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[Page 299]

WORLD UNITY

A Monthly Magazine for those who seek the world outlook JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, Editor HORACE HOLLEY, Managing Editor

CONTENTS

AUGUST, 1930

ael's Mission is Peace Frontispiece

dia and World Politics Editorial

Way of the East Alice A. Bailey

he Higher Reaches of World Spirit Fred Merrifield

oward World Economic Cooperation John Herman Randall

aterialism and Spirituality Stanley Rice

ext Steps in International Action Lucia Ames Mead

outh and World Peace Harold F. Bing

or a Broader Religious Outlook Reading List on World Unity

Round Table Book Review

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE is published by WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION 4 East 12th Street, New York City: MARY RUMSEY MOVIUS, president; HORACE HOLLEY, vice-president: FLORENCE MORTON, treasurer; JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, secretary. Published monthly, 35 cents a copy. $3.50 a year in the United States and in all other countries (postage included). THE WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION and its editors welcome correspondence on _articles dated to the aims and purposes of the magazine. Printed in U. S. A. Contents copyrighted 1930 by WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION. [Page 300]Poster submitted by Ms F Falk in a of the Women’s Organization of Cmpetition sponsored by the "race Committee tral Synagogue, New York City [Page 301]

INDIA AND WORLD POLITICS

The struggle of India to attain social autonomy, and of England to maintain the Empire, commands the interest, sympathy and respect of every adult intelligence. It creates issues, and releases influences almost too great to be controlled by the collective intelligence and will of this generation. What we witness is no mere "revolution" of the traditional type but a breaking down of the methods and devices by which humanity has so long been molded into workable social forms. The entire world is party to the conflict and will be affected by the outcome.

Between the Boston tea party and Gandhi's revolt against the salt tax there are differences of condition for the measurement of which we have no adequate scale. One way to suggest them is to note that the road traveled since the American Revolution marks an evolution from the ideal of liberty to the ideal of peace. What the colonial meant by liberty was merely political independence. He attained this independence in a world society composed of mutually exclusive sovereignties. Independence was the right of a people to go their own way.

A revolution of the simple American type cannot be repeated today India is in direct conflict with our need of world peace. She is rebelling against other countries almost as much as against England. Her rights are conditioned by rights which had no existence when the American colonies left the Empire. The assertion of national sovereignty at this time according to the ideal of liberty which motivated the colonials a hundred and fifty years ago may produce independence but at the cost of a general chaos menacing all that independence is intended to secure. Whatever is spiritually vital in India's renascence, whatever is economically ; [Page 302]necessary in her program of education and reform, whatever a culturally precious to humanity in her unused mental and mora resources, must somehow be secured without adding to the genera disorder already threatening the basis of world civilization.

But England, too, is not merely attempting to suppress one people in revolution. England is also in direct conflict with worl rights and world interests. Her sovereignty is no longer absolut nor her responsibility confined to policies advantageous to the Empire alone. The relations between peoples today are far les important politically than economically, and economic relations cannot be determined by mere fiat nor constitution but by volu tary perception of mutual good.

The tragedy for both India and England lies in the fact that true world issue has arisen before they can appeal to a competent world court possessing power to establish its judgments. They are compelled to confront one another on a basis of strife constantl tending toward violence, when the differences to be determine are solvable only by willing cooperation for final ends larger that either or both can define. England and India in irreconcilable conflict or even abrupt separation might conceivably overwhelm our feeble international arrangements.

The modern world can endure neither a great people in sub jection nor a great empire in collapse. It is a case for trusteeship imposed upon both immediate parties, and relating both to world order worth infinitely more to each than victory in the old narrow meaning of that word. The lack of such trusteeship is the tragedy of the other nations. In essence, the case of India repre sents a people compelled too rapidly to undertake new standard of political education and economic progress; the case of England reveals the need to maintain imperial relations when world rela tions are required. If India follows China, humanity must adop a super state or society will collapse. [Page 303]

BY WAY OF THE EAST

ALICE A. BAILEY Author and Teacher

N JUNE, 1926, an address was given at the Pan-Pacific Club in Honolulu by a prominent Buddhist leader from Japan. He concluded with the significant words: "When we think of the people of the world, we must not think of them in terms of nations or of countries, but as one people united by a common the "The ideal which he voiced is gripping men’s minds increasingly, and its ultimate consummation does not seem the impossibility it appeared to be a few years ago. There is sufficient response apparently to guarantee an ultimate understanding between the races at a not too distant future, and an eventual unity of thought which will produce far-reaching changes. Robert Browning had the same vision when he exclaimed: "Mankind! Made up of all the single men. In such a synthesis, the journey ends." Thus these two the one from the East and the other from the West—have joined hands in their mutual aspiration to the same goal, visioning that great event for which the whole creation groans and travails together in pain, until now, waiting for the manifestation of the sons of God. They represent that small, though steadily growing band of lovers of the race, who (because they love) see truly. They know, as a fact in nature, that there is indeed neither race, creed nor color, but only the sons of the one Father, animated by the one Life, and bound together by the ties of their common heritage, and their ultimate goal.

A study of world conditions from this standpoint reveals that the stage of theory is already past. We are entering that of experiment. These are the days of amalgamations and of trusts; of Leagues of Nations and of religious conferences to which all [Page 304]faiths and Churches are bidden. The effort towards Christian unity which took place lately at Lausanne, and the significant Conference of Religions at Pekin, in May 1925, all indicate the general trend. The Pekin effort seemed peculiarly successful as delegates from Taoism, Oomoto, Confucianism, Christianity, Chinese Islam, Buddhism and other religious movements were represented, and worked together in amity. This is the era also of conventions for mutual understanding in every department of human thought, of forums, clubs and fraternities, and of standardisation in all fields of endeavor, religious, educational, social, political and economic.

This tendency towards cooperation instead of competition, this fusing of interests for mutual benefit, and this submerging of the individual and the selfish in the aim towards general group betterment is distinctly religious in character. It is inherent and universal, and is produced by that mystical evolutionary urge which has carried us forward through the stages of the family, the tribe, the nation and the group of nations, up to our present point of transition into something still more inclusive. The tendency to expand and to include is one of the deepest spiritual assets of the race. The push onward and upward, and at the same time towards each other, emanates from that deep-seated spiritual consciousness which lies within each human being. Uncomprehendingly as yet, and frequently misinterpreting it, the race is sensing its subjective unity; the basic relationships and the essential factors which underlie the objective fabric of our world are gradually asserting themselves.

As this realisation tends increasingly to affect our world activities, and is made a factor in governing our affairs, the human family will stand upon the Mount of Transfiguration, whereon the glorified soul of man will stand revealed. A momentous event looms ahead. At that great consummation we shall see the marriage of those divine entities,—the soul of Asia and the soul of Europe and America—and from that union will emerge the new race, with its new modes of expression, its new culture and its universal religion. This union is now in process of negotiation. [Page 305]and in America primarily are the preliminary interchanges being carried forward. The more academic pourparlers may have been instituted in Europe, but the necessary adjustments and the close understanding desired between the two concerned seem in process of consummation in the West.

Paralleling this subjective tendency, and urged thereto by the vast difference to be seen between vision and fact, students throughout the world are deeply concerned with the surface conditions. The world problem, as it is called, is engrossing the attention of thinkers everywhere. World revolution, the revolt of youth, the downfall of our modern civilisation, the failure of the Churches, the unsatisfactory nature of our educational system, the rottenness of our economic and social structure are topics of general discussion, as the periodicals and pamphlets of the intelligentsia bear witness. Many among our investigators can see only the destruction of the present order, the moral degradation of the nations, and the setting of the stage for a new Armageddon, wherein the remnants of the nations will descend to a final pit. They feel that the overthrow of mankind lies ahead, and that nothing remains to do but to make our peace with God and hope for a better world hereafter, or the endless peace of annihilation.

Others again look for a solution in the sublimation of our present mechanical civilisation, and in the physical standardisation of mankind. They dream of a world given over to eugenics and hygiene, to scientific achievement and synthetic chemistry. They vision a future which will produce a kind of transcendent department store Heaven, arriving logically out of present conditions. Others frankly see no hope anywhere for themselves, but trust that the coming generation will evolve some solution and arrive at some settlement which will bring about the establishment of a new social order, built upon the razed foundations of the past, and constructed out of those remnants found worth salvaging. They vaguely anticipate some new development, some momentous scientific discovery about which speculation is impossible.

Most of these groups however seem to be principally [Page 306]concerned with the saving of the outer garment, and with the preservation of those externalities which make our lives safe, secure and physically comfortable. They are fighting to preserve the customs and conventions which have hedged in and protected the past, and to conserve the theologies and doctrines which, it begins to appear may, after all, have handicapped the free life of the Spirit. They are occupied with the form side of life,-forms of thought and of policies, forms of desires and of aspirations, and with the physical phenomena which these produce. But nature herself does not begin with the external aspect. She begins with the germ of life, and slowly and gradually evolves the form to meet the needs and requirements of that life. She starts with a subjective impulse, and according to its strength, its nature and its quality will be the type of form evolved. The old order changes Old forms must give place to new, and, under the eternal law of nature, the processes of birth and death are carried on side by side Again the pulsations of the inner life force are making themselves felt. Again, as many times before, there is seething beneath the surface a movement which is limited to no one race or people but which this time simultaneously concerns all. Again under the momentum of those cycles which seem to control the destiny of men, the tide is turning, and the curr t is again in motion which flows from East to West. Again the Light is streaming forth, and the first rays of the rising sun have reached our shores.

The indications are curiously the same as before, and their similarity to those preceding the advent of the Christian era is very striking. Prior to the flooding of the Occident with the light of Christianity there was the opening up of communication between the East and the West through conquest. The victorious armies of Alexander the Great penetrated into Persia and India. and drew the then known world together. Communication between the Mediterranean and the East was greatly increased, and the great caravan routes more generally used. Thus the stage was set for a new civilisation and a new religion. Following upon [Page 307]

BY WAY OF THE EAST

this came the seepage of Eastern thought into the countries around the Mediterranean. Esoteric groups were formed and philosophical coteries organised whose ideas were largely coloured by the basic theories of the Orient. The history of the Gnostics sects, for instance, both those preceding and those found after the Christian cra, show unmistakably the influence of the Parsis of Persia and allied cults, and Christianity, when it came, fell under their influence. Thus was laid the foundation for the coming of the Western religion and the gap bridged between the East and the West Eventually the light of Christianity dawned in Palestine, midway between the two hemispheres, linking them but not uni-iving them. The roadways of Europe were at the same time con-structed, thus facilitating the spread of the new religion.

Similar conditions are again to be found. During the past century India has been opened up through the medium of conquest and occupation; the world has been unified through the railroads and sea routes, aided by the coming of the aeroplane, telegraph, radio and telephone. Again we have the inflow of Eastern thought and philosophy into the scientific and materialistic Occident, and in the turning of the wheel of life the stage is once more set. Light from the East will again bring to fruition the seeds of the new spiritual life and the germs of the new civilisation, whose struggles towards the surface are already felt.

Humanity is preparing for a new step forward. From the carlier cycles of life activity, nations and races were born; from the present opportunity, a unified mankind may emerge, bringing with it the revelation of the world soul and a universal religion. What will be the outcome of this new revelation? Shall we, for the first time, pass within the veil and enter the Holy Place, leaving the outer court behind? Shall we leave behind our separateness and divisions and become one people? Surely we can look ahead to the fusing of the hemispheres, rather than to the refounding of separative groups and nations.

To understand the situation aright we need to remember that [Page 308]every great spiritual revival has had its origin in Asia. Every world religion has arisen in the East, and from thence have emerged those impulses which have laid hold of men’s minds and led them into Truth. The religious thought of the West is based upon the words of an Oriental Teacher and upon a book compiled from the writings of the Jewish people-a race emerging out of Asia. All the world Scriptures are Asiatic. Books in their myriads are Occidental. The Word sounds forth with the rising sun, speech upon every subject under that sun is found where it sets.

The Path into the Kingdom of God has been blazed by Oriental pioneers. We have but followed in their steps. The Buddha, Shri Krishna, and the Christ have taken the Kingdom of Heaven by violence and then have proclaimed for us the Way. They have said: This is the Law. I am the Way, the Truth and the Life. By Love shall ye attain the goal. Thousands in the East and in the West have listened to their words and have, like Them, found the Path.

Asia has thus produced the outstanding Figures in the history of spiritual evolution, and has given us the symbolic Personalities and Demonstrators in the science of the Soul. These Personalities have set Their seal upon the races, raising the sons of men nearer Heaven, and are universally recognised and followed. The West has produced no such Figures, no stars of the first magnitude in the realm of Spirit, no Founders of world religions. Does this mean that we have nothing of equal value to offer and nothing complementary to give, thus supplementing the contribution of Asia? The genius of the West is different. We have that to bring to the joint production of the two hemispheres which is equally divine and equally a product of evolution, but which works out through the Group instead of through the Individual.

We have fathered groups of individuals who have stood for achievement in the kingdom of the mind. We have not produced the lonely pioneering Intuitives, but we have sponsored the grouped Intelligences. Though there are few Masters of the Wisdom among us, we have produced their Interpreters and Exponents, and made the vision a practical experiment for world uplift. [Page 309]

BY WAY OF THE EAST

We have originated galaxies of lesser stars, whose aggregated fight may equal that of the lone star, and who have lit the stage for the needed development of the race. Such were the mystics of the middle ages, who testified to the reality of the spiritual life. such were the Troubadours, the custodians of the mystery teaching, and the poets of the Elizabethan age. It was Europe who produced the group of brilliant souls who brought about the Renaissance, and that coterie of revolutionary spirits who were responsible for the French Revolution, with its emphasis upon the divine rights of man. In more modern times we have the poets, musicians and artists of the 19th century, and the scientists of our own time. Latest among the nations, America comes forward with her own contribution-that dominant group of financiers who so largely control our mechanistic civilisation. America is again, par excellence, the land of groups-religious, political, scientific, social, speculative and academic, popular and fantastic.

