolph I. Coffee Harry Levi Mary R. Movius John Dewey Louis S. Mann Florence R. Morton Harry Emerson Fosdick Pierrepont B. Noyes Melbert B. Cary Herbert Adams Gibbons H. A. Overstreet Horace Holley Mordecai W. Johnson _W. R. Shepherd Alfred W. Martin

James Weldon Johnson Augustus O. Thomas Mountfort Mills Office of the Director, 4 East 12th Street, New York �[Page 289]CLASSIFIED READING LIST OF BOOKS ON WORLD UNITY AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION

ORIGIN AND SOURCES OF RELIGION

The following give the attitude and the discoveries of modern scholars as to the nature of the religious life of the simpler peoples. It is from data of this sort that surmizes are made as to the early history of religion:

The Golden Bough, by James L. Frazer. Macmillan.

On the Threshold of Religion, by R. R. Marrett. Macmillan.

The Birth and Growth of Religion, by George Foote Moore. Scribners. Primitive Religion, by Robert N. Lowie. Boni and Liveright.

The Quest of the Ages, by A. Eustace Haydon. Harpers.

Religion in Human Affairs, by C. Kirkpatrick. Wile’.

Treatise on the Gods, by H. L. Mencken. Knopf.

COMPARATIVE RELIGION

The following deal in a relatively impartial way with the great historical religions of the world:

Introduction to the History of Religion, by C. N. Fay. Ginn.

The History of Religion, by George F. Moore. Scribners.

Comparative Religion—A Survey of Its Recent Literature, by L. H. Jordan. Oxford Univ. Press.

Comparative Religion, by J. E. Carpenter. Holt.

The Comparative Study of Religions, by A. G. Widgery. Williams and Norgate.

The World's Living Religions, by R. E. Hume. Scribners.

Religions Past and Present, by Jas. A. Montgomery, Ed. Lippincott.

The World's Great Religions, Semitic, by Alfred W. Martin. Appleton.

Comparative Religion and the Religion of the Future, by Alfred W. Martin. Appleton.

This Believing World, by Lewis Browne. Macmillan.

The Story of Religion, by Chas. F. Potter. Simon & Schuster.

Bahé'u'llab and the New Era, by J. E. Esslemont. Baha'i Pub. Committee.

THE NON-CHPISTIAN RELIGIONS

The fe “ing deal with the history and interpretation of

other work tions than Christianity:

Hinduism, by | enett. Oxford Univ. Press.

The Pilgrimage m, by J. B. Pratt. Macmillan.

Buddhism in Tra: “d. by H. C. Warren. Harvard Univ. Press. The Historical De. . of Religion in China, by W. Clennell. Dutton.

289 �[Page 290]290 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

A Comparative Study of Life's Ideals, by G. Fung. (Chinese and Western religions and moral attitudes compared).

Japan, by Lafcadio Hearn. Houghton and Mifflin.

A Daughter of the Samurai, by E. Sugimoto. Doubleday.

Mohammedanism, by Hurgonje. Putnam.

ANTHOLOGIES

The following are anthologies designed to show the similarity in the highest moral and religious ideals in all religions.

Selections from Six Great Religions, Ed. by International House. Reynolds. Leaves from the Greater Bible, ed. by William N. Guthrie.

Seven Great Bibles, by Alfred W. Martin. F. A. Stokes.

Tongues of Fire, ed. by Grace H. Turnbull. Macmillan.

The Bible of Bibles, ed. by F. L. Riley. J. F. Rowney Press.

DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY

The following give the historical development of Christianity in the light of recent scholarly research:

The Hebrew Prophets, by R. L. Ottley.

Jesus: A New Biography, by Case. U. of Chicago Press.

Jesus of Nazareth, by J. Klausner. Macmillan.

Towards an Understanding of Jesus, by U. Simkhovitch. Macmillan.

Landmarks in the History of Early Christianity, by Kirsopp Lake. Houghton Mifflin.

The Apostolic Age, by A. C. McGiffert. Scribners.

The God of the Early Christians, by A. C. McGiffert. Scribners.

