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WORLD UNITY
JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, Editor Horace HOuey, Managing Edi:tor
A Monthly Magazine for those who seek the world outlook
CONTENTS
SEPTEMBER, 1930
Thomas Garigue Masaryk Frontispiece the Mystery of Vision Editorial [he Modern Muslim's Problem John Wright Buckham ‘he Quran Moulanaz Yakub Hasan | Religion for a World Community John Herman Randall nternational Arbitration Ernest Ludwig Thomas Garigue Masaryk Joseph S. Roucek ‘outh and the Church Alfred Bennis Jacob Reading List on World Unity Round Table , Inde-, Volume vy
rr
Vortp Unity MAGAZINE is published by WortD UNITY PUBLISHING CokPoORA-
iON, 4 East 12th Street, New York City: Mary RuMsEY Movivus, president;
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bpyrighted 1930 by Wortp UNity PUBLISHING CORPORATION.
�[Page 372]Photograph by Underwoud & Underwood
THOMAS GARIGUE MASARYK
Aneels af Wackl Pts.
�[Page 373]WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
‘on. VI SepTeMBER, 1935 No. 6
7 natin ————
EDITORIAL
Cr THE MYSTERY OF VISION
ATE at night, during a vivid electrical storm, a man sat reading an intensely interesting book. Suddenly, with the blowing out of a fuse, the lamp flickered and went dark. Thought, suspended between two words, vainly tried to
ap the unexpected gap. Focussed upon the page, his eyes still for a moment stared where the words had been, but the book had gone. In the dark, vision lost its power; his sight was as the sight of the blind.
Not alone in the power of the eve, but in light is the mystery of vision. Vision is from the eve to the light, and also from the light to the eve. Without light, the closed eve and the open eye the same. Without light, vision turns to its substitute, imagi- sation, as a blind man turns to the nearest one for help, even to a fool or a thief.
- Sotoo with the eve of the mind. In the world of reality, vision fulfilled only through light. Truth is the form and substance of aworld that has been created for man and is continuously sus- tained. This world may be denied, as the fish in the waters of Mammoth Cave may deny the sunlit heavens, but denial cannot destroy or annul. It is a world to which man has entrance and in whicl’man has life, for the power of vision and the power of love ate signs and proofs that a universe exists for man as nature exists tor the mindless and loveless beast.
But as people taken to’a strange place at night and left alone will create an image of the place from fear or hope, and the one with the most dominating thought will force his image upon the test, so in the world of ‘reality, where human beings stand alone under a darkened spiritual sky, the form and substance of that 373
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world are an image che active mind makes for torment or repo: What the mind sees of its whole truth is that which comes with, the little area of a candle shielded from storm.
What is our knowledge of human reality if in the same genes tion we seriously—even fanatically—uphold social ideals a mutually exclusive as communism and individualistic democracy. as Quakerism and Roman Catholicism, as scientific materialis~ and Christian Science, as Facism and the internationalism imple. in a World Court? Not even is our history a matter of comme agreement—we have history in terms of moral heroes, history terms of economic determinism, history in terms of the Kingdoz of God, history as the biological record of the will to survive, a many histories as there are shadows cast by the candle beset by the immense dark.
This is not reality. It does not correspond to that landscape which shows ever the same to ary physical eye looking upon « from the same place in the light of day. It corresponds to the images which children summon up when they lie awake at night staring up into the darkness and creating forms and beings tha embody fancy or fear. Each of these social ideals projects a hope a desire, a resentment, an aspiration or a determination upon th neutral dark from active sources within the mind. Because ther is no light, we have no supreme standard of reality to control an direct so much spiritual power. It is imagination, believed i passionately even if it works against our obvious needs. An: myth that can impress itself upon a large group for several genera tions becomes impregnable except to wars and revolutions.
The struggle of this age is between mental and moral forces that should be allied but arg divided because the eye of mind lack: light. We need more than candle-light—more than the half-truths of the sciences and the arts. We need a sun to illumine the whole & reality and give order to our disordered human powers. If ligh: has ever come to man from the soul of a prophet, the first business of rational people is to pray for that light’s return.
�[Page 375]THE MODERN MUSLIM’S PROBLEM
From the Point of View of a Christian Theologian by
Joun Wricut BucknaM Pactic School of Religion
HRISTIANITY Would not have been true to itself in the
past—nor can it be in the present or in the future—
without carrving the light it has received and the life
it has experienced to ‘‘all the world.’’ Yet in striving to fulfill this mission the church has never been sufficiently sensitive to One of its own principles to put itself in the place of the adherents of another faith and confront their situation when ailled upon to abandon their inherited form of belief.
Suppose yourself, for illustration, a reverent Buddhist or 4ndu or Muhammedan, trained in a faith which has represented to vou all that is sacred and pure and good, challenged by an ahen religion which demands of you complete renunciation of ‘oat taith, with all that it has meant and means not only to your- “it but to your forbears, your nation and your fellow religion- sts No matter how pure and exalted, and even superior, the ccuigion that asked you to renounce vour own, vou would find ‘ourself hesitating as to vour duty as well as your inclination. Many true men and women, confronted by such a choice and led, se may well believe, by the spirie of truth, have heroically and sacriticially cut themselvés off from their ancestral religion and iii the associations and endearments of race and family in order to embrace the new and better faith. Yet it would be wrong to ulge others adversely who have felt that they could not do this and be true to themselves and their inherited faith. It is time— ‘sit not?—-that the Christian church gave more sympathetic
375
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consideration to the situation of those whom it asks to give oe their native faith for Christianity—in the light of the more con prehensive knowledge of religion which has been gained » recent vears.
Let us try to apply this principle concretely in the case & the adherents of one of the great ethnic faiths which has hither: been least responsive to the claims of Christianity.
The intelligent, educated, devout Muhammedan of today brought into urgent contact with the new know ledge—scientiti | philosophical, ethical—cannot but find himself in a peculiarly) difficult position. Can he make his religion serve his highe: needs? Or should he adopt Christianity as the only faith ac justable to the modern world? Or must he give up feligior altogether? The modern Muslim is face to face with the problem of the spiritual resources of his faith. In many respects his problem is more acute and difficult than that of any other religionist, fo: the reason that his religion is more homogeneous, more accufatel: defined, more apparently inflexible than any other. The demand it makes upon hts loyalty are such that his temptation 1s perhaps greatest to lapse into a blank skepticism or indifference towar: religion itself which cannot but mean serious deterioration moral and spiritual. Let us put ourself beside him as he stands confronting (1) the problem of his Sacred Book, (2) the probler of his prophet and (3) the problem of his conception of God trving to discover if these can be adjusted (1) to modern know!- edge and (2) to Christianity. ! .