Another contrast along these lines might here be in order. In India we have certain great schools of philosophy-with the masses of the people left in an illiterate condition. In the West we have a wide and diversified general education. In India discussion has been pre-eminently confined to the consideration of the problems of subjective existence and to metaphysical speculations; it has concerned itself with the study of the relation between the Real and the Unreal, the Self and the Not-Self. The East has given much thought to That which has been the Cause of the known; it has dealt with the laws governing that Life, and has regarded facts and forms as the great Illusion. In the West a more materialistic and practical education is given, and the emphasis is laid upon the known and the proven. We have raised a race whose general knowledge is phenomenal, and whose heads are full of facts, useful and otherwise. We have through our scientific achievements, our mental sciences, and our alert mental acquisitiveness, brought the race forward to a point of intellectual enlightenment, new in its experience. We have wrestled with nature and wrested her secrets from her; we have produced a civilisation which is expressed in terms of electricity and the radio. [Page 310]We have been practical, active, enterprising and enquiring whilst Asia has been philosophical, speculative, and outwardly inert and impractical. We have been noisy, exploring and materialistic, whilst the East has been patient and silent, holding within her bosom the germ of the future spiritual life of the race, quietly awaiting her hour. We have been occupied with the cultivation of the form side of life, whilst the East has been nurturing and guarding that which the form must express. Who shall say which function is the more divine, seeing both apparently are part of the great plan, and both equally needed in manifestation. Asia has refused to be interested in things material and practical, hence the deplorable state of the masses of the people, their illiteracy and the lack of hygiene and sanitation, plus the other sad conditions which have given rise to that true, but utterly false book, "Mother India." Europe and America have laid the emphasis upon things mental and physical and are now suffocated with the weight of their achievements, and are staggering under the burden of their tangible requirements. We have given rise to those conditions of which the world war was the inevitable outcome. Even our religious life is gauged by the size and number of our Church organizations, the buildings used, and their endowment. The census for 1916 of the Religious Bodies in the United States covers 192 pages, and the points dealt with are the number of the Churches, the size of the membership, the expenditure, and the value of the Church edifices. Incidentally it is interesting to note that the Oriental religions are included in this census.

Is it not evident that both hemispheres need each other? Does it not become apparent, as one studies them both, that the growth of the spirit at the expense of the form, and the development of that form at the expense of the spirit, are equally undesirable? Do they not both bring with them their own peculiar dangers and disadvantages? Life cannot express itself without form, and this the West provides. Form is useless without the life to animate it. Spirit and Body are equally divine, and both need each other. The West is positive physically, but negative spiritually. She is in the position of the waiting bride. The East reverses this condition, [Page 311]being negative physically, but positive spiritually, and waits to endow the West with the fertilising germ of life—as has cyclically been its function. Both however are impotent without each other, and the future world cannot come into being without their joint cooperation. May it not therefore be possible that the two halves of our planetary life may each have been the custodians of a treasure which, in fullness of time, will be of mutual benefit? The bringing together, intelligently and wisely, of the spiritual culture and message of the Orient and the mental and scientific attainments of the Occident should surely produce a world civilisation and a universal religion of such a nature that a new Heaven and a new Earth will materialise.

This the elect and the enlightened of both hemispheres have ever recognised. The mystics of the West and the Rishis of the East are the universal Knowers, and belong to no one race and represent no one group. They speak the same language, know the same truths and see the same vision, whether they are pioneered by the Buddha or the Christ. Every cycle and every century has produced them, and they hold the vision true, and sound the note for their age. Though they have been few and far between, being numerically as yet but a handful, their numbers have sufficed to hold ajar the gate into the city, which is watered by the river of life and lighted by the Sun of Righteousness. They have ever, no matter what their race, joined hands and blended their endeavour. They have proclaimed the same message and have indicated in similar fashion the way that humanity should go. They are the ones who blend and synthesise, unify and fuse all in the Kingdom of Spirit.

In America, the youngest among the nations, still immature and fluidic in her views, this blending and merging is being carried forward, and the outcome is still uncertain. The experiment is still in the initial stages. America is not only the racial melting pot, but is also the furnace wherein the pure gold of spiritual truth is being tried out. It is the crucible wherein the forms of thought [Page 312]and the motives lying back of both conventions and customs are under test. The Spirit in man is struggling towards revelation and its new form of expression is in the birthing. This ultimate revelation will be the possession of no one race in particular, for America belongs to all. Never before has there existed a nation wherein every race under the sun is represente!, for all have contributed their quota to the experiment, and no one people is exempt from participation. Thus it is a universal test.

This test is about to enter its second phase, as the more drastic immigration laws testify. The quota is nearly complete, and from a heritage of Puritan and Huguenot forbears, a large admixture of Jews, and a constantly contributing stream of immigrants from every country in the world, there will eventually emerge a new race which will be strictly representative and inclusive.

From the crucible will emerge a people whose outlook will be universal and comprehensive and whose horizon will include the world. They will represent most significant ideals, for they will carry the light which emanates from the East, in a form fashioned in the West. They will stand for the liberty of the individual, but it will be a liberty which is the result of inner illumination and the outgrowth of a transcendental experience To this the lonely pioneers and seers have ever borne witness. Thus having passed from the realm of authority to that of experience they will function as a group of spiritually free souls, allied for the good of all. It is for this perhaps that the entire past has been preparing. It is for this reason that the present opportunity is significantly humanity's hour. The result will be world wide The initial experiments leading to that result may be going forward in the laboratory of America, but the resultant product will be a universal heritage. Everywhere men are awake, and in touch with each other. We have, through our scientific achievements. obliterated distance and unified the race. Mankind is now omnipresent. Omniscience lies ahead and is the next basic development But omniscience is a soul quality; it is wisdom and not knowledge. it is spiritual perception and intuitive recognition of Reality, and not the myopic vision of ordinary men. It belongs to all, but in the [Page 313]

BY WAY OF THE EAST

West it is buried deep under the superficialities of knowledge. The East has guarded for us against this hour the laws and technique whereby omniscience can be acquired, though only the great Initiates have as yet employed this knowledge. This teaching is on its way westward. Only when omniscience is developed and we are actuated by the wisdom of the soul can we be trusted with omnipotence, the climaxing heritage of the spirit.

In transitting from the stage of authority and obedience to that of individual experience we are temporarily in revolt. We are fighting blindly and often ignorantly for the right of private judgment and for self expression. Our orientation is as yet in the wrong direction, and self interest is predominantly the spur to endeavor. We are seeking truth on all sides and are running hither and thither in the hope of finding the perfect group and the perfect teaching, ignorant of the teaching of the East, that the Teacher and the Self are to be found within. But, as the prophet explained of old, the glory of the Lord will shine upon our house and will come "by way of the East," (Ezekiel 43) and for this and the consequent revelations the race stands waiting. But this time we are waiting consciously and intelligently. We know that where there is demand, there is ever supply; where there is sincerity of purpose, the high Gods bend themselves and accord the revelation.

Finally, and this is by far the most significant of the reasons for the present crisis and opportunity, man is—for the first time—truly human. Never before has mankind—as a whole—functioned with all parts of the human mechanism coordinated and correlated. His physical body, his moods, feelings and desires, and that sum total of mental processes we call the mind, form an adjusted unity. He is a corporate whole. Men have been physically centered before. They are actuated by desires and feelings always, but now they are also mental. We have reached maturity, and humanity has come of age. [Page 314]

V

by FRED MERRIFIELD Department of Comparative Religion, University of Chicago

ERY much that goes under the name of world interest world friendship, world religion, or world unity, seen many times to fall far short of the high ideal thu implied. A young man came several years ago from Afghanistan to the college atmosphere of America. Having bee reared and educated in the sheltered environs of Islam alone, and thoroughly and sublimely convinced that his faith must of cours be the ultimate toward which all peoples were pathetically struc gling, he arrived in New York with a feeling of a world-mission upon him. He had no question at all, he later confided, but tha all whom he made his friends would sooner or later recogniz the superiority of Muhammedan culture, scripture and dogma And he knew within his soul that it was simply a matter of time before all America and the world would bow in grateful homag before Allah the Supreme, and Muhammed the most wonderfu of all the prophets.

Two experiences began slowly to broaden the mind of th fine-spirited youth. First, came the startling fact that, in the light of real modern knowledge, he was not quite so certain of the teachings of his own faith as he originally thought. He began to see some of the shortcomings, some of the backward qualities of Islam of which he had never so much as dreamed. Second, h found, to his utter amazement, that Christianity and all the othe religions that now for the first time came under his gaze, wer replete with good qualities, some of which were well designed to supplement the needs of his own special type of thought. Stunne by these successive revelations, he further confided that he wa [Page 315]going back home to advocate these broader views, and to stand henceforth for world-experience in religion—apart from all dogma, creed or ritual, if necessary—and even though his home priests cast him out from their all-powerful fellowship and stamped him forever thereafter as a renegade, and a castaway from God himself.

How frequently we still meet the illusioned type of mind, in which the conviction is unquestioned that a world is destined, by this prophecy or that God, to find its sole satisfaction within the beliefs and assurances of the cherished faith. People do not See that they have no right to a fair judgment in matters of this sort until they have passed through certain very necessary experiences. Fortunately for most of us human beings, the highways of progressive truth-seeking are hidden from our eyes. We would never have the courage to take the first step in world-knowledge if we knew whither our path was leading. It is only by the slow and successive awakenings of a hesitating and protesting spirit that we attain to the lower ranges of experience; and then too many remain content to stay in these half-way stations as if the entire journey had been completed.

Really, as the story of this friendly Afghan suggests, one who would share the keen joys of the world-spirits of our time must with them seek to know the history and the minds of men everywhere and of all time. It is a search that requires time, energy and infinite patience and forbearance. But it is so eminently worth while, and leads to such sublime heights of experience, that the wonder is that many more men and women do not throw themselves into the research supreme with an abandon that would shame even the herculean efforts of the saints and prophets of old. The more one enters sympathetically into the environment, the struggles, and the triumphs of one people after another thinking with them, sharing their narrownesses and their kindly qualities; fighting with them for sacred traditions, and rising to new heights under some inspiring leader; believing with them that the gods of yore are theirs, and the favors as well, and that destiny has them marked out for the high places and honors of earth—the more he is prepared to deal humanly with [Page 316]all, and to feel at home in the aspirations and worthy qualities of all. This is one of the first and most essential preparations one would play fairly with life, and be a real neighbor to ha fellowmen.

There is a second requirement which should be held before those who seek this noblest of all crowns of life, that of World Citizenship. And here, again, nothing can be gained by making the test less exacting. I refer to the splendid test to which all men and women of scientific mind expose themselves. We know that these heroes of a thousand battles mostly alone and unseen are the hope of the world today. If they fail us, pity us indeed but in their marvelous successes we are finding our continuou salvation from ill health, narrowness and fear. There is no mental or spiritual test so severe as this. There are pathetic and grandios types of men who boast that they will never submit to the ever-changing findings of science; for that would make monkeys of them. Their very ignorance declares their relationship, withou further explanation. But those who would prepare themselves under the eternal watchfulness of the eve of science far mor trying and rewarding, by the way, than ever the supposed eve of God has been are entering upon a process of mental and moral chastening unparalleled in human experience.

To be absolutely honest in every word and thought, in ever moment's search for fact and in every attempted statement of truth, requires a heroism and divine patience second to none For, in the realms of human custom and theological dogma, on need not travel far before encountering the ever-present and al dominant streams of opposition. Honesty invariably leads awa from custom. New experience must necessarily depart from the time-honored rigors of the old. To be scientific, willing and determined to discover fact and only fact as a basis for belief and action, is to lay aside most of the sacred findings of the past, and to map out ways which seem both iconoclastic and heart-rending until they have prevailed long enough to be clothed with sacre qualities, in turn. To be scientific, is to be glad when one discover truth in strange places and under unaccustomed names. In a word [Page 317]it is truly a world-attitude; open to world-findings, world-interests, and so utterly non-sectarian in spirit that one sometimes appears to be ungrateful not to play up the "loyalties" of the ume-honored faith.

But there is no joy in the world like this, if one will pay the full price. The rewards offered to the faithful in all of the ancient faiths are not to be compared with this, where one is following fact into a rounded and growing philosophy of life; and where to keep company with truth is in itself all the reward and all the heaven of delight which a truly honest man could ask. There need be no fear lest science will leave us in blind alleys. Her gifts to the world are already too well known, and the opening worlds of new experience are already too alluring to be given up for an ancient and groundless fear. All the hopeful and all the heroic within us rises up in everlasting protest against interference with this program of destiny. And who can doubt that if Orient and Occident will follow the light of truth in this new and invigorating way, the world will fast find itself realizing its everlasting oneness, and forget its divisive differences which have all too long kept us strangers and aliens one to the other? [Page 318]

THE MOVEMENT TOWARD WORLD ECONOMIC COOPERATION

THE League of Nations, with all its defects and present limitations of power and authority, does stand as a symbol of the possibility of an ever increasing cooperation in the political life of nations. As the previous chapter indicates it has also gone a long ways in bringing the nations into active cooperation in a large number of matters that are of vital human concern, chiefly in the non-contentious class of problems. More important still, the League has been steadily creating the machinery through which the nations will be able to function internationally in the field of the more delicate and contentious problems just as rapidly as an enlightened public opinion demands it. It is obvious that to a large degree the progress toward a political internationalism must go hand in hand with progress towards economic internationalism, if for no other reason because the chief duty of the national state is held today to be the furthering and protection of the business interests of its people.

Meantime, it is the steadily increasing pressure of the economic facts and demands of a world that has already become interdependent throughout that is forcing the nations, very slowly to be sure, to modify their notions of sovereignty and independence, and to bring their ideas of the political relations of nations more into harmony with the realities of the twentieth century. In this sense, it may be said that it is the economic facts that are leading, or more accurately, are forcing the nations in the direction both of a political and an economic cooperation. [Page 319]

THE MOVEMENT TOWARD WORLD ECONOMIC COOPERATION

It is by no means implied that the activities of the League have been confined to the field of political cooperation. Life is making good to the League what theory failed to provide. The original gaps in its structure no longer yawn so wide. If the statesmen who were its architects seemed to ignore economics, experience is driving the nations which compose it to realize its immense possibilities in this field. It can hardly be said that it has even begun to think of itself as an authority which will one day make law for the world in its economic dealings, but it has taken the first steps which may lead it in this direction. It had from the first as an autonomous part of its organization its International Labor Office, which aims at protecting labor the world over, and lays down general standards which its member states should observe. It defined at the Brussels Conference, during the worst period of monetary instability in Europe, the principles which should guide banking in the effort to reach stability. The Barcelona Conference arrived at conclusions of the first importance for the regulation of international transport.