The Mission and Spread of Christianity, by Adolf Harnack. Putnam.

Christianity, Past and Present, by Charles Guignebert. Macmillan.

Revealing the Spirit of Medieval Christianity:

Selections from the German Mystics, ed. by W. R. Inge. The Golden Legend, by Jacabus de Varogine. Dent. Religious Art in France in the 13th Century, by E. Male. Dent.

PROTESTANTISM The following reveal the various currents of Protestantism:

Protestant Thought Before Kant, by A. C. McGiffert. Scribners.

The Rise of Modern Religions Ideas, by A. C. McGiffert. Scribners.

Protestantism and Progress, by Ernest Troeltsch. Putnam.

Religions Thought in the Last Quarter Century, ed. by Gerald B. Smith. Univ.of Chicago Press. �[Page 291]CLASSIFIED READING LIST 291

MODERN LIBERAL CHRISTIANITY:

The History of Christianity in the Light of Modern Knowledge. Harcourt, Brace. What is Christianity, by Adolf Harnack. MacMillan.

The Finality of the Christian Religion, by George B. Foster. Chicago U. Press. Religions of Authority and the Religion of the Spirit, by A. Sabatier. Doran. Twelve Modern Apostles and their Creeds, by various authors. Duffield.

My Idea of God, ed. by Joseph F. Newton. Little.

The Faith of Modernism, by Shailer Matthews. Macmillan.

New Challenges to Faith, by Sherwood Eddy. Doran.

Humanity at the Cross-roads, by John Herman Randall. Dodge.

Religion and Historic Faiths, by Otto Phleiderer. Huebsch.

The Religion of Yesterday and Tomorrow, by Kirsopp Lake. Houghton Mifflin. Religion, by Edward Scribner Ames. Scribners.

Religion Coming of Age, by R. G. Sellars. Macmillan.

Does Civilization Need Religion, by R. Niebuhr. Macmillan.

Soctal Sources of Denominationalism, by R. Niebuhr. Macmillan.

Theism and the Modern Mind, by W. M. Horton. Harpers.

Science in Search of God, by Kirtley F. Mather. Holt.

Humanism, by Charle. F. Potter. Simon & Schuster.

Religion and the Modern World, by J. H. Randall, Sr. and Jr. Stokes.

Religion in an Age of Science, by E. A. Burtt. Stokes.

The Twilight of Christianity, by Harry E. Barnes.

The Present and Future of Religion, by C. E. M. Joad. Macmillan.

An Emerging Christian Faith, by J. W. Nixon. Harpers.

The Reconstruction of Religson, by Charles A. Ellwood. Cokesbury Press.

The Coming Religion, by Nathaniel Schmidt. Macmillan.

Whither Christianity, ed. by L. H. Hough.

CURRENT RELIGIOUS PHILOSOPHY

Recent philosophic attitudes toward modern religious prob- lems:

The Meaning of God in Human Experience, by W. E. Hocking. Yale. U. Press. Science, Religion and Reality, by various authors. Macmillan.

Reality: A New Correlation of Science and Religion, by B. H. Streeter. Macmillan. Religions Experience and Scientific Method, by H. N. Wieman. Macmillan Wrestle of Religion with Truth, by H. N. Wieman. Macmillan.

Religion in the Making, by A. N. Whitehead. Macmillan.

Reason in Religion, by George Santayana. Scribners.

Platonism and the Spiritual Life, by George Santayana. Scribners.

An Ethical Philosophy of Life, by Felix Adler. Appleton.

(To be continued) �[Page 292]ROUND TABLE

Our front cover quotation this month, which indicates that the German Republic holds its teachers responsible for promoting the spirit of international reconciliation, was taken from Educa- tion and International Relations, by Daniel A. Prescott, Harvard University Press.

- k &

For the new tail-pieces we are indebted to the year book of the International Labor Organization. They are carvings on the ceiling of the reading room of the seat of the League of Nations in Geneva. From the same source, with the kind permission of Leifur Magnusson, American Director, we have reproduced Albert Thomas's review of the I. L. O.