I
Confronting his Sacred Book in the light of modern knowl: edge—what does the Muhammedan find? How will he under- stand and estimate it if he is honest and informed as well as devout?
It he knows anything of the literature of religion as a who he cannot but recognize in reading the Quran that while it is one
"The present liheralizing tendency in Islam does not seem to be altogether unprecedented “There has alwavs been a liberal tradition in Islam though it often ran low and threatened to di appear’ writes Theodore Morison. International Review of Missions, January 1928, p. 229.
J
�[Page 377]THE MODERN MUSLIM § PROBLEM 377
oi the most earnest and vital of all religious books it is the most markedly inconsistent combination of conviction and crudity, sncerity and self-deception, faith and credulity, righteousness ind moral laxitv, power and weakness, zeal and triviality, de- votion and self-interest that religion ever produced.
The flaming torch which flares and fails and rekindles -hroughout its pages, burning into the soul of the reader, is veh. Whatever else is wanting, belzef is here, in all its elemental might —whether or not it is such as can be justified at the court reason. The believer is set over against the unbeliever in ex- aggerated but not unwarranted contrast. The objects of belief ite of the simplest primarily Allah and his prophet, secondarily che certainty of a judgment day, reward and punishment. These Muhammedan fundamentals are held before the mind with an sistent and passionate intensity which is too genuine to be gnored.
Yet when it comes to reasons in support of faith in Allah and his rule how inconclusive thev are! “‘S'ens'’ in nature-—-day and night, rain after drought, the fruitfulness of the earth— tvese beneficences of nature looked conclusive to the ignotane nan of the Prophet's time but are the sufficient for the scientific vind of todav? Challenges to belief, ringing and repeated, are yere, but no adequate notice is paid to the obstacles which stand a the wav of belict--experiences which seem to conflict with ‘he principles and promises of the prophet. Weary repetitions, epunciations, warnings of the wrath to coree, these are the wurden of the Quran—and what a burden!—vet with here and ‘te a piercing sentence that startles the conscience or stirs that onviction of the one God and duty to Him which lies deeply vidden in the universal heart of man.
How shall this unique religious book be understood, esti-
mated, evaluated? Is it ‘a revelation from the Lord of all crea-
tures 7 Will its manifest defects admit of this? The principle of
moral development—which is a kev to the Bible-—# of no avail
vere, tor these sutras are all on practicallvgthe same level. There
ire indications of altered view-point bug none of real advance
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into larger insights and understanding of truth. The metho. o: allegory offers no relief. Allegory, though it may serve as j legitimate method of edification, is manifestly of no worth as ; kev to the original meaning. The frequently repeated challeng: of the Prophet: If this is not a revelation from God match it, » arresting, but not convincing. “Do they say he hath forged th, Quran? Verily they believe not. Let them produce a discours like unto it if they speak the truth.”’ CLIT)
Manifestly this is no book sent down as such by the Ho. Spirit. Here are statements which are blasphemy against th Holy Spirit. Yet side by side with these are words that by the: very self-attested character are from heaven, that are eternal ac: that make for human well-being in every age and land.
What then can the Muslim do with his Sacred Book? Cer tainly he can do no less—nor can the Christian— than to honor and cherish the truth and wisdom hidden like gold in this mas of dross and worthlessness and let the remainder sink into a much oblivion as can be found for it. Ultimately, it seems to m he will do this— extrac: the gold and abandon the dross— in other words he will, virtually if not formally, evolve a purified as: selected Quran.
Having done this, however, he cannot shut his eves to the best in other religious literatures. The very criteria by which bs recognizes the nobler and worthier parts of his own bible ar those which he must by that verv act recognize in other sacre: literatures— especially in the Hebrew and Christian scriptures t which his own owes so much. This cannot but give him a ncw conception of Christianity and a new attitude toward it, as his own Sacred Book leads him by its defects-as well as its merits or into Jarger truth. In other words he cannot but come to recognize that the Bible is a truer and more complete revelation.
| IL
What can the devout modern Muslim do with the Prophet’
Here again his problem is a difficult one. Conflicting traits
plainly disclose themselves in the life and character of Muhammed,
�[Page 379]THE MODERN MUSLIM S$ PROBLEM 379
however slight the knowledge of him may be. Human nature appears in this man in its most intense contradictions and in- consistencies; strength and weakness, humility and egotism, ancerity and deceptiveness, devotion and self-indulgence, nobility aad littleness.
A prophet, then? Yes, truly a prophet—a sincere, intrepid, ohesitating, undiscouraged. persevering prophet, proclaiming
s message in season and out of season.
But can he, though a prophet, be regarded as worthy to be he revered center of a great religion? Is he great enough to be to his followers what Jesus is to the Christian? However it may save appeared in the past—this would seem impossible in the suture. The searchlight of history, of psychology, of character study, ot ethics, is too searching and relentless to admit of this -minence either moral or spiritual. It would be sacrilege to put
eto the mouth of the prophet of Islam such a declaration as: He that hath seen me hath seen Allah.”
ITI
As the modern-minded Muslim confronts the conception of ool which his religion presents to him he will find it, in com- parson with that of other faiths and fellowships, greatly re- strated vet nevertheless adapted to expand to modern ideas ao! enlarged knowledge. The controlling Islamic canception—
¢ Divine Unity—however rigidly and barrenly conceived by tee Prophet, is in essence the central principle of all rational, pritual and ethical religion. Once fairly grasped it can be ampli- “ci and revised indefinitely in its applications without destroving ts original character and vital meaning. Islam mav well go on rx laiming the message, ‘Allah is one Allah" to all the world in tull confidence of its truth and of its unfailing adaptation to suman need. It is as easy for our age to lose hold of this truth (rough intellectual self-sufficiency as for earlier ages to lose it th —— idolatry and superstition. Within Ghristianity itself encies to depart from it, in one direction and another, have
been manifold and conspicuous of late.
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The response which the message of the Divine Unity me: when it had once gotten under way, not only as a rebuke to idolatry but as an incentive to ethical and spiritual renovation is an indication, if not an evidence, of its essential truth. It shoul: never be forgotten that one of the main occasions for the rise and spread of Islam was the virtual trithezsm which weakened Christiar theology at the time.