But the League carried through with marked success a still more significant undertaking in May 1927, when it held its World Economic Conference in Geneva. The delegates were representatives of governments, though no government was bound by their votes, and among them were not only the members, nominees of the League States, but also those of States which remain outside it, notably Russia. Finance was excluded, as were the problems of raw materials, reparations and inter-allied debts. A vast field remained, however, including tariffs, modern methods of "rationalization in trade, and the whole subject of cartel and combines. The Conference showed a marked and consistent tendency throughout It had before it the admirable reports of the Secretariat which drew, from a comprehensive survey of statistics, the conclusion that the relative poverty of the post-war world is due not to any decline in the production of foodstuffs and raw materials, nor to any inadequacy in man’s power to exploit them, but to one form or another of maladjustment. "The main hindrances to economic revival have been the obstacles opposed to the free flow of labor, [Page 320]"capital and goods." The realization that such maladjustment exist is the first step toward any readjustment. The Conferenc condemned every form of economic nationalism. It argued in favo of the highest development of the division of labor throughou the world. It was favorable to "rationalization" and combina tion. It spent much of its time in sapping the barriers to trade erected by the mania for self-sufficiency which afflicted Europe during and after the war. It stressed the "interdependence" nations, and sought to secure it by greater "liberty of trading The President in summing up its resolutions declared that "inte national exchange of products best and most economically pro duced in different countries should be regarded as the norma rule."

In its resolutions dealing with tariffs and kindred topics, the Conference declared that "the time has come to put an end to the increase in tariffs and to move in the opposite direction." It asked for a return to the system of long-term commercial treaties, which must be based on "the mutual grant of unconditional most favored-nation treatment." It called for the stabilization and simplification of tariffs, and with some reservations condemne export taxes, especially when they involve discrimination. Finally it threw overboard the doctrine that tariffs can be regarded a "falling exclusively within the domain of national sovereignty. and urged that "concerted action among different nations is pos sible and desirable." It looked to the League, in this and ever other field, as the natural center from which "concerted action should originate, though when it came to details it rarely aske for more than inquiry and the collection of statistics. Its final resolution was timidly vague, but it seems to hint that the pre paratory committee which organized the Geneva Conference would be a suitable model for the permanent economic organiza tion with which the League should be endowed.

The important thing to remember is why it has become es sential that the world should take "concerted action" in the economic field. The resolutions passed by this Conference were not the expression of pure idealism; these delegates who voted [Page 321]

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unanimously were realists facing the tremendous changes which science and industrialism have brought about in the relations of nations, they knew the facts of this new world, and they understood, in part at least, the deep significance of these facts. They realized that by the organization of the world's work on the basis of the utmost division of labor, we are making of all humanity a cooperative society, which confesses that the good of its various parts can be realized only through the good of the whole. Whenever the national state attempts, by tariffs or other arbitrary devices, to foster the production of goods which other peoples, by reason of advantages in climate, situation, native aptitude or the abundance and proximity of raw material, are better fitted to produce, this state is causing a maladjustment in the organization of the world's work. It is adding, moreover, to the sum of the world's unnecessary toil. These are the grounds which stamp economic nationalism as an offence against peace; for peace must mean the highest development of the cooperative ideal.

This World Economic Conference and the conclusions which it reached reveal the possibilities in the field of economic cooperation, but only in the measure that public opinion in the respective countries warrants progress in this direction. As an illustration of how far the United States is from realizing the new conditions and their new demands, and how far we are as a nation from real economic cooperation with other nations, we have just witnessed the passing of the new and higher tariff bill. In spite of the fact that we were present and participated in the World Economic Conference, the new tariff bill takes no cognizance whatever of the conclusions reached by that conference. There is no longer a serious debate between Democrats and Republicans over the desirability of a protective tariff for American products. A protective tariff, however, need not imply a cessation of business intercourse with the outside world. Yet propecals are seriously considered at Washington to impose duties so high that the importation of many commodities will be effectively prohibited. This is not protection. It is an embargo, and an embargo is an instrument not of peace but of war. It is only another evidence of [Page 322]muddled thinking and the lack of the international mind on the part of legislators and politicians.

We cannot continue to enjoy the benefits of our high material civilization if we thus cut off intercourse with other nations. Every one of us depends upon all the world for the continuance of the prosperity we enjoy. We cannot ruin the sugar growers of Cuba without striking a heavy blow at every American manufacturer who sells a part of his product in the Cuban market. We cannot lay an embargo on the produce of the Argentine unless we want to abandon the Argentinian market to our European competitors. We cannot put an end to various imports from Canada and from European countries unless we are willing to accept retaliation in kind. We cannot continue at our present level of prosperity unless we are willing to consider the needs of other peoples as well as our own ambitions. If we give full rein to the demands of every little group of selfish Americans, we shall not only injure our own common national prosperity, but delay the coming of world economic cooperation that shall mean prosperity for all. We cannot have legislation designed to facilitate the dumping of our excess products in foreign lands and at the same time have other laws excluding the commodities which our customers would offer in exchange. Life is not one-sided. We have to give if we would take. We must recognize the rights of others if we expect a friendly recognition of our own rights.

After reviewing the efforts being made to carry out the recommendations of the World Economic Conference to lower the barriers which hamper world trade, a recent number of the Lordon Economist argues that if every country pursued a tariff policy similar to that of the United States, world trade would all but halt. The United States is setting an example in the wrong direction in the new tariff bill. During the past few decades America has taught the world numberless lessons in the economic sphere which are fraught with great benefit to humanity. She has given a remarkable object lesson of the fact that a high standard of living is compatible with cheap production. But when it comes to external commercial relations and those economic matters [Page 323]which fall into the political sphere, her policies and the doctrines by which they have been supported have been in certain instances deplorably crude-It is obvious that the economic well-being of the United States, which has shown so marvelous a development in recent decades both in low-tariff periods and high, does not depend upon or require protection from almost the highest tariff in the world.... It is not to be expected that American politicians will attach much weight to the effect of their legislation on foreign countries. But nevertheless their effect is that so great a country as America cannot live to herself alone.

At the meeting of the International Chamber of Commerce in Amsterdam this last July, the results of the informal conversations on the American tariff was to convey to the American delegates the firm conviction of Europeans that the new American tariff bill is designed absolutely to exclude most of the limited amount of products still flowing from European to American markets. As one of the European delegates put it, "So far as we can see the Americans are going to try simply to put us out of business." Is it worth while, these men asked the American delegation, for the American Congress, in order to gain very trifling advantages for a few isolated American manufacturers, to bring avy losses upon European manufacturers? America, it was admitted on all sides, has every right to handle her tariff matters as she deems best, but is it wise for America to arouse a feeling that, if not allayed, is likely to result in Europeans generally making every effort to buy automobiles and other things from other than American sources? There is a deeper question than this involved, however. What will it mean for the moral leadership of America if its business interests show so little real understanding of the changed relations that have taken place in the world's economic life, and express so little willingness to cooperate with other nations for the common good and highest prosperity of all?

The more hopeful side of the matter lies in the storm of complaints that almost immediately on the presentation of the new tariff bill began to come in from all parts of the country. The farmers were dissatisfied and angry; consumers took note of what [Page 324]was likely to happen to them and filed their protests; most threateningly of all, the housekeepers banded together in resentment at an expected rise in the cost of living. There was a general feeling of disgust at the greedy way in which various prosperous industries sought added favors from the government. Most remarkable of all has been the reversal of our traditional attitude toward the protests from foreign nations that multiplied steadily. In the older and more robust days of tariff protection these would have been treated with a kind of gleeful contempt. It would have been said that if the people in Europe did not like what we proposed to do this only proved it the right course for us. First find out what the foreigners don't want, and then do it. The proud cry used to be "What have we to do with other nations? Nothing except to legislate against foreign interests as often as we get the chance But a great light has dawned The statements filed ar Washington by some thirty European and other nations in protest against some of the rates in the House tariff bill are treated with the utmost respect. Even Senators speak of them in a deferential tone. Outstanding industrial leaders, bankers, and publicists have vigorously denounced this bill. Republican leaders have been most outspoken against it. Republican newspapers have frankly condemned it. One thousand and twenty-one leading economists of the country petitioned the President to veto it. It is as if an entirely new factor had entered into our tariff-making which we are bound to consider in the future since to neglect it would result in a menace to our own export trade.

This surprising change, which everybody must have noticed. has nothing moral or political about it. The usual economic arguments against high protective tariffs have not operated with new effect. What has really happened has been an eruption of hard business sense into the whole tariff controversy. People have come to feel that a high tariff has become an obvious misfit for a country in the position the United States has attained. We neither need it today nor can we profit from it. On the contrary it threatens injury to one great branch of American life—our foreign trade. The very real danger of a Europe economically organized against [Page 325]the United States is more potent than moral ideals to make us see that no nation today liveth unto itself alone. It is thus that the complex inter-relations of the economic life of nations are forcing all peoples into an economic cooperation to which otherwise they would have been averse.

There is a rapidly growing conviction throughout the country that, first, under existing conditions, the principle of protection is economically unsound, politically disastrous, and morally indefensible. Second, even if we admit protection to be defensible in economic theory, no one can maintain that the present hodge-podge of unrelated special rates constitutes a system consistent with any such theory. Third, if we abandon all rational theory and agree that the tariff shall be simply a system of plundering all the people for the benefit of part of them, which is about all the present American tariff "ideas" really amount to, the present bill before Congress is not what it pretends to be and what the President asked for, namely, an instrument that equalizes conditions between manufacturers on the one hand, and farmers on the other.

The world's great need today is the chance to work and trade; the Economic Conference of the League of Nations in 1927 categorically declared: "The time has come to move in the direction of lower tariffs. Tariff students point out that the American action is likely to make European reductions more difficult, not to say impossible. In spite of all our protestations of good-will and desire for peace, if we continue our present policy we are in this matter of the tariff alone making impossible the coming of good-will and peace.

Another striking fact has been the tendency since 1919 to take the problems of finance and other economic questions out of the hands of the politicians and put them into the hands of experts—economists, financiers, business men. The whole reparation problem was simply a football among the nations concerned until the Dawes Commission approached it from a non-political viewpoint and brought expert economic knowledge and experience to bear upon the whole matter. The more recent revision of the Dawes plan by what will be known as the Young Commission, though [Page 326]Owen D. Young had no legal authority at Paris and was not even an official delegate from the United States, illustrates how even the thorniest problem can be settled if only it can be lifted out of the rivalries and jealousies of the political atmosphere and entrusted to trained experts whose governing motive is that of honest good-will. International affairs are barbarous and uncivilized to the extent that we rely upon force rather than upon persuasion. Owen D. Young succeeded where others had failed because he had the energy to learn, and the patience to understand, and the good-will to help other men reach an understanding. Through fifteen long weeks in Paris he never lost courage. If one proposal were rejected, he would consider something else. He had no pride of opinion. He was willing to take suggestions wherever he found them. If one form of statement did not win approval, he would try another. When other men were at the end of their resources and when failure had all but been proclaimed, he was still undaunted and still willing to make fresh attempts. All the time, however, he was driving towards the great goal—a voluntary agreement concerning the terms of a permanent peace.

Persuasion worked because the facts were on his side. When the Conference temporarily broke down men had the chance to consider the results of failure. The prospect was not pleasant. Agreement seemed better. Owen D. Young induced the statesmen of nations, traditionally hostile, to come to a voluntary agreement because he understood their difficulties. The final decision left no stings of disappointment. Everyone felt that the best had been been made of a situation intrinsically bad. Consequently, while no one claims that Utopia is in sight, peace is now on a surer basis than at any time during the last seventy-five years. We have begun to rely on the power of persuasion in these international problems instead of on force; and as time goes on, if we can only bring the same expert knowledge, the same patience and insight, the same powers of persuasion and good-will to bear upon every such problem, however knotty it may appear to be, we shall find our way at length to a genuine cooperation in our life as nations. Owen D. Young showed on a magnificent scale that clear thinking [Page 327]broad sympathy, and infinite patience coupied with zeal to serve, can persuade men to agree when the force of arms is impotent. One of the profoundly significant features looking towards world economic cooperation contained in the Young plan is the establishment of an International Bank. The plans for such a Bank were elaborated by the Experts Committee in Paris and are as significant in the organization of a world order as were those that established the League of Nations. Henri Berenger, a former French Ambassador, says of the proposed Bank: "It is as necessary now as national banks were a century ago, for nations have become mere provinces. If bankruptcies and ruin, which have followed the years 1914 to 1918, are to be avoided, if a new war, even more atrocious than the last is to be escaped, there must be financial understanding between nations, between continents. The day when this entente is realized will be a day of world confidence and world credit. And from that day there will be real association among the nations." These are strong words, but they do not exaggerate the possibilities of such an International Bank for helping towards a world community.

Although Owen D. Young deserves the credit for the inauguration of the scheme, the plan is by no means entirely his. For a number of years there has been more or less constant communication between the heads of the central banks of the larger nations; they have conferred in the elaboration of their plans. Mr. Morgan and other American financiers have frequently been called into consultation in matters affecting international finance, and most of the other members of the Experts Committee have at one time or other advised regarding reparations, debt payments and foreign loans. These conferences have accustomed the leaders in the financial world to work together. There has gradually been developed the idea that has engaged the minds of dreamers and a few practical statesmen for generations—the establishment of an international bank that will relate and direct the financial affairs of the nations, and will make them serve as an agency for peace rather than for war. The proposed bank will not be in any sense an intergovernmental organization. Its capital will be privately subscribed and [Page 328]its only formal relation to governments will be through ther banks of issue. So far as possible, it will be kept free from political influence. Particularly will it act in the present situation to liquidate the financial obligations resulting from the war, and to transform them into securities that can be sold on the open market. as well as to aid in the restoration of normal relations between the nations. Obviously the organization of an institution so complex and of such far-reaching importance as this is a task of great delicacy and difficulty, and the plans thus far made are purely tentative. The plan itself, however, is a frank recognition of the fact that the economic life of the world today is one life, and that henceforth. it must be increasingly treated as such.