* *

The Reading List begun in the current issue will continue for several months, under the several classifications of Sctence, Educa- tion, etc. It is to be published as a pamphlet in October, replacing the Reading List published by World Unity in 1927.

- &

The subject of economics is very much to the fore this month. Can Business Underwrite Peace? admirably sums up the new hope derived from the changed attitude of the larger bankers and manu- facturers. .. . The problem of war debts and reparations, in the opinion of many observers, has not been settled by the Young Plafi and the ‘“‘International Bank’’. . . . If America is to cancel her share, in part or wholly, it will not be without some fair trade with Europe—disarmament would be an excellent condition for cancellation.

292 �[Page 293]

Publishers: G. E. STECHERT CO., New York—DAVID NUTT, London—FELIX ALCAN, Paris—AKAD. VERLAGSGESELLSCHAFT, Leipzig—NICOLA ZANI- CHELLI, Bologna—RUIZ HERMANOS, Madrid--—LIVRARIA MACHADO, Porto—THE MARUZEN COMPANY, Tokyo.

“SCIENTIA”

INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF SCIENTIFIC SYNTHESIS

Published every month (each number containing 100 to 120 pages)

EDITORS F. Bottazzi G. Bruni F. Enriques

IS THE ONLY REVIEW the contributors to which are really international. IS THE ONLY REVIEW that has a really world-wide circulation.

IS THE ONLY REVIEW of scientific synthesis and unification that deals with the fundamental questions of all sciences: the history of the sciences, mathe- matics, astronomy, geology, physics, chemistry, biology, psychology and sociology.

IS THE ONLY REVIEW that Ly means of enquiries among the most eminent scientists and authors of all countries (On the philosophical principles of the various sciences; On the most fundamental astronomical and physical questions of current interest; On the contribution that the different countries have given to the development of various branches of knowledge; On the more important biological questions; On the great economical and sociological international questions), studies all the main problems discussed in intellectual circles all over the world, and represents at the same time the first attempt at an inter- national organization of philosophical and scientific progress.

IS THE ONLY REVIEW that among its contributors can boast of the most illustrious men of science in the whole wrold.

The articles are published in the language of their authors, and every number has a supplement containing the French translation of all the articles that are not French. The review is thus completely accessible to those who know only Fiench. (Write for a free copy to the General Secretary of “Scientia,” Milan, sending 12 cents in stamps of your country, merely to cover packing and

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ae po Sa EE RS SO ATL SARS 293 �[Page 294]

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RELIGIOUS EDUCATION

Journal of The Religious Education Association @ Devoted to the Development of Character Through the Church,

the School, the Home and other Community Agencies.

@ For twenty-five years the fore- most scientific journal in this field.

CONTENTS FOR JUNE Brown, William Adams

“The Pathway te Co-operation” (How People whe differ in their views of Religion and of Educa- tion can work together for Re- ligious Education)

Bruno, Frank J. “Moral and Reli s Life Through the Family" .

Callahan, P. H. “Ethical and Religious Principles in Business”

Cavert, Samuel McCrea

“Are the Churches Aware of Their New World?”

Coe, George A.

“The Actual and the Desirable Continuity Within Social Change”

Douglass, H. Paul

“The a Church—Ite Method and Function”

Elliott, Harrison “Conflicting Peychologies” Faris, Elleworth

“The Nature and Significance of Mores”

Hartshorne, Hugh “Science and Character” Johnson, George “Abiding Values in Inherited Re- ligion

Randall, John Herman, Jr. “Some Major Aspects of Our Changing Civilization” Silver, Abba Hillel “The Role of Religion in a Chang- ing World” Soares, Theodore J. “Tasks of Religious Education” Capference Reports New Notes and Editorials

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An Ever-Growing Library of Internationalism

Bound Volumes of WORLD UNITY

Volume One October 1927—March 1928

436 s. Serial articles: Science and Religion, Kirtley F. Mather; In- teraction of Europe and Asia, W. R. Shepherd; Sacred Scriptures of Hin- duism, Alfred W. Martin; Ideal of World Unity, John Herman Randall, etc.