Few chapters in the history of human thought are mor tragic than the long, con@ised, bitterly controversial attempe of the Christian church to relate the revelation of divin: which 1t saw and felt in Jesus to the monotheism which it in herited from the Jewish church. The Nicene theology was a pro- found achievement in philosophical theology, but it was far too recondite not only for the rank and file of the Christian church but for its leading minds to hold intact and carry forward to its completion. Not even today has the real meaning of the doctrine of the Trinity permeated the thinking of the Church. It is casy to infer that this is a defect in the Christian religion itself. Rather Is it a mark of its superioritv. The fauJe was not in Christianity but with the church: C1) in the faylure of its theologians already mentioned to maintain and duit the ground that had been won and (2) in ats frlure to beach Ph people the simple and sufficzent ¢ ception of Gow which underlies the) doctrine of the Trinity, 1.0. Div Fatherhood. As a result of this‘incompetence, accompanied —. corroding moral delingyénev, the Christianity of Muhammed s dav lav open to perlaps we may sav needed—the scourge ot Islam breaking violently in upon its lethargy and lashing it with some of its own principles to which it had itself been untrue
Now, however, the whole situation has changed. Christian theology is at length coming to realize that the central doctrine of God is not the Tyrinety but the Divine Fatherhood and that the doctrine of the Trinity is of value only as it clarifies and enhances the meaning of Divine Fatherhood.
The vital question at present is: Has the All.ch of Islam sufficeent of the character and attributes of a Heavenly Father to continue to com- mand intelligent worship:
�[Page 381]THE MODERN MUSLIM S PROBLEM 381
That is a question for those who have a more thorough woowledge of Islam than I to answer. But judging from the
- Ouran itself, it seems to me that the Allah of the Muslim corre-
sponds sufficiently to the Heavenly Father of the Christian to canstitute a real bond of unitv between the two faiths.
The pledge of this correspondence lies in the epithets at- «ached to God which so dominate and humanize the Quran: “‘the Merctul” and “the Compassionate.’ It is true that the con- eprion of the Divine Mercy is far from being universal or com- pete It is explicitly guaranteed for beluvers and for them only. ir certainly does not extend to the multitudes who are threatened woth hell tire. Nevertheless, when the limitations of the period
»which the Quran took form are taken into acccunt, it means mach that Allah is called ‘the Merciful” and that there is a shocnt idea of his patience and goodness to men to make Him, some degree, Fatherly. “‘God is minded co make his religion
“tr unto vou, for man was created weak.”’ “God loveth those «)o repent and those who are clean.’ “For God is merciful and sacous unto man.” It is verv significant also that the character a! dealings of Allah are such as to prompt men to praver— shoch is enjoined over and over again in the Quran. Indeed the )oe+a resembles the Lord’s Praver in so many wavs that the ( orstian may use it with tull acceptance, as far as it goes.
lr its true that the elements of Fatherhood are in the Allah ' the Quran the clements of the trinitarian conception—tran- ~cofence and immanence- are by that very fact present also.
anssendence is of course the dominating, almost the sole
weobute ot Allah. He is a creative and governmental Sovereign
‘toc most absolute kind. Creation is by fiat. “Whenever he saith
a thing, Be, itis.” Evervthing that happens is by Divine com- This, however, is not fatalism, as is often alleged. Fatalism
‘cans control by an impersonal and implacable Fate. This 1s
corminism- an absolute, thorough, uncompromising personal
erminism which allows no place theoretically for human
‘sctom. Yet before condemning it, it should be recalled—as has
Escquently been pointed out—that an almost complete parallel
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is to be found in Christian theology. Wellnigh every statemer: regarding Divine Sovereignty in the Quran could be matche: in the Calvinistic creeds and theological treatises. But fortunate); in both cases there is the same saving inconsistency. Otherwis the whole system would in each case be nullified, for there cou: be no condemnation of evil nor approbation of good nor vindica tion of Divine justice without freedom.
‘‘God was not disposed to treat them unjustly; but they dea’: unjustly with their own souls.’ How reassuring it is to tind suc’ a sentence in the midst of assertions of quite the contrary sor: Thus do reason and common sense and ethical integrity get the better of well-intentioned but exaggerated reverence for a being who has no moral gualitv whatever.
Moreover in Islam-— tar more even than in Calvinism— ther is not only a surreptitious concession to freedom but an ope recognition of the presence of God in His world. The overwhelm ing pressure of Divine Transcendence is relieved, if not balance: by an occasional perception of Immanence, or what correspon: to Immanence. This takes the torm of Divine Omniscience ac: Omnipresence. ‘There falleth not a leaf but He knoweth it “To God belongeth the East and the West; therefore, whither soever ve turn yourself to prav, there is the face of God.” “Go. goeth between a man and his heart.”’ Such savings touch th heart as well as sllumine the mind.
It is true Islam does not perceive —as does Christianity the truth, that the relation of God to His world is more than nesrnes Nothing less than the term ¢m is adequate for the relationsh:f which God sustains to His universe and especially to His chil dren in the Spirit. Yet so ultimate and reassuring a nearness as that described in the Quran, while approaching closely to immanence, at the same time avoids a pitfall—into which Christian as wel) as Oriental theology has often fallen—1i.e. a pantheistic identitica- tion of God with His world.
We find ourselves, therefore, disposed to reaffirm that the
conception of Divine Fatherhood and the elements of the trini
tarian conception—the union of transcendence and immanenc
�[Page 383]THE MODERN MUSLIM'S PROBLEM 383
appear in Islam in sufficient degree to bridge the chasm which has too often been supposed to exist between the Christian and islamic doctrines of God. This does not mean that they are in any sense identical or interchangeable or on the same level, but it joes recognize a consanguinity which means much.' It may even be possible to detect a nascent form of the Logos tea in Islamic theology. It is, to be sure, associated in orthodox \{oslim theology with the Quran rather than with the prophet ‘or the character of Muhammed could never, as did that of ‘cas, suggest the closeness of relation with the Logos involvec -pcarnation. Muhammed protests earnestly against Jesus being ‘+. Son of God, the reason, evidently, being that he failed to »Jerstand sonship in other than a physical and literal sense.
The Jews sav, Ezra is the son of God: and the Christians sav, Christ is the son of God. This 1s their saving in their mouths: they imitate the saying of those who were unbelievers in former times. May God resist chem. How are they infatuated! They take their priests and their monks for their lords, besides God, and Christ the son of Mary; although they are commanded to wor- ship one God only: there is no God but he; far be that trom him, which they associate with him! Thev seek to extinguish the light of God with their mouths; but God willeth no other than to perfect his light, although the infidels be averse thereto. It is he who hath sent his apostle with the direction, and true religion: that he may cause it tO appear superior to every other religion; although the idolaters be averse thereto.