As indicative of the trend of thought toward economic cooperation in Europe. M. Briand has recently brought to the attention of the public, his long-nurtured plan for an economic United States of Europe. It is said that M. Briand conceived an economic union of Europe during the reparations discussion last September, as the next logical step after his policy of general liquidation of war questions had been completed. The action of the Reparation Conference at the Hague in August finishes the most important elements of that liquidation, so that M. Briand's plan to call a European economic conference in October 1929 would be an opportune moment to indicate at least what direction Europe's next step should take. One view is that M. Briand wants to strike for an economic union when the wide-spread anxiety in Europe over the American tariff bill is likely to assure a more favorable response to his project. At any rate it is clear that M Briand's reading of the public's pulse has served to convince him that the moment is ripe for such a proposal. Those who have followed the development of M. Briand's plan most closely insist that however much the American tariff policy may stimulate Europe toward a union. M. Briand has taken special pains to show that the project is not directed against the United States, and that any such measure, intended to promote the peace and economic prosperity of Europe, is as much to the interest of America as of any other country. The immediate aim of M. Briand, is quite [Page 329]

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evidently to send up a trial balloon publicly and to arouse a discussion, which all agree is necessary before any concrete steps toward such a union can be taken. That there are great difficulties in the way all admit; but once again it is the reality of the economic situation that is forcing the idea in spite of all political barriers.

As everyone knows, M. Briand is more interested in politics than in trade. But those who know best are inclined to feel that with shrewd insight he sees in the project for economic unity in Europe something still deeper—an economic unity on which a degree of political unity might later on be built. It is perfectly plain that the American program of trying to extend the sale of its products in all the markets of the world, while keeping the products of other countries out of its markets, though condemned as an international policy, has served to bring other countries to see some advantages in that system if it can be established and adhered to. And so the world, at the present writing, sees the contradictory development that while the expert economists are preaching the tearing down of customs barriers, most everyone is studying how to erect them, chiefly due to the example of the United States. If this should result in putting into effect the projects for a British Empire trade unity, and an economic union of the European states, the feeling seems to be that it would only hasten the breaking down of all such barriers, permitting the free movement of commodities between all countries. It will not be theories or idealism that will bring this about but the sheer logic of the world's economic life as it is today.

In his Commencement Day address in June 1929 President Nicholas Murray Butler of Columbia University, for many years a leader in the Republican party, uses these words in speaking of the tariff: "It is this pharisaical nationalism which frames public policies as if there were no other members of the human family but ourselves. It acclaims international trade and international financial interdependence, and then proceeds to build tariff walls so high as to make both as difficult as possible. It permits private interest to insinuate itself into public policies which should be [Page 330]controlled solely and entirely by the larger interests of the who people, and it thinks of a nation not as a moral personality w duties and ideals, but simply as an economic unit intent upon e alting itself in all possible ways no matter at whose cost or at wha damage to the general welfare. It is unintelligent selfishness pe sonified. Just now we may see all this in full sway at the nationa capital. The sagacious and constructive economic policy which as expounded by Hamilton and Clay and Lincoln and Blaine and Garfield and McKinley, had come to be generally accepted a characteristic of our nation's public life, has now been quietl superseded by the doctrine that the government must assure a profitable domestic market to every producer with political is fluence enough to insist upon having it provided for him, regard less of anything else." It is only the developed international min together with an enlightened self-interest that will gradually pu an end to such narrowly selfish nationalistic policies.

The international cartel movement and the other busines combinations which are spreading so rapidly are only anothe indication of the growth of economic cooperation which di regards all national boundaries and nationalistic prejudices unde the pressure of economic realities. In Europe the government encourages combinations and supports them. The cartel is a de liberate device to limit competition. It is not a merger but combination of independent concerns to restrict competition among themselves and to act together. In this sense Europe ha moved farther in the direction of economic cooperation than have we in this country where we still insist on the private characte of business. There are innumerable cartels in Germany, France Italy and every European country. But there are now developin international cartels, for example, the Franco-German Steel Cartel And in many of these we find France and Germany-these ancien enemies-acting together, frequently against American rivals The latest suggestion, that British industrialists join with the continental cartels for the marketing of essential staples, is to sa the least symptomatic of the trend of thought in the direction of cooperation across national bo daries. One of the probable ad [Page 331]

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vantages of the cartel movement, it is believed, will be to hasten the lowering of tariff barriers in Europe. At first glance this would seem to be harmful to American interests. For a time a number of American industries might suffer—although even this is questionable But the resulting benefits to European prosperity would be certain in the long run to help the United States as well.

Few realize how rapidly business interests and economic considerations are cutting across all boundary lines and disregarding national political barriers and thus becoming international in character. In this way, in the very presence of the existing nationalisms, we are establishing trade relations of extreme delicacy; we are inspiring trade reprisals out of which some perplexing problems are growing; it is probable for a time at least that this tendency in the expansion of economic interests to other countries will lead to a more intense rivalry amounting to economic warfare But eventually we shall see that we, and others with us, are weaving around ourselves as nations an intricate network of industrial interests where ruthless competition is seen to be suicidal, and that the only sane and sensible policy is that of an increasing cooperation in the common economic life of all concerned. If the war spirit should lift its ugly head again and beckon the nations to slaughter, we may find ourselves hopelessly entrapped in peace through the growing up of these mutual economic interests.

It will be seen that all these new devices represent points of irritation which develop where the traders and manufacturers of different nations cross each other's paths. They call for infinite tact on the part of our industrial leaders and our statesmen. Who could have predicted when the early tariff makers went to work that this would be one of the results of their strategy—this spreading out of the machinery of business over national boundaries, thus building up in every country vast industries owned by the people of other countries—German industries in France employing thousands of Frenchmen, French industries in Germany and England, employing thousands of Germans and Englishmen, European industries in America giving work to millions of Americans, American factories in Europe employing millions of Europeans? [Page 332]Who can foresee what is to be the effect of all this upon the minds of these millions of workers whose interests are thus caugh up in this intricate international mesh of business? Sousa onc wrote a march which he called "Hands across the Sea," to si nalize the extension across the ocean of the spirit of understanding between two great nations. Can it be, after all, that this unde standing is to be forced by these other hands across the sea-the hired hands across the sea-who will teach their employers and their rulers through the unification of economic interests, and compel them too, to live together and work together in peace

The way of progress in economic cooperation would seem to be to lay down the principle that the regulation of trade, invest ment and credit, when the subjects of one state operate with the territory on another, belongs in the last resort to the Leagu of Nations. The duty of promoting and protecting these interes would on this suggestion be taken entirely out of the hands of the imperial or national state to which the traders and financiers be long. Normally, jurisdiction would belong to the state in which they traded or invested. But an appeal would lie to the Courts the League which it might set up, for the convenience of a parties, at two or three different centers in the Near, Middle an Far East, as well as at the Hague.

H. N. Brailsford in a recent book has given the following summary of suggestions for world cooperation:

(1) It is essential that the League's supervision of all man dated areas should become more effective; and that all nonsel governing colonies in Africa and the Pacific should come unde this system, with its rule of the Open Door and the absence of a discrimination in trade.

(2) The national state must cease to be the protector a promoter of the trade and investments of its citizens beyond i frontiers. The League's courts must replace it in performing the functions.

(3) The world must build up its international organization to regulate the distribution and, if possible, also to stabilize the prices of raw materials and staple foodstuffs. [Page 333]

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e should organize such financial aid and ad- ce as weak and backward states may require.

should extend its protection to all national

, and draft a charter which should define their lems of imperialism and nationality have so onal groupings or federations on a continental ossible within the League.

few of the suggestions that might be made, feel that they are altogether "impractical" rue that they presuppose the decay of national require an international morality far beyond evolution. They demand an intelligence and a is all too little today. It may be that centuries their adoption rather than a generation. This ay of progress lies in this direction, and the promptly adapt itself to the rapid changes of doomed to perish. The cooperation of the mon good is no longer a lofty ideal; in this the one condition of our survival. [Page 334]

MATERIALISM AND SPIRITUALITY

by STANLEY RICE (Published by courtesy of Asiatic Review)

"Admirers of India are unanimous in praising Hindu 'spirituality. I cannot agree with thes To my mind 'spirituality... is the primal curse of India and the cause of all her misfortunes A little less spirituality and the Indians would now be free free from foreign dominion and tyranny of their own prejudices and traditions. There would be less dirt and more food ita for its 'materialism' that our Western civilisation is generally blamed. Wrongly I think. For materialism-if materialism means a preoccupation with the actual world in which we live-is son thing wholly admirable."--ALDOUS HUXLEY in Jesting Pilate

"The desire to know, the demand for knowledge... has always been discouraged by the g sages of the East. This desire, this yearning for knowledge, has been suppressed either by sceptica or by resort to a so-called deeper wisdom through meditation and contemplation.... We have be accustomed to regard these forms of deeper wisdom as forms of spirituality. But the modern Chine are asking what spirituality really exists in these forms of deeper wisdom"-Da. He Sun, 7 Renaissance in China (Lecture to the Royal Institute of International Affas, November, 1926)

I

r is one of the common accusations against the present a that it is too material. Indian writers in particular are neve tired of contrasting their own spirituality with the materialism of the West, and there is always an assumption o both sides that this spirituality is superior to materialism. It certainly true that in books of travel which embrace both Eas and West, such as Keyserling's "Travel Diary of a Philosopher and Mr. Huxley's "Jesting Pilate," there is a remarkable contrast between the atmosphere of India and that of America, nor is it to be found only in such books. Europeans who go farther than India are struck by the same contrast with their ow preoccupations; and Mr. Dhan Mukerji, who tells simply enoug in "Caste and Outcast" the story of his experiences, contrive to leave the same impression without directly contrasting th two and without making a special claim for his own civilization The words, however, are generally very loosely used. They do not always mean the same thing, and one suspects that som at least of the writers who use them are not very clear in the [Page 335]own minds what they connote. They are in fact drifting into the position of catchwords. If we really analyze the term "material" we shall find that there are in human society only two qualities which deserve the name without explanation or modification, the desire for food and the sexual appetite. These two are to be found in primitive man and in the lower animals, and it is only as a negative factor that the mind comes into play. It is true that Nature herself may utter a warning; the wild beast does not usually gorge itself to repletion, and savage man may learn by experience that continence is ultimately necessary to health. But the recognition that these things are vices in themselves is mental process which acts by restraint. A child in whom the mental process is undeveloped tends to overeat, as do most animals in a state of captivity; a man who has cast aside the restraints of prudence and morality will tend towards excessive sexual indulgence. In all other cases materialism is mixed in varving degrees with intellect or ethics or esthetics-all of them spiritual" processes. The man whose sole object is to make money uses his intellect to achieve his end; the woman who buys a multitude of dresses is indulging her esthetic faculty. she does not buy them because she needs them but because they are pretty or because they will suit her. Both may or may not be influenced by moral considerations: the man by common honesty, the woman by the avoidance of extravagance--which is a different form of the same thing. It is thus apparent that even in these, the crudest forms of materialism, there are mental processes at work which modify the term, and this becomes more obvious as we ascend the scale. It is, indeed, increasingly difficult to decide where materialism ends and "spirituality" comes into play as the foremost factor, for opinions may differ as to whether materialism should be applied objectively or subjectively. If it be confined to the subjective aspect alone we are concerned only with motive, but since motive must always be a process of the mind, whether intellectual or moral or esthetic, we should be driven to the conclusion that there is no such thing as materialism except in the two cases already mentioned. That, however, [Page 336]is overrefinement; it lands us in the position that the wor "materialism" so freely used means hardly anything. In practice it is undoubtedly used objectively. But the motives may vary in degrees which are admittedly unequal. The man who bets on a racecourse has no other object than to win money; he certainly does not view the transaction with any altruistic desire to pu money into another's pocket. The maker of a motorcar has a his primary object his own profit, but he is at the same time doing a social service by supplying a public want. The administrator of public moneys has no other object than to serve the public by providing good roads, efficient lighting, sanitation, police and so forth; and those who devote their time and energies to hospital work, often without reward to themselves, are actuate. solely by philanthropy in the true and literal sense. All these people are, however, ministering in different degrees to a material object. It is to such things as these that Mr. Huxley alludes when he calls materialism "a preoccupation with the actual world in which we live"; the phrase is a loose one because our preoccupation extends also to that part of the universe of which we have any knowledge and also because it excludes certain things which are clearly not material and yet belong to this actual world.

This will be more clearly recognized when we consider the contrast which he makes between "this world" and the "other world. He apparently wishes to confine the term "spirituality" to the contemplation of the Unseen and the Unknowable, and the passage quoted is typical of the use to which the word is very often put. The word "spiritual" has been used more than once, because it was not convenient to analyze it earlier, though with the knowledge that it is a very vague and unsatisfactory word without such analysis. Man consists, it may be said, of three parts, body, mind, and spirit or soul, and I have endeavoured to show that nearly everything he does brings into play both the body and the mind. But if we are to maintain the antithesis between materialism and spirituality, we cannot afford to ignore the spirit which in conjunction with the mind deals with things [Page 337]

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wholly unrelated to the body. In this category would have to be placed not only all that appertains to the "other world" and is therefore matter of faith, but also all that belongs to the emotions. For the emotions are in fact spiritual states brought about by the action of the senses or of the imagination upon the mind, and imagination is to conjure up in the mind some ideas of the senses regarding material things which are not then present. A choice dish or a rare wine awakens by means of the mind the pleasurable sensations of taste; some masterpiece of music may, through the ear acting upon the mind, produce emotions of joy or sorrow, of triumph or defeat; if it were not so, a funeral march would be the same to us as a drawing-room ballad, an anthem as a fox-trot. But the material thing need not be present. The sight of a dying mother will awaken feelings of grief, but the thought of the same picture may have exactly the same effect. How many of us have felt the emotion of fear in anticipation of the operator's table or the dentist's chair, to find that the reality was far less formidable than the anticipation? How many, saved from an imminent peril, have shuddered at the thought of what had so nearly happened?