Volume Two

April 1928—September 1928

432 pages. Serial articles: Progress by Telic Guidance, Mary Hull; Sacred Scriptures of Buddhism, Al- fred W. Martin; International Poli- tics and World Peace, Dexter Perkins; The New Humanity, Mary Siegrist, etc.

Volume Three October 1928—March 1929

444 pages. Serial articles: Racial Relationships and International Har- mony, F. H. Hankins (Chap. 1 & 2); Science, Philosophy and Religion, E. A. Burtt (Chap. 1) ; Sacred Scrip- tures of Confucianism, Alfred W. Martin,

Volume Four

April 1929—September 1929

452 pages. Serial articles: Racial Relationships and International Har- mony, F. H. Hankins (Chap. 3-5); Science, or eae and Religion, E. A. Burtt (Chap. 2-5); Sacred Scriptures of Mohammedanism and Taoism, Alfred W. Martin, etc.

Volume Five October 1929—March 1930 432 pages. Serial articles: A World Community, J. H. Randall; Nationalism and _ Internationalism, . A._ Gibbons; One Religion— Many Faiths, J. Tyssul Davis, ete. Each volume bound in blue buckram, gold stamped. $4.25

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“The religious basis of internationalism’

TWO IMPORTANT TITLES FOR YOUR INTERNATIONAL LIBRARY

RELIGION AND THE MODERN WORLD

By John Herman Randall and John Herman Randall, Jr.

The first volume in the series Religion and the Modern Age—a systematic attempt to deal briefly and clearly with the problems of present-day religious life in the light of modern knowledge and current social conditions.

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RELIGION IN AN AGE OF SCIENCE By Edwin Arthur Burtt

Volume two in the same series—showing how far the scientific attitude has transformed the outlook on religious truth.

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�[Page 296]WORLD UNITY LIBRARY

A SERIES OF BOOKS BY LEADING SCHOLARS AND EDUCATORS ON INTERNATIONAL MOVEMENTS OF VITAL IMPORTANCE—DEALING WITH WORLD AFFAIRS FROM THE BROAD OUTLOOK WHICH REALIZES THE INTER-RELATIONS OF RELIGION, SCIENCE, PHILOS. OPHY, INDUSTRY AND POLITICS. A NOTABLE CONTRIBUTION TO THE CONTEMPORARY THOUGHT BY WHICH THE AMERICAN PEOPLE ARE BEING PREPARED TO EXERCISE DECISIVE INFLUENCE IN THE

1. A World Community: The Supreme Task of the Twen- tieth Century, by John Herman Rendall, author of “A New Philosophy of Life,” “Humanity at the Cross-

Roads,” etc.

2. Nationalism and Internationalism, by Herbert Adams Gibbons, author of “Introduction to World Politics,” “New Map of South America,” etc.

SPECIAL ORDER FORM A year's ion to World Unity Magazine with or without books in the World Unity Library.

WORLD UNITY 4 East 12TH Street, New Yorx City

([] I enclose $3.50* for one annual subscription to World Unity Magazine.

I enclose $5.00* for subscription to World Unity and one copy of “A orld Community” by John Herman Randall. (Price of book alone, $2.00 ) I enclose $4.75* for subscription to World Unity and one copy of ationalism and Internationalism” by Herbert Adams Gibbons. (Price of book alone, $1.50.)

([] I enclose $6.25* for subscription to World Unity and one copy of each book listed above.

SCC CRC U*7] CPD CES EH 6 OS BE OO Oe: GU OL ee OOS) 18) Ce

One dollar less for Public Libraries and Educational or Religious

Institutions. 196 �[Page 297]NAMES WHICH MEAN THE WORLD OUTLOOK IN

SCIENCE, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

Authors and Contributing Editors

AMERICA

Devere Allen

C. F. Ansley

W. W. Atwood Robert W. Bagnall Gerrit A. Beneker Ernest M. Best Edwin Arthur Burtt Harry Charlesworth Rudolph I. Coffee John J. Coss

John Dewey

Herbert Adams Gibbons James Gordon Gilkey Charlotte Perkins Gilman W. N. Guthrie Frank H. Hankins