But can the equivalent, in any sense, of the Logos doctrine
‘e applied to the Quran? Can it be said that the Logos was made sot tlesh, but communicated word—in these sutras? Certainly, sas already been said, the Quran, as it is, is utterly unworthy
/ such elevation. Nor is the way in which it is said to have
\ very discerning discussion of this subject mav be found in that recent book by Professor
he best treatment of the relation of Christianity to an alien faith that has appeared —
os Mewreliry.
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been communicated compatible with such an idea. Nevertheless the truth gv the Quran, “‘subsisting in the essence of God” (Ai-Ghazzali), though wellnigh buried in a mass of inferior and often alien material mav well be termed a divine revelation and as such at least a fragment of the Logos or Word of God.
While the Logos idea, therefore, is less conspicuous in Islam than in anv other of the great ethnic faiths it is not by anv means absent in this comparatively non-philosophical religion. How far it has been, or could be, related to the Shiah theology. Bahaism and the expectation of the Mahdi, is a problem which | am not prepared to discuss. If the Logos ts made the foundation prenceple of a universal veliesous philosophy culminating im Cheistranzt there 1s quete enough to warvant including Islam among the faiths whih sugeest it and which tt, in turn, illumines.
In summary, then, it would seem that the modern-minded
Muslim may tind enough in the Quran, in the mission and mes-
sage of the Prophet, and especially in the doctrinal conception ot
Allah to warrant him in holding his religion to be a genuine,
though impericet, embodiment of eternal truth and eternal Inte
~ Le. of thé*Logos. But he cannot, with anv exercise of breadth
of vision, regard it as t#e faith, opposed and superior to all others.
Nor can he, if he is true to the light that is in him and about him,
fail to look for a taith that wall both tultill and correct his re-
ligion, which doubtless served a darker cra but must needs be
greatly modified and enlarged—in other words Christianized Cin
fact, if not in name)—in order to meet the wider ideas and ideals
of the present age.
�[Page 385]THE QURAN
by
Movurana Yakus Hasan Reprinted from The Indian Review, Madras
na: religion of Islam is based on Kitab (the book) and
Sunnat (the practice of the Prophet). Quran was revealed
to the Prophet Muhammad in the course of 23 vears. A
sort of trance used to come over him and after it passed away, the Prophet used to send for one of his followers and make him write down the verses revealed to him just a little while ago, the Prophet himself not knowing how to read and write. The verses Were also committed to memory by his followers and were hing constantly recited in daily prayers. Some of the chapters in the Quran were revealed in their entirety at one time and in one trance, but other chapters have been made up of verses re- vealed in different times and at different places.
There are 114 chapters in the Quran, 86 of which were re- vealed at Mecca in the course of 13 vears and the rest at Medina atter the Prophet's Hejrat to that town till his death in 10 A. H. Atter his death, the first Khalifa, Hazrat Abu Bucker, sent for the collection which was in charge of one of the wives of the Prophet and had all the chapters copied by Zaid who was the principal scribe emploved by the Prophet for writing down the revelations. Ky the time the third Khalifa, Hazrat Usman, was appointed to the office, Islam had spread over Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia and a large part of Persia, and thousands of non-Arabs had also come within the fold of Islam. The Arab Muslims themselves spoke ‘fferent dialects of Arabic which differed considerably from the pure Arabic of the Qureish of Mecca. Therefore, there were afferent readings of Quran by different people, and Khalifa Usman thought it advisable that an authorized version of Quran should be
385
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issued and that all people should combine on it. For this grear purpose, he appointed a committee, of which Zaid, the Prophet's principal scribe, was the central member. People were asked to ap- pear before this committee and recite the verses they heard from the Prophet himself, and no verse was taken down unless at least two persons vouched for its authenticity. Thus every verse in the copy of the Quran compiled by the order of the first Khalifa was verified by at least two witnesses. Usman sent copies of this author- ized edition to the heads of all the provinces under Muslim occupa- tion, and ordered all other copies to be destroved. The Quran that is now before the world is the verv same that was written down at the time of each revelation, that was kept in the custody of the Prophet's wife, Hafsa, of which a copy was made by the order of the first Khalifa, which was verified by an authoritative com- mittee and was finally published by the third Khalifa Usman
It will thus be seen that the claim that Quran is purely the
word of God, that there is not a word in the book that was nor
actually revealed to the Prophet in a peculiar manner, and that
not a word that was revealed io the Prophet was omitted to be
written in the book is founded on indisputable facts. Among all
the holy books which form the record of the teachings of the
founders of various religions, Quran is the only book which com-
prises only the direct revelations from God trom the beginning
to the end. Compare this with the Gospels of Jesus Christ, the
immediate predecessor of Quran in the series of revealed books
that commenced with the Torah of Moses, on which the religions
of Christianity and Judaism are respectively founded. Jesus
Christ's ministry was limited only to 3 vears, and the few dis-
ciples, not more than a dozen, that he converted during his I:te
time, were dispersed after the crucifixion. His life and teachings
are recorded in the four Gospels in the New Testament of the
Bible. These Gospels are called after the names of those who com-
piled them. The authors of the first and the last, St. Matthew and
St. John, were two of the apostles of Christ. but the other two
had not even seen the founder of Christianity. Their qualification
to undertake this august task was that St. Mark was the nephew
�[Page 387]THE QURAN 387
yf one of the apostles, Se. Barnabas, whom and St. Paul he had atrended on their first mission. He was not allowed by St. Paul to zo with them on the second mission, but he was afterwards reconciled to him and joined him in Rome. St. Luke was probably aGentile who had become a faithful companion of St. Paul. These nwo authors of the Gospels derived all the materials for their hooks second-hand, from St. Paul who was himself not a disciple of Christ but his bitterest enemy during his ministry. The four Gospels were composed by these compilers by themselves severally and not in collaboration. Inasmuch as the inspired teachings of an inspired prophet are recorded in them together with his life and doings, the Gospels find a place among the holy books, but thev cannot claim to be revealed books in the same sense as the Quran,
The five books of Torah are said to have been written down hv the Prophet Moses himself in the last days of his life. One of the writers who have compiled the ‘Helps to the Study of the Bible’ published by the Oxford University Press says:—
“This conclusion, however, does not oblige us to believe that Moses wrote every word of the Pentateuch, but that he was the original compiler from such docu- ments as were then accessible. . .. The several books were enriched with numerous notes, archzological and ex- planatory, from the hands of later editors and revisers.”’