The spiritual state, caused by the imagination, is transferred by the more ardent or sensitive believers to the other world of which we have no knowledge. Man being what he is cannot think except in terms of the phenomenal. It is, I think, impossible to conceive in the abstract those qualities which the ancient philosophers were so fond of discussing. Truth, justice, happiness, charity—these and other qualities exist in the abstract only as academic and unrealizable ideas; in practice they are notions which govern the conduct of man to man and are only conceived in relation to him or to the lower creation. Thus it is that if someone proposes to tell the "truth" about So-and-so, we know that he is not speaking of abstract truth but of the truth as presented to his own mind. Similarly, in a labor dispute between employers and employed we are frequently reminded that the one only desires to do, and the other to receive, justice, but the word means two different things to the two parties, [Page 338]and is clearly an abstract idea applied to human conduct. And so when the imagination dwells upon the other world it cannot but conceive it in terms of this. It has always been so. God is represented throughout the Old Testament in terms of man, He sits upon a throne, He speaks with a voice, He has a face which Moses may not, and back parts which he may, see. In the New Testament He is our Father or our Judge. The heaven is definitely a place, the angels are superhuman men, and the bliss of the righteous and the torment of the damned are described in human terms. Thus too it has always been through the centuries of the Church’s history. The saints who saw demons in the wilderness, those who conjured up the awful visions of an eternal hell, those who had communion with Christ in the manner of St. Teresa alike had recourse to the material objects of this world to stimulate their imagination. The realization of the crudity of these ideas, the very thought that God and the unseen world are inconceivable, the rejection of the idea, itself extremely difficult to grasp, that eternal bliss differs only in degree, though in infinite degree, from bliss on earth, and the conviction that it is or may be wholly different in kind, have probably played their part in the scepticism of a rationalist world.

It may of course be objected that faith does not fall within this category, that there are certain articles of the Christian faith which we are content to take on trust, knowing that they do and always must transcend man’s reason. Such are the doctrine of the Trinity, which is explained in the Athanasian Creed in terms inconceivable to man’s finite intelligence, and the doctrine of Transubstantiation, which, however, is not universally held To faith of this kind we give the name of mysteries. It may be remarked in passing that what some claim to be legitimate faith others regard as illegitimate superstition; the border-line between the two is very thin. It is in fact in Carlylean phrase a question of My-doxy and Thy-doxy. The devout Christian believes that to him alone the Truth has been revealed and that, therefore to believe in the Incarnation is an act of faith; the devout Mussulman equally believes that he is the sole recipient of the Truth. [Page 339]

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and since to him it is heresy to say that God has a Son, the Christian belief must appear superstition. The Hindu does not deny the possibility of incarnation, but believes that God was incarnate in the person, not of Christ, but of Krishna. In order to embrace all kinds of faith and to avoid invidious distinctions between what is faith and what is superstition, we may include all that appertains to the other world and transcends man’s reason as mysticism.

George Santayana has defined spirituality as “living in presence of the ideal.” But if we are right in contrasting spirituality with materialism, this definition does not satisfy. At one end of the scale is the man whose whole energies are occupied with the Stock Exchange List; at the other is the Hindu ascetic who, according to his lights, is entirely preoccupied with the welfare of his own soul. Between these two extremes lie many varieties of mixture, for, as has already been intimated, no exact line can be drawn, and in fact neither the money-maker nor the ascetic lives wholly for the world. It was, and still is, the failure to recognize this truth that has so largely impeded the progress of knowledge; heresy was looked upon in bygone times with such horror that a man was not allowed to question not only the dogmas of the Church in regard to unseen things, but also its quite erroneous tenets in regard to terrestrial things. And although this involved the power of the Church, it was genuinely thought that such scepticism did, in fact, endanger a man’s soul, and that any deviation from blind obedience was an injury to the spiritual life. The same principle can be seen at work today. There are still men and women—especially women—who, though they are willing to believe that certain old dogmas have been finally and conclusively exploded, still regard genuine and honest doubt about those which hold the field, if not exactly with horror, at any rate with aversion, and if the point were pressed would maintain that such doubt was in a loose and unexplained way unspiritual. Yet surely it is clear that to confine spirituality to emotional or, if you prefer it, to intuitive faith is to leave out a large part of life, or in the alternative to relegate to materialism [Page 340]rialism what can only by very forced language be called material; and that, on the other hand, if the study of metaphysics is "spiritual, the study of all other kinds of knowledge can only be excluded by an arbitrary distinction based on objectivity.

The case of esthetics is perhaps more difficult. Certain conditions are caused by the action of the senses upon the mind, usually through the medium of the eye or the ear. They are not always pleasurable, nor are they always related to culture. To the highly trained and cultivated musician a Beethoven symphony or a Wagner scena may give the most exquisite delight as to a highly trained and cultivated artist may Flemish primitives. There is in this delight something of the intellectual which gives it an added keenness, but it is shared, though perhaps to a lesser degree, by others of general culture but ignorant of the finer points of technic. To others, again, such things mean nothing: their esthetic sense is satisfied in the sphere of sound by musical comedy or a pretty ballad; in the sphere of sight by the motion pictures of the cinema. What is usually forgotten is that, although one class of art may be "good" and the other "bad," one may be "high" and the other "low," all art acts in the realm of spirituality and not of materialism, and the controversy which rages about the moral value of the films begins with their esthetic value. If the art of the cinema, which caters for what Americans expressively call "the hicks," tends to degrade the spirit of man or to lower his moral nature, the ultimate reason is to be found in the worthlessness of the esthetic content; for as long as that content is held to be worthy, so long will the lessons inculcated be accepted and their influence allowed their fullest scope. It is the greatest triumph of that great adventure, the "Old Vic," that it has never played down to the lowest tastes, but has played those tastes to a higher level, and the astonishing enthusiasm displayed at the least likely moments is eloquent proof of the keen esthetic appreciation of charwomen and laborers. Esthetics are largely a question of degree as they are largely a question of culture; many a man who professes to "like music," but who finds Beethoven and [Page 341]

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Brahms "beyond him," has simply not taken the trouble to cultivate a sense of music, and this is equally true of any other branch of art. The point to recognize is that all art is spiritual by whatever medium it reaches the mind; the creator of art- the musician, the poet, the painter, sculptor, or prose-writer- is to the extent of his art living a spiritual life, which, to that extent, also is shared by those to whom he offers his artistic gifts.

When we come to mysticism and ethics we are upon less controversial ground. Mysticism deals with the unphenomenal, with the other world of which Mr. Huxley speaks in mild sarcasm, and there is no one who doubts that the term "spirituality" may properly be applied to it. It is the special province of the spiritual teacher represented by the ministers of the Church, whatever be the religion, and in Christianity it is chiefly manifested in dogma and the Sacraments. There was indeed a time when it was thought that this was the only possible form of the spiritual life; the whole body was not only to be disregarded, but to be actually ill-treated, and the natural desires and affections were to be suppressed and, if possible, extinguished. Beauty was a snare of the devil, and the acquisition of knowledge was wicked materialism, so long as it was not bounded by theological speculation. Ethics themselves counted for little, and the man who murdered his relatives and rose to power through blood and treachery was still righteous before God if his opinions were orthodox. We read such things with amazement today; yet the leaders of the Church in those dark ages were only acting according to their lights, and were trying to stress the everlasting contrast between spirituality and materialism in a manner of which we see the traces in the common usage of modern writings. So far, however, has the pendulum swung the other way that the modern realist would deny spirituality altogether to the mystic, holding that his faith is only foolish superstition and has no value of any kind. In this, however, he is wrong. The history of every religion in every country shows that mankind requires some central concept, and that that concept tends always [Page 342]towards the personal. Thus it was that the philosophy of the Store fell short of human needs; the popular religion degenerated into an obvious superstition which was seen to be unworthy of the educated man, and part of the triumph of Christianity was due to the fact that the void left by the disappearance of the older cults was ready to be filled by Christian mysticism. Cold philosophy makes no lasting appeal to the people, and in India it was soon found that the cold metaphysics of the Upanishads and the cold ethics of Buddhism could not supply the emotional side of popular life. In the one case the want was satisfied by the Bhakt movement, in which emotion could find vent in the adoration of the god; in the other the deification of the Buddha and the conception of a spiritual hierarchy formed a violent deviation from the purely ethical and atheistical teaching of the Buddha

Whatever may be the absolute and intrinsic value of the Sacraments, of ritual, or of certain dogmas, it is certain that to a particular type of mind, especially to the female mind, they have been of the utmost consolation, and to the more sensitive temperaments have almost attained an objective reality, so that they not only form a part, but the greatest and most important part, of life. To abolish the mystic element is usually to knock away some of the fundamental props of the people; it becomes increasingly difficult to adopt a code of ethics as the guide o life, because there is in fact no such thing as a conscious code. and the ethics of a people by which they live insensibly also change insensibly, and, without the objectivity of a mystic faith in all probability for the worse. Hence it is that Communism is completely mistaken in its endeavor to destroy religion. The purely utilitarian view of life, which sees no good in anything that does not promise a visible and proximate return, would abolish as far as possible the whole element of spirituality, and since its complete elimination is impossible, would so far neglect it as to discourage any cultivation of the higher feelings. In destroying the mystical part of religion, it equally puts in jeopardy the whole code of ethics, the ultimate sanction for which becomes private conscience and the civil law of the land. The whole con- [Page 343]

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ception of a Divine law may be beyond proof, but has had a very real and practical effect upon ethics, not merely among those who continually think in terms of it, but also among those who are only unconsciously or subconsciously aware of it.

But to some—and perhaps in practice to most—ethics are the most important aspect of the spiritual life. The fruits of the Spirit, we are told, are love, joy, peace, and the rest of the well-known catalog, and it was the favorite occupation both of Greek and Roman philosophers to discuss the nature of virtue. To Gautama the end to be aimed at was Nirvana, a state of complete purity which enabled the man to be absorbed in the divine absolute, but the means of attainment were the complete suppression of all desire, or, in other words, the elimination of all that in Buddhist conception was an obstacle to virtue. To Muhammad the reward of virtue was a very tangible heaven; as the reward of wickedness was an equally tangible hell, but a large part of virtue consisted in the acceptance of the ecclesiastical dogma. But the negative quality of Buddhism reminds us that, if virtue enters into the spiritual life, so also does vice. We have a catalog of the fruits of the Spirit, but we have also a catalog of the things which defile, the spiritual quality of which is specially emphasized in contrast to those material things which enter the body. If we are to maintain the distinction between materialism and spirituality we must recognize that the spiritual life may be evil as well as good; that the materialist, in so far as he is non-spiritual, is as regards spirituality neutral, since he can follow his creed without being actively virtuous or actively vicious. Such a being is in fact an academic postulate: yet it may reasonably be said of a material civilization that its spiritual life is of a subconscious, latent, almost negative kind. The average materialist would be indignant if he were asked the plain question whether he approved of this or that form of what is usually accounted virtue or vice; but ordinarily it never enters his head to consider the matter at all.

But seeing that spiritual processes enter into every action of civilized man, including at times even those grossest material [Page 344]forms of which earlier mention was made, the question arises whether we are justified at all in our two main divisions, or whether we ought not rather to regard materialism as merely the grossest form of the spiritual life. In this view the usual antithesis would disappear and would be replaced by categories of degree; this is in fact the more logical method, for since there is a measure of spirituality in all life, none of it can be called purely material. But though it is not difficult to distinguish between the two extremes—between the religious ascetic who cares nothing for the world and the worldly man who cares nothing for anything else—it is not so easy to assign positive values to other forms of spirituality. It is exactly here, I conceive, that error is most likely to creep in. Given the superiority of the spiritual over the material, a superiority which may be intuitive but which is based upon the observation of the rise of man from the primitive, brutal condition, can it be said that mysticism is in any way superior to intellectualism, or either to esthetics

How are we to compare the relative spirituality of a St. Francis a Newton, a Plato, a Beethoven, and a Michael Angelo? If could be determined that one category is definitely superior to the other, then the man who possessed the greatest share of that category would be making the nearest approach to the perfect life. That is the assumption of the Hindu claim. Religion, they say, is the mainspring of Hindu life; everything is referable to it, and since the existing world is relatively negligible, Indians must be regarded as essentially spiritual. But exactly the same claim can be made by the intellectual man who is not religious at all; the man whose whole life is devoted to the study of science or history, to the entire neglect of his worldly affairs, can claim to be no less spiritual than the ascetic, and the same may also be said of the artist and the poet. The proposition has only to be stated to suggest the answer. The mistake of the Hindu is to confine spirituality to the mystic alone; it is not that one category is higher or lower than the other, but that no category is complete in itself, and that therefore neither the mystic nor the intellectual nor the artist can claim to be any nearer the perfect [Page 345]

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life than the other. In each case the too exclusive concentration on a single aspect vitiates the whole. The ignorant mystic, the intellectual atheist, the vicious artist, each misses something of the whole, and all are alike in refusing to recognize the true value of the world in which we live. From whatever aspect the case be viewed, it will be seen that the overstressing of any one side leads to the abnormal. The supermystic becomes the anchorite of the desert, whose fear of women, whose struggles with demons, whose prayers and fastings, amounted to a disease; the superethic becomes the Puritan or the Scotch divine of the eighteenth century, whose austerity took all the joy out of life and steeped mankind in an everlasting dread of eternal punishment. It is true that the artist has very seldom lived entirely for his art, but we are all ready to recognize something abnormal in the man who most nearly does so. And although the type is more common in Western civilization, we are equally ready to admit that there is something lacking in the life of the man or woman who lives wholly for the acquisition of worldly possessions or the gaining of worldly comforts.

The perfect life is therefore a balanced synthesis of proportion and degree in the various factors that make up life. It is necessary to add degree to proportion, because to the attainment of the perfect life the factors must be of high quality, and in each of the categories there are wide variations. It is manifestly impossible to attempt any kind of mathematical definition, or to explain this harmony in any but the most general terms. The man who combined in himself the excellences of a St. Francis, a Beethoven, a Newton, and a Buddha would hardly be recognizable as a human being. Much would depend on the ethical side alone, upon the virtues which are recognized as such, and upon the estimation in which they are held. We can, however, observe something defective in the character which is so given to mysticism as to be oblivious to the suffering of others, which is so steeped in esthetics as to be indifferent to intellect, which is so engrossed in worldly affairs as to have no thought for religion. We realize that there is something different in quality between [Page 346]the intellectualism of the highly educated man and that of the newsboy whose ambition is to master the trade of a motor mechanic, between the esthetic pleasure of a Beethoven symphony and that of a jazz dance, between the negative ethics of a man who does not steal and defraud and those of a man who devotes his life to social service.