A. Eustace Haydon Carleton J. H. Hayes Hubert C. Herring Horace Holley Arthur E. Holt Hamilton Holt Manley O. Hudson Mary Hull

Mordecai W. Johnson Rufus M. Jones David Starr Jordan Vladimir Karapetoff Kenneth S. Latourette Harry Levi

Alain Locke

Robert Morss Lovett Louis L. Mann Alfred W. Martin Kirtley F, Mather Lucia Ames Mead Fred Merrifield

Herbert A. Miller Parker T. Moon Harry Allen Overstrect Archie M. Palmer Dexter Perkins

John Herman Randall John Herman Randall, Jr. M. D. Redlich

Carl A. Ross

Moises Saenz Nathaniel Schmidt William R. Shepherd Mary Siegrist

Abba Hillel Silver Isidor Singer

George M. Stratton Norman Thomas Augustus O. Thomas Isabella Van Meter Frank Lloyd Wright

EUROPE

Norman Angell

A. Mendelsohn Bartholdy

L. F. de Beaufort

Pierre Bovet

J. Tyssul Davis

Georges Duhamel

Anna B. Eckstein

Havelock Ellis

Auguste Forel

V. Schultze Giavernitz

Hellmuth von Gerlach

John W. Graham

Marja Grundmann- Koscienska

Will Hayes

Ernest Judet

of World Unity Magazine

Hans Kohn Richard Lee Ernest Ludwig George de Lukacs Sir James Marchant Victor Margueritte R. H. Markham

F. S. Marvin Karin Michaelis Ida Miller

Forrest Reid

Paul Richard Charles Richet Th. Ruyssen Gilbert Thomas Rustum Vimbéry Walter Walsh Hans Wehberg

M. P. Willcocks

THE ORIENT Neg Poon Chew James H. Cousins Taraknath Das Bayard Dodge C. F. Gates Kahlil Gibran Yamato Ichihashi S. L. Joshi P. W. Kuo Dhan Gopal Mukerji Yone Noguchi S. G. Pandit Frank Rawlinson Stanley Rice Nicholas Roerich A. J. Saunders David G. Stead J. Vijaya-Gunga �[Page 298]A PARTIAL LIST OF TITLES PUBLISHED IN WORLD UNITY

October, 1927—April, 1930

Serials

Science and Religion, by Kirtley F. Mather.

Interaction of Europe and Asia, by William R. Shepherd. Sacred Scviptures of Five Religions, by Alfred W. Martin. Progress by Telic Guidance, by Marty Hull.

International Politics and World Peace, by Dexter Perkins. The New Humanity, an Anthology, edited by Mary Siegrist. Racial Relationships and International Harmony, by Frank H. Hankins. Science, Philosophy and Religion, by Edwin Arthur Burtt.

A World Community, by John Herman Randall.

One Religion—Many Faiths, by J. Tyssul Davis.

, The Quest of World Peace, by Dexter Perkins.

Nationalism and Internationalism, by Herbert Adams Gibbons. My International Family, by Martha Taylor Brown.

Apostles of World Unity, by various authors.

Book Reviews, by John Herman Randall, Jr.

Youth and the Modern World, by various authors.

Leading Articles

The Ideal of World Unity, by John Herman Randall.

A Spiritual Basis for World Unity, by Dhan Gopal Mukerji.

Nature and the Law of Love, by Vladimir Karapetoff.

The Significance of the Scientific Spirit for Eastern Civilizations, by John J. G Religious Unity, a Symposium, by various authors.

Building Up the International Mind, by H. A. Overstreet.

The Need of a Spiritual Element in Education, a Symposium, by vatious authors. The One and the Many, by Abba Hillel Silver.

Why War and Revolution, by Herbe:: A. Miller.

World Citizenship, by Carl A. Ross.

Science and Religion, by Nathaniel Schmidt.

The Spiritual Crisis of the West, by Paul Richard.

India’s Contribution to Religion, by S. G. Pandit.

Unity in the Pacific, by Kenneth Scott Latourette.

Shambhala, by Nicholas Roerich.

The Practical Program of Religion, by A. E. Haydon. �