As the statutes and ordinances revealed to Moses and the vislative revelation vouchsafed directly to him form part of the book, together with the autobiographical account of his own life ani its incidents, the Torah is no doubt a valuable record of sacred history and a remarkable code of moral and spiritual law, but it OWes its inception not to one but to several brains and its compilation is the work of a generation of uninspired writers.
God says: “‘And we did not send any apostle bute with the
anguage of his people so that he might explain to them clearly.”’
(Quran ch. 14-4.) Jesus Christ's ministry took place at a time
when his country was under Roman subjugation and Latin was
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the language of the culture that prevailed then in Palestine Christ no doubt delivered God's message to his people, the Jews, in Hebrew, but the four Gospels were composed in Greek, not the Greek of the classical writers but a particular kind or growth called Judxao-Greek which was spoken by a large body of Jews in Palestine and Egvpi. As literary composition, the Gospels possess no merit whatever and Moses’ Torah, still less for the original old Hebrew, was from time to time replaced by later dialects in the several revisions that the book went through. In Quran, on the other hand, God delivered His message for the whole of mankind to Muhammad in the most highly polished Arabic with which Muhammad was familiar, and there was not aman among the Querish who prided on the purity and diction ot their language, who spoke Arabic more cloquently than Muhain- mad did. The result is that Quran is a literary gem receiving additional importance owing to the fact that the whole of it was received from above. Quran as a literary composition held such a high place in Arabic that the renowned literary men of the time who were bitter opponents of the Prophet found themselves in- competent to produce anvthing like a chapter or even a few verses like the Quran when they were challenged bv God to do so. The sublimitv of the language, the variety of the composition o! different chapters, the peculiarity of the stvle of this wondertul piece of literature plaved as great a part in winning over the most stubborn people to Islam as the convineibility of the arguments used, irresistibilitv of the appeal made to one’s reason, and the thundering notes of threats held out to the unbelievers. Muham- mad did not claim to perform miracles like those with which Moses and Jesus are credited, but Quran was held out to the people when a miracle was demanded and what could be a greater miracle than Quran considering that it was produced by an illiterate man who did not even have the society of the Jews and the Christians Jearned in their sacred literature.
Quran being the word of God and God alone is infallible and
implicit behet in its truth is essential to be a true Muslim. It does
not contain any thing that is unacceptable to reason and the moot
�[Page 389]THE QURAN 38y
question of the conflict of religion and science does not affect Islam as it does Christianity. Quran claims that in it was brought to completion the religion which was first preached by Abraham, which was firse codified by Moses, first sung by David in his Psalms, which first assumed the status of state-craft under the imperial Prophet Solomon, and became highly spiritualized by Jesus, “‘the Spirit of God."* In testifving to the truth of Torah and the Gospel, Quran reproduces the sacred history from the story of the Creation to the crucifixton of Christ, with several correc- tions and modifications, completely eliminating the unnecessary details which disfigure and compromise the earlier books. The Commandments of the previous books have been revised, made easier, and perfected, in Quran and now form a complete moral, social and legal code. The world has no more need of an inspired teacher, and therefore, Muhammad was declared to have been the last message bearer of God, and Quran, the last message, the tinal word that has replaced the earlier versions of God's one re- iigion for the whole of humanity.
�[Page 390]A WORLD COMMUNITY
The Supreme Task of the Twentieth “entury by Joun Herman RANDALL
A RELIGION FOR A WORLD COMMUNITY
HAT part can organized religion be expected to play
in establishing a world community? When we re-
member the ideals of goodwill and brotherly love
that have been taught by all the great prophets ot religion, regardless of age or clime. and the spirit of universality that has found expression in their lives and characters, it would seem as if religion should lead the wav. cnunciate the clear and all-compelling ideals, and create the dynamic spirit needed for the coming of a world community.
The chief function of religion has alwavs been twofold:
to creatc unity and direction in the inner life of the individual,
and to .stablish unity in the collective life of man, in the life of
society as a Whole. The great prophets of religion nave tried to
show men how they might achieve unity in their personal lives
through the subordination of all the other forces of their beings
to the supreme principle of goodwill and love. But every great
prophet has also dreamed his dream of a kingdom of God on
earth, a universal human brotherhood, a coming world unity,
in which society throughout should be governed and directed
by the same principle of goodwill and brotherly love. And while
every religion has to some degree succeeded in achieving the first
great end of religion, that is, has created beautiful, noble, and
unselfish individual lives, through its teachings, its disciplines,
and its organizations, no religion as yet, nor all of them put to-
gether, have succeeded in achieving the second great end ot
399
�[Page 391]A RELIGION FOR A WORLD COMMUNITY 391
religion-—the establishment of unity and goodwill in the life of society as a whole.
As we have already pointed out, the failure of religion thus far to achieve this second great end has not been the fault of re- ligion as such; it has been due rather to the absence of certain pre-requisite conditions which were absolute!y essential to the coming of anything even approximating world unity or human brotherhood or a Kingdom of God on earth. The new civilization through science and industrialism, has at last brought these necessary conditions into existence. We are living today in a world where all the peoples of the earth are in easy communication with one another, where we have come into a community of interests through the interdependence of all peoples, and where our new knowledge of one another, is fast breaking down the old barriers of ignorance and prejudice that have separated peoples in the past. Taken by themselves alone, these conditions would never bring in a world community; they might easily lead to the utter downfall and ruin of civilization through an ever increasing clash of nationalistic and imperialistic rivalries and jealousies. On the other hand, the existence of these conditions furnish to- Jay, as never before, the opportunity for the gradual building ot a world community if we can but command the intelligence, the will and the spirit demanded for this supreme task.
In view of these facts, it would seem as if we had che right
to look to religion and its leaders for the vision, the inspiration,
the moral guidance, and the spiricual dynamic, that would send
men forth to the task of building a world community, conquering
and to conquer. The disappointing face is, however, that the
present religious situation, not only in Christendom but through-
out the world, leaves us in grave doubt as to whether organized
religion as it exists today does furnish anv real light or moral
guidance or spiritual power for that which is pre-eminently the
supreme task of the ewentieth century. For religion as it is today
is divided against itself by a seltish and ruinous sectarianism, is
absorbed by theological controversies and wranglings, is for the
most part utterly oblivious that a new world with new demands
�[Page 392]392 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
has come into existence, is far more concerned in preserving the past than in building the future, and is, therefore, shorn of power and influence in this modern world. The result is that few of the really intelligent people today, regardless of their personal fecl- ings as to religion, take the church very seriously. There is a tacit assumption that whatever progress may be made toward a world community, little help is to be expected from organized religion; and it is the present condition of organized religion that has created the assumption.