To speak then of materialism and spirituality as if they could be placed in separate compartments, of which one is admittedly higher than the other, leads to much looseness, if not to confusion, of thought. There is nothing specially elevating in pure spirituality, as there is nothing derogatory in materialism. Each has its own part to play in human life, and the defect of any given civilization is that it stresses unduly one of the factors of which life is made up. The ancient Greeks were above all things lovers of beauty, to which they added a great reverence for intellect, but in stressing these things they neglected ethics and allowed mysticism to fall into derision. The ancient Romans stressed the worldly and material side of life to the neglect of esthetics and mysticism, so that, as the Empire advanced in extent and organization, the people, having no religious or esthetic standard, degenerated into vice and the baser kinds of pleasure. The early Christians overemphasized the mystical side to such an extent that the way to knowledge was practically barred, the ethical factor was cramped, and esthetics became a dreary procession of saints and madonnas and a continuous and stunted output of chants and hymn tunes. India today is inclined to stress overmuch the mystical and metaphysical elements, so that in the incisive words of Mr. Huxley, "a little less spirituality and there would be less dirt and more food. The doctrine of Maya has been interpreted to mean that this world is relatively unimportant, but such a doctrine degenerates in the minds of unpractised men into the idea that this world is of no consequence at all. And finally the rationalism of the Western world which revolted against the blind acceptance of ecclesiastical dogma and which is applying its intellectualism to the production of material things, found that the material life was growing ever [Page 347]

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more complex, swung to the opposite extreme, left its mysticism as a possible occupation for Sundays, and regarded its esthetic pleasures as temporary relaxations from worldly toil. This was inevitable. In the competition for wealth and power, which brought the great rewards and which was made possible by the application of knowledge to production, to health, and to comfort, it was clear that those more spiritual elements must recede once the Church had lost her supreme influence. It is difficult to imagine any modern nation staking an Empire, as Spain staked hers in the sixteenth century, for the sake of a few ecclesiastical dogmas, for men have seen that no nation can remain great which sacrifices national prosperity to unprogressive teaching. And yet it is one of the most signal triumphs of Christianity and a proof of its worth as a religion that, in spite of its disadvantages, in spite of the unworthiness of some of its leaders in the past, in spite of the scandals and immoralities which have stained its history, it has never lost its hold upon the West in the mystical and ethical sides of life with which it is mainly concerned. Those who deny or doubt its dogmas, and those who are most deeply immersed in worldly concerns, are still the products of Western civilization, which has been so largely influenced by Christianity, though it is by no means, as some seem to think, the result of that alone.

Materialism in its grosser forms of making money and studying physical comfort is conspicuous all over the West, and particularly in the United States of America. The depression of things spiritual, to whatever category they may belong, is deplorable. Though there is a remnant left who have not bowed the knee in the temple of Plutus, this general attitude to life cannot but have a lasting effect upon a nation. Religion can still awaken, if not passion, at least lively feeling, but to the great majority it has become a matter of ritual and routine. Art can still produce artistic things, but in painting, as in music and literature, the esthetic desire is to create something that will sell well, and the biggest rewards often go to the works of inferior merit. Yet so complex is human nature that even these gross material forms [Page 348]have their special virtues. An Indian has said: "Notwithstandin the vague claims of spirituality by the Asiatics they are crude materialists, and there is more humanity, kindness, probity character, refinement of manner, social service, consideration feeling for others, and simple living with high thinking Europe than can be found anywhere in Asia." It is not difficul to assign the items of this catalog to the various branche which, I have tried to show, collectively make up spiritualit and to deduce from it that Europe is on the whole in advance Asia even in the spiritual life.

But while it is comparatively easy for Asia to infuse into he mystical and metaphysical outlook something of the materialism of Europe which will increase her self-respect, earn her greater esteem, and improve the conditions of her physical life, it is not so easy for Europe to check her ever-growing materialism. It far easier to give up praying than to give up smoking.

There are signs that to thinking men the complete victory materialism in Europe is a danger to Western civilization, and they are looking for means to counteract it. Suggestions are made that we may find the remedy in the East, and the East may have this much to teach us, that there are many things in life worth having besides wealth and bodily comfort. But the East car teach us little more. She has exalted the mystical side of l unduly and the result is too often misery and death and tha weakness from which flow its own peculiar vices. The idea to which we in the West ought to look forward is the balanced synthesis of all factors; not decrying materialism, nor overstress ing it, not confining our spiritual effort to a single branch which has become, perhaps, too much divorced from Western life, w should set ourselves to the redress of the balance which is over- weighted on the one side in the West, on the other in the East It is a stupendous task, possibly an impossible one, but at leas we shall make no headway unless we clearly recognize what the problem is and that its solution lies in the direction of a jus: coordination. [Page 349]

NEXT STEPS IN INTERNATIONAL ACTION

LUCIA AMES MEAD Author and Lecturer

Since the revolutionary event of the ratification by the original fifteen nations of the Briand-Kellogg Peace Pact and all the smaller nations following suit, thousands of thoughtful students have been studying its implications and the cause and cure of war. Secretary Stimson has showed Moscow and China that this pact was to be taken seriously. But the failure to recognize it at the London 'Naval Parley shows that a great campaign of education on the Pact is now imperative for those who believe that war between nations can be ended, not in some distant future, but now, in this generation. Most people have confounded civil war with international war; they have also regarded world peace as a far-off goal to be achieved when disputes about tariffs, raw materials, markets, race prejudice and other causes of dispute have been eradicated. A thousand years before we shall achieve complete world-brotherhood, the civilized world must cease those methods which are at present tending toward another world catastrophe and, if unchecked, will bring about the suicide of civilization. Hitherto, thought has been focussed on a change of human nature and developing world cooperation and voters have taken their immediate responsibility lightly, feeling that world peace can be only gradually accomplished.

International war is entirely within human control and international war is in the same category as slavery, witch-craft and yellow fever and requires no change of human nature but only change of ideas. It is a product of false premises, confused thinking and lack of organization. While revolts and revolution may still occur within a nation, international war in the lifetime of the [Page 350]boys now spending their summers in military camps should become as obsolete as slavery. One of the most common fallacies the confounding of disputes with war. Disputes occur in all uni-the family, city, state and nation; but few disputes end in bloodshed. In annual programs The League of Women Voters and other organizations formerly have urged emphasis on economics in the study of the cause and cure of war. Their feeling was that tarif wrong distribution of raw materials, overpopulations and kindr matters were causes of war. Not so; as they are now coming t perceive. These are only causes of disputes. Disputes are not wa They would no more lead to war in a properly organized wor than strikes, lockouts, competition of grocers in the same tow and bitterness between labor and capital lead to war within i State.

The average person has assumed that unless economic problems are settled, war is probable. These problems may not be settled for ages to come; in some form they will reappear in ever generation, as will religious and racial disputes. If voters thin that they must primarily concern themselves with the solution of these stupendous problems before they can hope for world peac in our day, their helpfulness in averting future war will be negligible. There are endless causes and occasions of disputes, as different possessions, races, religious and political differences and temperaments create them. The great fact to recognize is that despite these, the world need not make matters infinitely work by letting loose the titanic forces of science in asphyxiating citie and turning civilization back to chaos.

The primary study should not be causes of disputes but of that adequate World Organization which can alone prevent another world war when disputes become pressing. It was adequat organization in 1787 that saved our thirteen colonies from disruption. They had tried the cooperation which everyone now urges for the world and commends for study. It is well to stud cooperation as it goes part way to a solution; but, taken alone it is no permanent solution for the world any more than it prove for our states which, after cooperating during the times that trie [Page 351]men's souls in the Revolution, fell apart shortly after that.' It was the statesmanship of Washington, Franklin, Madison and their colleagues in Independence Hall which provided in 1787 the necessary political machinery which, when adopted by the states, ensured through the Constitution and the Supreme Court that no state would ever go to war with another state. Our Supreme Court has settled about ninety interstate disputes, some of them of vital interest and honor, such as in Europe, before the League of Nations came into being, would have led to war there and broken us into fragments here. This new political machinery sidetracked war and in inter-state affairs left man's latent deviltry dormant. It forestalled and prevented the growth and development of ill-will ending in uncontrollable outburst. All this is the more remarkable when one realizes the excess of murders, lynchings, and the general criminality of individuals within our states and reveals the fact that war, whether between states or nations, is not the product of bad human nature so much as of lack of adequate organization. Effective organization of course means not merely paper contracts but the same adherence to them that we feel for our own Constitution.

What mankind most needs today is that political machinery which will prevent inevitable disputes from seething and fermenting until they bring about an explosion that will wreck civilization. Such effort as sidetracked war between Paraguay and Bolivia, and not long ago, war between Bulgaria and Greece and, before that, war between Italy and Greece, show the new order of things to which we are coming if the world is loyal to the Kellogg Pact.

Study of the League of Nations, of arbitration and security can not be classed with study of tariffs, population and economic matters as if they were in the same category and of equal importance. It is as important to study the causes of disputes between labor and capital within our country, between races and sections here as to study similar causes of disputes between nations. One sees cruel injustice everywhere. There is quite as much between the two extremes of privileged persons living on unearned [Page 352]increment and our log-cabin mountaineers who are illiterate, as there is between rich Pennsylvania and Abyssinia.

Problems of international justice and of economics will remain after international war is abolished. In this critical period of readjustment of ideas on world relationships which President Butler rightly says the Kellogg Pact makes "evolutionary people who have precious leisure to study and help the rising tide of sanity to attain adequate world organization would do well to concentrate on the next steps that we should take (1) Entrance into the World Court with the Elihu Root formula, now accepted by the other signatories: (2) The ratification of the Pan-American Arbitration treaties, a matter of profound importance; (3) Careful study of the astounding bill presented by the War Department in the Senate and House May 13, 1929 by which the President would be given the war-authority of a tyrant. The War Department asked for far-reaching preparation for war, the setting up of draft boards, the imprisonment of conscientious objectors and it practically poured contempt upon our solemn pledge to seek only pacific means of settlement of every dispute of whatever nature or origin. The American Legion, in a universal draft bill, worked for essentially the same thing and its program planned to have a President who, whenever he thinks war is brewing, may without act of Congress proclaim himself a dictator, in absolute control of all railroads, mines, factories, banks, all money, newspapers all churches, organizations and all other "services" over which government control seems to him "necessary for the successful termination of such an emergency"; The Grundy-Snell conscription bill passed the Senate without objection on June 2; striking out the words "without profit" and "so as to empower the President immediately to mobilize all the resources of the country. This had previously passed the House in amended form eliminating the drafting of labor. It is not so bad as the original proposal but undermines the peace psychology credited by the Kellogg Pact (4) There should be a petition to Congress to follow the example of various European countries and combine the War and Navy departments under one head "The Department of National Defense" [Page 353]

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fense." (5) To double the appropriation for our State Department which at present is less than half the price of one new cruiser. This should then provide a section for special peace activities, long-needed and sadly lacking. (6) As the permission granted the United States to equal Britain's naval tonnage does not require us to build up to parity, there should be wide-spread demand that we should aim merely at parity of security and not parity of tonnage, that the safest nation in the world, having enormous super-assets for security, yet spending more than any other nation on armaments, should now call a halt to the excessive demands on the tax-payer. Millions are out of work and the country needs bread more than bullets. Any increase of armaments on our part would incite the other nations to follow suit as reliable information proves.

In a world in which there are so many regions where the war-spirit is now seething, the leadership of this great, safe republic, which has never yet had any nation declare war against it, following the lines here indicated, might save the human race from untold disaster. [Page 354]

YOUTH AND THE MODERN WORLD

Edited by ISABELLA VAN METER

"Above and beyond all war and death is our deep yearning for the time when we shall be able to work i sade with the youth of the whole world."

During the crucial years since the Europe war, the youth of the world has been gathering in force as if for a supreme struggle with the militant, destructive past. Repudiating alike its inheritance of institutions, customs and ideals, the generation now assuming manhood and womanhood in East and West is gradually creating the substance of a different way of life, a new outlook, destined to form a new civilization. Viewed from the ranks of those molded by the past, this manifestation of youth has appeared one of the most tragic misguided, even sinister of social phenomena, sano its triumph must involve the overthrow of so much that mankind has done and been. The statement of youth itself, so far as youth has yet defined its own energies, experiences and directions, will tell a different story. In this department World Unity Magazine will publish from time to time brief articles expressing the outlook of youth, by youth itself, on those vital issues which are recurrent from age to age.

Youth and World Peace

by HAROLD F. BING Organizing Secretary of The British Federation of Youth

WHAT do we mean by "Peace"? What is involved in work for "Peace"? How many of us who so loudly and fervently proclaim ourselves as supporters of the Peace Movement ever seriously ask ourselves these questions. Of course, if some one else put the questions to us we should be very quick in making such a hackneyed reply as "Peace means no more war, disarmament, arbitration, etc.," or "Peace means universal brotherhood and international cooperation," according to whether we are among those whose minds are attracted by the detailed political means towards a goal or by the idealised conception of the goal itself. But if after having satisfied the superficial questioner, we went home and sat down alone in our study to fathom the meaning of our answer. probably we should often find there was not much in it to fathom. [Page 355]

YOUTH AND WORLD PEACE

We post-war pacifists have been very ready in criticizing the palicies and attitude of the pre-war advocates of peace. And quite nightly too. For the most part, their attitude was sentimental and timorous and failed when War came; their policies were ineffective half-measures, urged without real conviction or scientific understanding of the far-reaching problems involved. For one thing, they had not had the lesson and experience of the World War with its illustration of the economic and other causes of international conflict, with its revelations of the sinister influence of Machiavellian secret diplomacy and its evidence of the titanic character of the psychologic and emotional forces released by the call of the bugle and the rolling of the drums.