The picture, ho> ever, may not be so dark as it is painted
A deeper study of th religious situation, in the light of history,
reveals the fact that religion today is passing through an experi-
ence similar to many it has known in the past. The kind of
religious revolution in which we are participating is by no means
new. The history of religions, in fact, is the record of one great
readjustment after another. Whenever a society has faced novel
conditions, whenever its experience has been fundamentally
altered, by migration, by contact with other cultures and ideas,
by internal growth and development, its religious life has under-
gone just such transformations. The history of our own religious
traditions in particular, of Judaism and Christianity, has been
unusually rich in examples of adaptation to changed situations
Hardly a generation has gone by, save when Western society
was fairly stable in the Dark Ages, that did not feel its faith dis-
integrating under the impact of new ideas and new conditions
There has never been a time when the conservatives did not view
with alarm the abandonment of essential verities and the assimi-
lation of alien ways of life and thought. There has never been a
time when earnest leaders were not seeking to incorporate new
ideas and new values into a tradition they felt to be out of touch
with modern needs. And down to the present, everyone of these
crises has been met and successfully faced. The adaptation was
made, the reconstruction was carried through. There have been
false steps, paths that had to be retraced; but ultimately, each
age has managed to mould the materials of its past into a form
that expressed its own needs and aspirations. What reason is there
�[Page 393]A RELIGION FOR A WORLD COMMUNITY 393
to suppose that our own generation will be unable to continue this immemorial process of reconstruction?
It is possible to take the view, as many do, that modern science and industrialism are presenting to man a social experience so totally different from any that man has faced before, that it will inevitably destrov the very bases of the religious life. But it is also possible to take the view, in the light of history, that in ime religion will once again readapt itself to the new truths and the new experiences, and we shall have a new expression of religion more in harmony with the modern world. The history of Christianity has been the history of generation after generation of great modernists, of assimilators, who incorporated in religion for their dav new ideas and new moral ideals in the face of all the forces of tradition and fundamentalism. All the great theologians and philosophers of Christianity, all her great statesmen, all her moral prophets and leaders, were men who faced the problem of the readaptation of religion to changed intellectual, social and moral experiences.
The most .andamental contribution which modern science had made to religion has come through the social sciences. It is these that have taken religion out of the skies and enthroned it in the essential nature of man, and shown it as an integral part of human lite. Thus they have removed the basis of religion from the region of mystery, which until recently has constituted the universe for man, and transferred it to man himself, where it is embedded in the very constitution of human nature. And no further discoveries of the natural sciences can ever again, as during the nineteenth century, disturb the sure foundations of religion.
Ic is clear from what has preceded that it is no longer a
question of religion, or no religion, in man’s life. In a far deeper
sense than 1s sometimes realized, man is ‘‘incurably religious.”’
Human nature has always demanded some religious expression;
and though old gods crumble, it is incredible that this need
should not persist. The vital question is, what kind of a religion
shall man have? It is also clear that, from the beginning, religion
�[Page 394]394 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
has constantly been changing, slowly passing from lower to higher forms with new social environments and the gradual widening and deepening of man’s mental and moral experience Generally speaking, the movement has been from crude, irra- tional, materialistic, unethical and individualistic conceptions and forms, toward more rational, spiritual, ethical and social expressions. What man’s religion has been in any particular ac or clime has depended in part on his leaders or prophets, but s:ill more on how far along man himself has come in his mental and moral development. However lofty or universal has been th. insight of the great prophet, his message has always been colored by the special needs of a particular people, and interpreted in terms of their more or less limited experience and knowledge But just because religion is the normal outgrowth of human nature and an integral part of man’s life, as an individual and as a member of society, not only will it always exist in some form; it will continue to grow and change as man changes and grows.
Let it be frankly admitted that religion today is passing through a transition period more searching and more deepiv unsettling for traditional faiths than any similar period in the past, just because modern science has so completely revolutionized all our conceptions of the universe, of the nature of man, of human relations, and of religion itself; and also, because our industrial civilization has brought into man’s life whole ranges of new experiences and new relations that had no existence whai- ever a century ago.
Let us not forget, however, that a transition is a movement
toward what does not vet exist. No one can predict with any
certainty the form religion will take in man’s life tomorrow. We
know only that great changes are taking place, that still greater
changes are vet to come, and that it ill-behoves anyone to be
dogmatic or over-confident in any statement as to the future.
All we can hope to do, in the present limits of space, is to suggest
briefly the trend of the changes that must come if organized
religion is to play any real part in the building of a world com-
�[Page 395]A RELIGION FOR A WORLD COMMUNITY 395
munity. If religion is to continue to live and grow in this twentieth century, then it must adapt itself to the new world- conditions along the following general lines:
1) It must become universal in its outlook and spirit, rather than sectartan. The sectarianism of present-day Christianity is in the opinion of many church leaders the chief “‘scandal’’ of our religion, as well as its greatest weakness. What present national- isms are in international relations, sectarianism is in religion. It is in both instances the spirit of ignorant narrowness, of arrogant self-pride, of unsympathetic aloofness, of refusal to cooperate with others. And just as the separate nationalisms of the various political states are the great obstacles to the coming of any real internationalism, so the sectarianism of the churches is the great barrier to the coming of any real unifying religion. For what part can religion possibly play in a world that is setting its face more or less clearly in the direction of some kind of unity and cooperation in the life of mankind, unless religion is first of all able to achieve a real unity within itself? Sectarianism in religion, like nationalism in our political life, is an anachronism today. They both belong toa past that is gone. The stream of the world’s life has left them both behind. It is our failure to see this that makes it possible for them to linger on into this new age that is so rapidly becoming world-conscious.
The modern movement for Christian unity is a little over a
generation old. It grew out of a growing sense of the wastefulness
and unchristian spirit of sectarianism; but in spite of committees
and frequent conferences and beautifully worded resolutions, the
movement as vet has achieved very few definite or concrete re-
sults, and Christianity still presents the picture of a house tragi-
cally divided against itself. The recent Lausanne Conference on
Faith and Order, for which such high hopes had been enter-
tained, finally adjourned after doing exactly nothing beyond
debating questions of theology and ecclesiastical order that have
little vital meaning for this modern age, and appointing various
committees to report at some later date. It is not impossible that
such general discussions and conferences on the subject of Chris-
�[Page 396]396 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
tian unity may help in creating the sentiment for such unity that will lead eventually to action. Thus far, however, the churches and their leaders, for the most part, are still dominated by their respective denominations and actuated by the spirit of sec- tarianism.
But, highly desirable as Christian unity would be, like patriotism, Christian unity does not go far enough in a world like ours. At the Lausanne Conference, the strongest appeal made by the leaders for Christian unity was ‘‘1n order that Christianity might present a united frone’’ to the other religions of the world In the light of our new knowledge, it is rather late in the day and something of an impertinence thus to proclaim our Christi- anity as the only true religion to which all others must bow the knee. With the results of the study of comparative religions before us, and on a comparison of so-called Christian civilization with the so-called heathen civilizations, it is certainly open to question whether our religion is so much “‘better’’ than those it seeks to supplant. It is at least certain that for intelligent people the old line can no longer be drawn between our religion as the one wholly true, and all other religions as wholly false. Far greater than the need for Christian unity is the need today for a sense Of religious unity that shall bind together in c operative service men of all faiths in every land.
Through the translation of the Sacred Books of the East in the last century, and through living communion with the leaders of the great Oriental religions, Westerners have learned how to understand and appreciate those ancient faiths. The Parliament of Religions, held in connection with the Chicago World's Fair, brought to this country representatives of all the world’s re- ligions. It was a new experience in the religious life of humanity, an experience that made a profound impression on all who shared it. Since then the study ef comparative religions has helped to break down the old barriers of ignorance and prejudice, and has revealed the close sympathy existing between the higher levels of all religions, past and present.
Men have discovered that while ‘‘religions are many, re-
�[Page 397]A RELIGION FOR A WORLD COMMUNITY 397
ligion is one’’—one not in beliefs, not in experiences embodied, not in forms elaborated with loving care, not in spiritual insights attained, not in ideals striven for, but one in deeply feeling and profoundly interpreting the significant moments of human life. We are coming to see that if Christianity has any real contribu- tions to make to these other religions, they also have real con- tributions—moral valucs and spiritual insights—to make to Christianity. Thus we are learning to think of all the various faiths of mankind as but che differing languages through which man has been seeking to express, however imperfectly, his faith, his hope, his aspiration—secking as best he might with the Lnowledge at his command, to relate himself intelligently to the universe of which he is a part, and to his fellows from whom he Is divided.
Ie is a part of the intellectual challenge to religion today to differentiate between traditional mvth and spiritual insight in all religions, that men may preserve the true insight wherever it may be-found, and employ it in enriching and ennobling their own religious life. To see all religious beliefs as the metaphors of discourse, as the symbolic renderings of deep human experiences, trees one from the vain attemp’ to find a core of religious truth common to every historic faith. The experiences of men have varied from age to age and clime to clime, and even in the universal crises of all mankind—birth and love and death—men have felt with subtle but inescapable shades of difference. It is of the very nature of metaphor and poetry to be literally untranslatable into another tongue. The attempt to find a common prose for all this imaginative symbol leads to the blurring of that which should be kept distinct, the loss of the overtones so fraught with feeling. It is just because every form of the religious life enshrines some- thing uniquely precious, something that could be expressed in no other way, that it is the part of wisdom to strive so far as possible to enter into that insight. A true understanding of religious faith makes sympathy and cooperation possible and indispensable, without leading to intellectual flabbiness.
It is as we gain this universal outlook in religion that we
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lose the spirit of sectarianism; the old arrogance and selfish pride and foolish conceit gradually disappear, and in their place is born a deep consciousness of our moral and spiritual unity with all who strive and aspire toward the highest, regardless of their name or creed. This does not involve the surrender of anything that is precious or meaningful in one’s own faith, nor docs it mean the giving up of one’s own religion; it 1s, least of all, uni- formity either in belief or practice that we seek, it is something that goes far deeper than that. It is a feeling, a consciousness, born of understanding and appreciation, that underlving all differences of belief and organization, there is a real moral and spiritual unity binding all races and nations, all men and women into one great family on earth.
If our separate religions are to reach the high plane of real religion, then they must gain this universal outlook; they must lose their own liteleness for the sake of the larger good; they must be willing to die to themselves in order that true religion may be born; they must be purged of every form of sectarianism that now keeps them from their fellows. Religion will play bur a small part in the supreme task of the twentieth century unless it can leave all its old sectarianisms behind and adapt itself to the new world-outlook and catch religiously the universal spirit that is finding increasing expression. If organized religion could become possessed of this spirit and attain this outlook, how wondrously it might lead the way toward a world community!
2) In ats intellectual expression relteron must come into harmony uath man's best philosophic and sctentific thought of today.
The inevitable conflict between traditional religion and the
new influences of science and industrialism has divided the
religious world into two opposing camps: on the one hand 1
has driven the less daring and more conservatively inclined back
to the ramparts of a rigid orthodoxy, while the more adventurous
have attempted through various forms of ‘liberalism’ to mediate
between the old and the new. But neither of these movements
has proved satisfactory to the modern mind. Orthodoxy has
turned its back deliberately upon the new knowledge and the
�[Page 399]A RELIGION FOR A WORLD COMMUNITY 399
new experience in the desperate attempt to preserve the tradi- tional religion at any cost. The various forms of ‘‘liberalism”™’ have refused to face all the facts frankly and to follow them to their logical conclusions. These attempts to ‘“‘reinterpret’’ tradi- tional religion have been nothing more or less than half-way positions between the old and the new, mere compromises that might satisfy the more timid souls for a time, but that do not solve the religious problem for today.
That problem will never be solved until the liberal leaders are willing to face frankly and honestly all the new facts and conditions that science and industrialism have disclosed. There must be a thorough-going grappling with these new forces in modern life in their bearing upon the religious experience of man. There muse be a complete reconstruction of religion, so far as that mav be possible, without fear or evasion or compromise, in the light of all the new knowledge that has been gained and the rew conditions under which man must live his life both in- dividually and collectively. This task must be undertaken, not tor the sake of belittling or destroying anything good or true that we have received from the past, but rather, in order to free religion from the traditional encumbrances that are today chok- ing its life and paralyzing its influence.