But has the post-war Peace Movement, in spite of all the advantages of this great practical lesson, really got much nearer to the heart of the problem? Obviously, a system which has prevailed among mankind throughout the known period of history, and has become more powerful, more highly organized, more destructive, and more closely linked up with the daily life of the peoples as civilisation has progressed, is not going to be disposed of by pious phrases or negative emotional reactions. It is not suggested that the post-war Peace Movement has been limited to these. A great deal of constructive thinking and practical work has been applied to the problem. The machinery of the League of Nations, the International Labor Office and the Permanent Court of International Justice cannot be ignored. The adoption by a large section of the Peace Movement of the logical attitude of refusal of all forms of war service, direct and indirect, is very significant. But in spite of these facts it is difficult to resist the belief that the attitude of the vast mass of members of the innumerable existing Peace Societies is mainly a sentimental one and that the Movement as a whole tends to concern itself with symptoms rather than with causes.

It is ten years since the close of the greatest war in history. Those who lived through the period 1914-18 are not likely to forget the torture and despair of those four years of horror. The Peace Movement during the past ten years has been building on [Page 356]the emotional reaction against war which the experience of those four years created in all men and women of goodwill. But is a emotional reaction to a past experience, a reaction which bound to grow less intense as time separates us more and mon from the experience, a sufficiently firm basis on which to build the structure of a new world order involving a fundamentall different conception of human relations and a consequent new technique in social, political and economic organization?

Moreover, we must face the fact that the war-generation rapidly being replaced by one that has no direct experience of the great conflict. In whatever sphere of work one is engaged, o is continually finding oneself in discussion with young men and women who have not, and cannot have, the emotional reaction against war which is ingrained in the consciousness, (and also the sub-consciousness) of those of us who are a little older tha they. For these younger people "Peace" is an empty abstraction because it does not represent in their minds the contrast to a that orgy of horror and destruction which our imagination immediately summons up on the mention of the word "war."

If, then, the Peace Movement is to have any future, everything depends upon the attitude towards it of this younger generation This fact gives tremendous significance to the World Your Peace Congress which was held at Eerde, near Omnen, Holland in August, 1928. To it came some 400 representatives of the yout organizations of 31 countries. It was a Congress which was prepared and organized entirely by youth, the responsibility for being in the hands of an international youth committee to which The British Federation of Youth acted as Executive and International Secretariat. It was not in any sense a pacifist congress nor did the delegates come mainly from youth peace organizations. Just as the delegates represented all continents, all races all religions and all social classes, so also did they represent the most diverse political and philosophical opinions. Among the representatives of nationalist. communist, socialist, democratic League-of-Nations, anarchist and other viewpoints, among the advocates of wars of sanctions and an international police force [Page 357]

YOUTH AND WORLD PEACE

of wars of defence, of national uprisings of the colored peoples against Western Imperialism, of a world-wide class war against international Capitalism, the advocates of absolute non-violence found themselves in a minority. But this diversity in the elements which made up the Congress, while it often created difficulties in procedure, gave it a realism which no merely pacifist gathering could have possessed. It truly reflected the conflicting elements and opinions in the world of reality; it voiced the aspirations and opinions of those many different sections of humanity which are seeking to make themselves heard and to impress their ideas upon the post-war world. It demonstrated with incisive clarity the meaninglessness of any superficial and theoretical unity.

We are not here concerned with the details of the Congress itself, either on its official side in Commissions and Plenary Sessions, or on that unofficial side in which, in social gathering, ramble and camp-fire circle, new friendships were formed and a spirit of human unity, deeper than political and religious differences, was developed. We must however mention the variety of subjects included in the program for it is indicative of the comprehensive view which modern youth takes of the problem of Peace. There were six Commissions dealing respectively with the Economic, Political, Educational, Religious and Moral aspects of Peace, with the Race Problem and the Minorities Question, while in Plenary Sessions were considered practical ways of international cooperation of youth for peace and international youth organisation.

Looking back on the Congress from a distance of several months, one is able to perceive the main tendencies of thought of the world's youth, on the subject of Peace which it revealed. In the first place, it was felt that Peace cannot be achieved by a small minority of pacifists; it can come only as the result of the active cooperation of the vast mass of the people, but such cooperation will be possible only when the real character of the issues at stake are more fully understood than at present. Secondly, it was very strongly held that Peace will not and [Page 358]cannot be achieved by direct seeking after it. Peace is not something of itself; it is the harmonious condition of social and international relations which will result from the establishment national and international political, economic and other conditions based upon justice, freedom and the full recognition of individual worth. War results from economic injustice, imperial exploitation, racial oppression, selfish political ideals, false principles of education, etc. Effort must therefore be directed to the removal of these and the creation of their opposites. When this has been done, Peace will automatically have been brought about.

Thirdly, there was very evident at the Congress, a strongly revolutionary attitude to modern civilization. There were certainly delegates who conceived that all that was necessary were certain slight modifications or adaptations of present-day society and organization. But much more evident was the view that modern western civilization is fundamentally unsound, that it needs to be completely uprooted and replaced by an organization of society based on radically different principles, and that without these changes, in which youth must cooperate with the organised working class, permanent peace will be impossible. Not all of those who took this attitude advocate that the necessary changes should be brought about by violent methods; there were many protagonists of complete non-violence who were equally uncompromising in their attitude towards modern civilization.

Fourthly, there was a determination to ignore and abolish many artificial barriers and false distinctions which have played an important, and often undesirable, part in the past. Racial superiority and national antagonisms were discarded; persons were estimated at their individual worth; principles were the basis of distinction. National alignments were recognized only where they happened to coincide more or less with differences of method or principle. Thus, for example, the German Delegation found itself often in opposition to a considerable section of the delegates of the Allied countries of the World War, in its different attitude towards the League and related problems. [Page 359]Finally, there was great dissatisfaction with the conference-method as such, and with the parliamentary form of procedure to which many of the delegates (probably the majority) had been accustomed. It was felt to be antiquated, cumbersome and inadequate. The formulation of resolutions and voting thereon was felt to be an unsatisfactory way of seeking results or of determining action. It was of course clearly realised that the old-fashioned method of taking votes and giving the vote of the majority as the decision of the Congress is untruthful and futile, and therefore from each Commission were issued Majority and Minority Reports, and only unanimous decisions were issued as decisions of the Congress. But even this is insufficient, for in any complex human problem, a group of thinking men and women from different countries and different social and economic backgrounds will have among them not two opinions but many. Some Commissions tried to meet this difficulty by dividing their reports into several sections representing the main currents of thought among their members but even this was unsatisfying, for if this were carried out thoroughly, a Commission would be but a bureau for registering a series of predetermined theories or sets of ideas. Agreement, in itself, is not necessarily a desirable thing. Generally it will prove to be superficial,—the verbal acceptance of an empty and artificial formula, concealing the underlying reality of essential differences. The understanding of these differences and the weaving of them together into a harmonious pattern in which they interlock and strengthen one another is of far greater importance—is, in fact, the only kind of coordination worth while. At the World Congress, Youth realized the bankruptcy of the old methods of procedure and found itself partly consciously, but for the most part unconsciously, struggling after a new technique—a technique which it has not yet fully discovered but which it realizes must be found and mastered before it can accomplish the task which lies before it. [Page 360]

BOOK REVIEW

THE present fact of nationalism, of racial and class prejudice, goes back ultimately to an origin in sectarian religious instruction. Churches and Sunday Schools darkened the window through which so many adults view the world. Once having accepted the principle of division between "Christian" and "pagan," the human mind could not controvert the application of the same principle to sects within Christianity, and yielding to this doctrine, the later formation of political states and class differences was psychologically inevitable.

Dr. Walter Walsh, leader of the Free Religious Movement described in World Unity a few months ago, is striving for a broader religious outlook on the part of youth, so that eventually the instinct of competition will be cut at the root. The only enduring basis for international cooperation and progress is religious unity.

In Twenty Dialogues on Universal Religion Dr. Walsh has produced out of his long experience a handbook for the parent or teacher desiring to relate the child to religion as an inclusive rather than exclusive human experience. The volume is admirably fitted to serve this essential task. Its successive chapters deal, in easy dialogue, with the origin and meaning of religion, the religion of primitive peoples, and thence with the great historical religious systems. Presenting Christianity as one of many, the author does not render the student less but more able to live a successful spiritual life in a predominantly Christian environment. The future belongs to the fortunate children nurtured on this pure bread and wine of faith.

H. H.

Twenty Dialogues on Universal Religion, by Walter Walsh. London. Williams and Norgate. [Page 361]

PHILOSOPHY

The following recent books reveal the trend of modern philosophic thinking and also the underlying unity both in the problems considered and the mental processes followed:

The Story of Philosophy, by Will Durant. Simon & Schuster. The Making of the Modern Mind, by J. H. Randall, Jr. Houghton Mifflin. Comparative Philosophy, by Paul Masson-Oursel. Harcourt. The Sciences and Philosophy, by J. S. Haldane. Doubleday Doran. Philosophy, by Bertrand Russell. W. W. Norton. The Reconstruction of Philosophy, by John Dewey. Holt. The Public and Its Problems, by John Dewey. Holt. Experience and Nature, by John Dewey. W. W. Norton. The Quest for Certainty, by John Dewey. Minton Balch Co. The Philosophy of John Dewey, ed. by Joseph Ratner. Holt.. Science and the Modern World, by A. N. Whitehead. Macmillan. Process and Reality, by A. N. Whitehead. Macmillan. Reason and Religion, by George Santayana. Scribners. Realm of Matter, by George Santayana. Scribners. Realm of Essence, by George Santayana. Scribners. Mind and the World Order, by Clarence I. Lewis. Scribners. Preface to Morals, by Walter Lippmann. Macmillan. The Modern Temper, by J. W. Krutch. Harcourt. The Story of Oriental Philosophy, by L. A. Beck. Cosmopolitan. The History of Indian Philosophy, by Radha Krishnan. Macmillan. Philosophy and the Social Problem, by Will Durant. Macmillan. The New Spirit, by Havelock Ellis. Houghton Mifflin. Creative Unity, by Rabindranath Tagore. Macmillan. The World in the Making, by Hermann Keyserling Harcourt. Contemporary American Philosophy, ed. Adams and Montague. Macmillan. Contemporary British Philosophy, ed. by J. H. Muirhead. Macmillan.

SCIENCE

From Myth to Reason, by Woodbridge Riley. Appleton. Science and Civilization, ed. by F. S. Marvin. Oxford Univ. Press. The New Universe, by Baker Brownell. Van Nostrand. The Nature of the World and of Man, by members of the Faculty of the University of Chicago. University of Chicago Press. Scence and the Modern World, by A. N. Whitehead. Macmillan. Exploring the Universe, by Henshaw Ward. Bobbs Merrill. Esolution for John Doe, by Henshaw Ward. Bobbs Merrill. [Page 362]The Stream of Life, by Huxley and Caldwell. Harpers. Heredity and Environment, by Grant Conklin. Princeton Univ. Press. The Direction of Human Evolution, by Grant Conklin. Princeton Univ. Press Science Remaking the World, by E. E. Slosson. Garden City Press. Science, the False Messiah, by C. E. Ayres. Bobbs Merrill. The Nature of the Physical World, by A. S. Eddington. Macmillan. Science and the Unseen World, by A. S. Eddington. Macmillan. The Universe Around Us, by Sir James Jeans. Macmillan. The New World of Physical Discovery, by Floyd Darrow. Bobbs Merrill The Scientific World View, by William K. Wallace. Macmillan. Crucibles, by Barnard Jaffe. Simon and Schuster. Creation by Evolution, ed. by Frances Mason. Macmillan. Our Knowledge of the External World, by Bertrand Russell. Norton. My Neighbor the Universe, by L. P. Jacks. Putnam.

Introductory

Introduction to the Study of Society, by F. N. Hankins. Macmillan. From the Physical to the Social Sciences, by J. Rueff John Hopkins Univ. Pr The Social Sciences in their Interrelation, by Ogburn and Goldenweiser. Houghto Mifflin. The New History and the Social Studies, by Harry E. Barnes. Century. History and Prospects of the Social Sciences, by Harry E. Barnes. Knopf The Basts of Social Relations, by D. G. Brinton. Putnam. The History of Civilization, series ed. by C. K. Ogden. Knopf. Man and Civilization, by John Storck. Harcourt. Man's Quest for Social Guidance, by H. W. Odum. Holt. The Physical Basis of Society, by Carl Kelsey. Appleton. Recent Developments in the Social Sciences, by E. C. Hayes. Lippincott. The Biological Basis of Human Nature, by H. S. Jennings. Norton. Man's Social Destiny in the Light of Science, by C. A. Ellwood. Cokesbury Pr The History of Civilization, by Lynn Thorndike. F. A. Crofts. Social Law and the Spiritual World, by Rufus M. Jones. Doran.

Primitive Peoples

Primitive Society, by Robert H. Lowie. Boni & Liveright. Early Civilization, by A. A. Goldenweiser. Knopf. Man and Culture, by Clark Wissler. Crowell. Building of Cultures, by Roland B. Dixon. Scribners.

Psychology

The New Psycholog, by A. G. Tansley. Dodd Mead. Dynamic Psycholog, by R. S. Woodworth. Columbia University Press. Social Psychology, by F. N. Allport. Houghton Mifflin. Gestalt Psychology, by Wolfgang Kohler Liveright. [Page 363]cholog, by Everett Dean Martin. Norton. Baorism, by John B. Watson. Norton. Frchology from the Standpoint of a Pehaviorist, by John B. Watson. Norton. The Nature of Intelligence, by L. L. Thurstone. Harcourt. We Think, by John Dewey. Heath. The Psychology of Reasoning, by E. Rignano. Harcourt. The Art of Thought, by Graham Wallas. Harcourt. The Art of Thinking, by Ernest Dimnet. Simon and Schuster. Emotion on the Basis of Civilization, by J. H. Denison. Scribners. Human Nature and Conduct, by John Dewey. Hoit. fencing Human Behavior, by Harry A. Overstreet. Norton. How and Whys of Human Behartor, by G. Dorsey. Harpers. Why We Misbehave, by S. D. Schmalhausen. Macauley. Behator of Crouds, by E. D. Martin. Harpers. The Mottres of Men, by George A. Coe. Scribners. Our Minds and Our Motites, by P. D. Hugon. Putnam. The Myth of the Individual, by Charles A. Wood. John Day. The Creative Intelligence and Modern Life, by Francis John McConnell. Univ.of Colorado Press.

Anthropology

tetropolog and Modern Life, by Franz Boaz. Norton. The Racial Basis of Civilization, by F. H. Hankins. Knopf. Race and History, by E. Pittard. Knopf. Ras, Nations and Classe, by H. A. Miller. Lippincott. Race Prejudice, by Jean Finot. Dutton. Race Attitudes in Children, by B. Lasker. Holt. What the Negro Thinks, by Robert R. Moton. Doubleday Doran. Black America, by Scott Nearing. Vanguard Press. The New Negro, ed. by Alain Locke. Boni. Human Migration and the Future, by J. W. Gregory. Lippincott. Race and Civilization, by Friedrich Hertz.

Economics

History of Economics, by Othmar Spann. Norton. The Trend of Economics, by R. G. Tugwell. Knopf. Contemporary Economic Thought, by Paul T. Homan. Harpers. Political Myths and Economic Realities, by Francis Delaisi. Viking Press. Enomics and Ethics, by J. A. Hobson. Heath. Our Economic Morality, by Harry Ward. Macmillan. America Conquers Britain, by Ludwell Denny. Knopf. Amarica Locks Abroad, by Paul M. Mazur. Viking Press.

Political Science

The Scarce and Method of Politics, by G. E. G. Catlin Knopf. Doday, Discipline, Peace, by W. R. Thaver. Knopf. [Page 364]The New State, by M. P. Follett. Longmans Green Political Ideals, by Bertrand Russell. Century The Passing of Politics, by W. K. Wallace. Macmillan.

Contemporary Civilization

Are We Civilized by Robert H. Lowie. Harcourt. Civilization, Its Cause and Cure, by Edward Carpenter Scribners. The Great Society, by Graham Wallas. Harcourt. What is Civilization? A Symposium. Duffield. Cuilization or Civilizations, by Goddard and Stearns. Boni & Liveright Our Changing Civilization, by John H. Randall, Jr. Stokes. Whither Mankind ed. by Charles A. Beard. Longmans Green. Toward Cilization, ed. by Charles A. Beard. Longmans Green. Recent Gains in American Civilization, ed. by Kirby Page. Harcourt. The Prospects of Industrial Civilization, by Bertrand and Dora Russell. Century The Salvaging of Cilization, by H. G. Wells. Macmillan. Thebbing, by Henshaw Ward Bobbs Merrill. Men and Machines, by Stuart Chase. Macmillan. Our Business Civilization, by James T. Adams. Boni. The Drift of Civilization, A Symposium. Simon and Schuster. What Is European Civilization? by W. Haas. Oxford Univ. Press. Living in the Twentieth Century, by H E Barnes Bobbs Merrill. Art and Civilization, ed. by F. S. Marvin and Chutton-Brock Oxford Univ. Press Where is Civilization Going by Scott Nearing. Vanguard Press. Western Civilization, by Charles A. Beard. Longmans Green. America Comes of Age, by Andre Siegfried Harcourt. Civilization, by Clive Bell. Harcourt. Introduction to Contemporary Civilization, by Walter Libby. Knopf. The Decline of the it, by Oswald Spengler Knopf Science and the New Civilization, by Robert Millikan. Scribners. The Old Satage in the New Civilization, by Raymond Fosdick Doubleday Dorai Dependent America, by Wm. C. Redfield Houghton Mifflin The Acquisitive Socuty, by R. H. Towney. The Unity of Western Catilization, by F. S. Marvin Oxford Univ. Press Community, by R. M. Maciver Macmillan. World Politics in Modern Caligation, by H. E. Barnes Knopf. [Page 365]

Round Table

By Way of the East, by Alice A. Bailey, and Materialism and Spirituality, by Stanley Rice, continue and extend the effort of World Unity to present the East to the West. A book containing Mrs. Bailey's ideas will, we understand, be published this autumn. As soon as the publication date is decided, a notice of it will be published in this department.

A word about the authors in this issue of World Unity. Alice A Bailey, prominent student of Theosophy, conducts classes and lectures on spiritual subjects in New York City. Fred Merrifield is minister of All Souls Liberal Church, Chicago, in addition to his teaching work in the Department of Comparative Religion, University of Chicago. He spent several years in Japan previous to the War. Lucia Ames Mead, author and lecturer on international subjects, published a "Primer of the Peace Movement" as early as yo and worked effectively for the formation of a League of Nations. Harold F. Bing, school teacher in England, has been Organizing Secretary of the British Federation of Youth.

The September number, concluding volume six, will contain The Modern Moslem's Problem, by John Wright Buckham of Pacific School of Religion; The Quran, by Moulana Yakub Hasan, reprinted from The Indian Review, Calcutta; The Conference Plan of College Education, by Hamilton Holt, President of Rollins College, and International Arbitration: A Guide to Peace, by Ernest Ludwig, Hungarian Delegate to the Versailles Peace Conference. [Page 366]

A WORLD COMMUNITY

By JOHN HERMAN RANDALL

THIS work is a sine qua non for every person attempting at the sewe to understand the problems and also opportunities of the new e It has great usefulness as a text for college classes, or as reading for course in modern history, sociology, religion or international relations.

Editorial writers, teachers, lecturers and ministers, as well as me and women identified with offices of public trust or responsible move ments of a progressive character, will find "A World Community abs lutely invaluable. The scope of the book is clearly indicated in t following Summary of Contents:-

The New Means of Communication The New Economic Organization The New Knowledge The Emerging Ideal of World Unity Nationalism Economic Imperialism War and Competitive Armaments Ignorance and Old Habits of Thinking The Movement toward Internationalism The Movement toward World Economic Cooperation A Religion for a World Community

Since its publication in February, 1930, "A World Community received powerful endorsement.

"Dr. Randall writes with the knowledge of the scientist and the vis of the prophet."-Frank H. Hankins. Smith College. "It discusses o of the great problems of our time, and does so in a most illuminating fashion. Manley O. Hudson, Harvard University. A real contribution to international understanding and amity Harry Levi. Temple Israt Boston. "His work has the possibility of greater educational influen than anything of the kind that has been written.-A. C. Senske. S Paul News.

"A World Community" is published in the World Unity Library sponsored by this magazine. A copy will be sent postpaid for $2.00. The book and annual subscription to WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE, $5.00.

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE 4 EAST 12TH STREET NEW YOR [Page 367]

NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM

By HERBERT ADAMS GIBBONS

IN THIS book. Dr. Gibbons has infused his historical scholarship with a lifetime of personal experience and participation in international Fairs. The result is a study accurate enough for the classroom and inter- ing enough for the average reader.

"Nationalism and Internationalism" traces the evolution of political orce from its first expression in the movement toward modern nationalism. through the nineteenth century, to its present expression in internationalism s the true outcome of national ideals.

In the course of this balanced survey we see emerging a more human nd dramatic conception of the influences making for war and peace. The nal analysis includes consideration of the Young Plan. The Summary Contents follows:—

Nationalism Before 1789 Nationalism Versus Internationalism from 1789 to 1815 Nationalism and Internationalism from 1815 to 1870 Nationalist Movements from 1870 to 1914 Nationalism During the World War and the Peace Conference International Cooperation During the World War

With the knowledge and insight gained from this book, the meaning of international events reported in the daily press can be thoroughly ap- preciated. A Professor of Sociology writes: "He manages to link the various movements together so as to make not only a very interesting story but a very illuminating one." From a scholarly Rabbi: "Nationalism and Internationalism tells most interestingly a story with which all of us con- cerned with world well-being should be familiar."

"Nationalism and Internationalism" is published in the World Unity Library sponsored by this magazine. A copy of the book will be sent postpaid for $1.50. The book and annual subscription to WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE, $4.75.

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE EAST 12TH STREET NEW YORK [Page 368]

The Asiatic Review

"The unchanging East" is fast becoming the changing East. Changes are taking place which are not only of great consequence to Asia, but are in fact helping to mold the future in every corner of the earth.

The articles in the Asiatic Rette are written by trained observers, with long experience of the problems they discuss, and accustomed to present their facts in an unbiassed manner. Their names are an index of experts on the subjects which they treat

How to Obtain The Asiatic Review Published Quarterly Per Issue Five shillings Per Year One pound Forty-third Year

Special sections devoted to The Inner East, The Asian Circle, The East India Associa tion, The Netherlands Indies, The French Colonies, etc.

East and West, Ltd. 3. Victoria Street London, S. W 1, Eng

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An Ever-Growing Library of Internationalism

Bound Volumes of WORLD UNITY

Volume One October 1927-March 1928 416 pages. Serial articles: Science and Religion, Kirtley F. Mather, In teraction of Europe and Asia, W. R Shepherd; Sacred Scriptures of Hin duism, Alfred W. Martin; Ideal of World Unity. John Herman Randall, etc.

Volume Two April 1928-September 1928 432 pages. Serial articles: Progress by Telic Guidance, Mary Hull, Sacred Scriptures of Buddhism, Al fred W. Martin; International Pol tics and World Peace, Dexter Perkins; The New Humanity. May Siegrist, etc.

Volume Three October 1928-March 1929 444 pages. Serial articles: Racial Relationships and International Har mony, F. H. Hankins (Chap. 1 & 2); Science. Philosophy and Religion E. A. Burtt (Chap. 1); Sacred Scrip tures of Confucianism, Alfred W. Martin, etc.

Volume Four April 1929-September 1929 452 pages. Serial articles: Racial Relationships and International Har mony. F. H. Hankins (Chap. 3-5); Science, Philosophy and Religion, F. A. Burtt (Chap. 2-5); Sacred Scriptures of Mohammedanism and Taoism, Alfred W. Martin, etc.

Volume Five October 1929-March 1930 432 pages. Serial articles: World Community, J. H. Randall, Nationalism and Internationalism, H. A. Gibbons: One Religion- Many Faiths, J. Tyssul Davis, etc.

Each volume bound in blue buckram, gold stamped. $4.25

World Unity Publishing Corporation New York City 4 East 12th St. [Page 369]

AMES WHICH MEAN THE WORLD OUTLOOK IN SCIENCE, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

Authors and Contributing Editors of World Unity Magazine

AMERICA

Devere Allen CF Ansley W. W. Arwood Robert W. Bagnall Alice A. Bailey Gerrit A. Bencker Einest M. Best Edwin Arthur Burtt Harry Charlesworth Rudolph I. Coffee John J. Coss John Dewey Herbert Adams Gibbons James Gordon Gilkey Charlotte Perkins Gilman W. N. Guthrie Frank H. Hankins A. Eustace Haydon Carleton J. H. Hayes Hubert C. Herring Horace Holley Arthur E. Holt Hamilton Holt Manley O. Hudson Mary Hull Mordecai W. Johnson Rufus M. Jones David Starr Jordan Vladimir Karapetoff Kenneth S. Latourette Harry Levi Alain Locke Robert Morss Lovett Louis L. Mann Alfred W. Martin Kirtley F. Mather Lucia Ames Mead Fred Merrifield Herbert A. Miller Parker T. Moon Harry Allen Overstreet Archie M. Palmer Dexter Perkins John Herman Randall John Herman Randall, Jr. M. D. Redlich Carl A. Ross Moises Saenz Nathaniel Schmidt William R. Shepherd Mary Siegrist Abba Hillel Silver Isidor Singer George M. Stratton Norman Thomas Augustus O. Thomas Isabella Van Meter Frank Lloyd Wright

EUROPE

Norman Angell A. Mendelsohn Bartholdy L. F. de Beaufort Pierre Bovet J. Tyssul Davis Georges Duhamel Anna B. Eckstein Havelock Ellis Auguste Forel V. Schultze Gävernitz Hellmuth von Gerlach John W. Graham Marja Grundmann- Koscienska Will Hayes Ernest Judet Hans Kohn Richard Lee Ernest Ludwig George de Lukics Sir James Marchant Victor Margueritte R. H. Markham F. S. Marvin Karin Michaelis Ida Müller Forrest Reid Paul Richard Charles Richet Th. Ruyssen Gilbert Thomas Rustum Vámbéry Walter Walsh Hans Wehberg M. P. Willcocks

THE ORIENT

Ng Poon Chew James H. Cousins Taraknath Das Bayard Dodge C. F. Gates Kahlil Gibran Yamato Ichihashi S. L. Joshi P. W. Kuo Dhan Gopal Mukerji Yone Noguchi S. G. Pandit Frank Rawlinson Stanley Rice Nicholas Roerich A. J. Saunders David G. Stead J. Vijaya-Tunga [Page 370]

A PARTIAL LIST OF TITLES PUBLISHED IN WORLD UNITY

October, 1927-April, 1930

Serials

Science and Religion, by Kirtley F. Mather. Interaction of Europe and Asia, by William R. Shepherd. Sacred Scriptures of Five Religions, by Alfred W. Martin. Progress by Telic Guidance, by Mary Hull. International Politics and World Peace, by Dexter Perkins. The New Humanity, an Anthology, edited by Mary Siegrist. Racial Relationships and International Harmony, by Frank H. Hankins. Science, Philosophy and Religion, by Edwin Arthur Burtt. A World Community, by John Herman Randall. One Religion-Many Faiths, by J. Tyssul Davis. The Quest of World Peace, by Dexter Perkins. Nationalism and Internationalism, by Herbert Adams Gibbons. My International Family, by Martha Taylor Brown. Apostles of World Unity, by various authors. Book Reviews, by John Herman Randall, Jr. Youth and the Modern World, by various authors.

Leading Articles

The Ideal of World Unity, by John Herman Randall.. A Spiritual Basis for World Unity, by Dhan Gopal Mukerji. Nature and the Law of Love, by Vladimir Karapetoff. The Significance of the Scientific Spirit for Eastern Civilizations, by John J. Religious Unity, a Symposium, by various authors. Building Up the International Mind, by H. A. Overstreet. The Need of a Spiritual Element in Education, a Symposium, by various authe The One and the Many, by Abba Hillel Silver. Why War and Revolution, by Herbert A. Miller. World Citizenship, by Carl A. Ross. Science and Religion, by Nathaniel Schmidt. The Spiritual Crisis of the West, by Paul Richard. India's Contribution to Religion, by S. G. Pandit. Unity in the Pacific, by Kenneth Scott Latourette. Shambhala, by Nicholas Roerich. The Practical Program of Religion, by A. E. Haydon.