According to Kirsopp Lake, the weakness of religion today
lics in the fact that ‘the living dogmas of the dead have become
the dead dogmas of the living.’" When the historic creeds of the
church were first formulated they were living and dynamic
things; they were the natural expression in terms of religion of
man's knowledge and experience at that time; men were willing
to live for them, and, if necessary, to die for them. But in this
twentieth century the boundaries of man's knowledge in every
ticld have been widened immeasurably over the knowledge of the
third and fourth centuries when the creeds were born, and his
social environment has become totally transformed. It is no evi-
cence of a living faith that multitudes still repeat every Sunday
these theological formulations of a far-away past, out of which
tor most people all meaning has fled; it is rather an evidence of a
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slavish and parrot-like repetition of mere words. A living faith coupled with a genuine intelligence would dare to pierce beneath the outward husk of words which belongs to yesterday, nor to today, and set free the eternal truth that lies imprisoned at the heart of everv one of these old dogmas, in terms of today's thought and life. On its intellectuai side, the demand today is for ‘‘a religion that will satisfy the soul of a saint without at the same time insulting the intelligence of the scholar.’” Only thus can an intellectually reconstructed religion, adapted to today's thought and life, play its true and fundamental part in interpret- ing and guiding these great new forces of the twentieth century in the direction of unity and cooperation.
3) Religion must become increasingly ethical and soctal, rather than dogmatically theologtcal and individualtstic.
It was in 1886 that Canon Freemantle of England published his epoch-making book entitled The World the Subject of Redemption It set forth the view that the business of religion is not merely “to save’ as many individual souls as possible, and see them through this wicked world to some distant heaven of bliss, ‘but that its chief concern was to save this world-—-the world of political relations, of economic relations, of all that concerned the manifold life of man. The idea that religion had a social mission, that it had a message not only for the individual but for society as a Whole, came almost as a revelation to the religious leaders of that day. Since then the conception of the social mission of Christianity has been taught more and more widely by men like Washington Gladden, Lyman Abbott, Walter Rauschen- busch, and other prophetic leaders in this country, as well as by many others abroad.
And vet it is safe to say that social Christianity has hardly
as vet become popular in the rank and file of the churches. In
spite of Jesus’ dream of a kingdom of God on earth, in spite of
the burning social messages of the Hebrew prophets that fill so
large a part of our Old Testament, the individualistic conception
of religion that has come down from the early Christian cen-
turics, still dominates the thinking and the activities of the
�[Page 401]A RELIGION FOR A WORLD COMMUNITY 401
vast majority of the churches of every name. Even among the younger ministers who have glimpsed the meaning of a social Christianity, there are few as yet who either dare, or are fitted, to deal with the problems involved in an intelligent and thorough- going way; and there are many more who admit frankly that their congregations would not stand for the preaching of a social rligion from the pulpit. This is not to deny that there has been a tremendous increase in the social activities of most of the churches in their own particular communities. But in the larger sense demanded today, there are comparatively few ministers or churches that are grappling earnestly with the moral significance tor humanity of such problems as nationalism, imperialism, nactism, the revolution of capital and labor, etc. As a matter of tact, how many of the religious leaders are keenlv conscious of the “new relations into which we have come on this planet,”’ or how many are voicing prophetically the implications of these new relations for the world's life?
The critical problems and pressing needs that confront us insistently demand new ethical formulations and fresh insights. It organized religion is to live and grow it cannot ignore this challenge. It is not enough to believe that the Golden Rule can sutiice to straighten out all the ethical tangles of a complex in- ‘ustrial society, or that the conceptions of justice enunciated by Hebrew prophets for a simple peasant folk twenty-five hundred vears ago are calculated to furnish the intricate and detailed socal guidance men are today struggling to work out. It is mcultarly the task of religion to furnish new moral inspiration. But we shall not discover it by reducing our moral heritage to a incle element. We must draw upon all the wisdom that the past offers. Yer all the past affords is not enough. We must resolutely face the moral problems of today and work them out tor ourselves; we can find no short-cut to their solution by turning eich to an age forever gone.
We must work out an ethic that will teach us the wise use
t the new powers industrialism has brought to our society. To d>indon these material opportunities in disgust, as the sensitive
s
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and spiritually minded are often tempted, is to leave them to the exploitation of the callous and the worldly. We cannot afford to flee the world and the flesh; we must endeavor to master them The machine is making possible a gradual release from long hours of servile coil and the more irksome forms of labor; here are new opportunities of leisure presented for the development of the human spirit, provide! intelligence 1s brought to bear “upon their proper utilization. Sell more imperative is an ethic that shall make man, whether emplover or emplovee, the master rather than the slave of the machine, that shall lift him above the tvrannv of mere things, and set him free to use these riches ot industrialism to enhance human hfe, not to standardize and mechanize his every impulse.
To a degree unknown in simpler societies, the fortunes of civilization have come to depend upon the interactions of organ- ized groups. Trade acts upon trade, class upon class, party upon party, church upon church, state upon state—all are caught up ina complex network of group relations. The very scale of such group action is unprecedented. This enormous increase in the variety and range of group activity is due to the coming ot industrial organization into a democratic society, to the permea- tion of social groups by the democratic spirit. The individual moral agent is involved in a host of often conflicting groupings that determine his opportunities for action and regulate his lite But while democratic industrial society has thus multiplied the number and importance of group activities, it has failed to create the moral standards by which group relations mav be ordered In most cases, the actions of the individual are more consciously directed by ethical standards than are those of the groups in which he participates.
The profound challenge to religion is to create a morality
for group action that shall not content itself with opportunistic
self-secking. Men must come to realize the consequences of group
policies lightly undertaken, on themselves and on other men.
They must bestow the same care in tracing out the effects of group
action, and in choosing thoughtfully between alternatives, that
�[Page 403]A RELIGION FOR A WORLD COMMUNITY 493
the More Conscientious now spend on personal moral deliberation. They must explore the ideal possibilities resident in the activities ot their groups and adjust them to cach other and to the ends of other groups. The structure of social groupings is usually closely limited by material and economic conditions; but within those hmits there is room for the formulation of a more adequate group patcern that will release the spiritual energies of man. Such a oral enterprise can hardly set itself any static structure, any tred Uropia as a goal; burt it can work toward the most fruitful cooperation of all groups in the achievement of a common purpose thar shall mean the highest good of human society. In a truly civilized world, the morality of group activity would become the highest moralitv known to man. And it is this new morality that religion must search after and endeavor to consecrate.
In the new world which science and industrialism have created, the firse demand is for new attitudes—the creation, in the place of our present provincialisms, of the international mind, the bringing to birth of a world-consciolisness, more inclusive than our present nationalistic consciousness, the conception of a tuncticnal society in which our present divided political, eco- nomic, social and religious groups—competing and = warring fragments of humanitv-- shall at length be brought together in a cooperative commonwealth of groups and nations. In the kind of world into which we have come, the spiritual principle must de, “Vall for each and each for all.”
In a world setting its face more or less clearly toward some
Kind of unitv in the life of races and nations that has not vet
existed on this planet, that is seeking more or less blindly a way
toward a kind of cooperation in the life of men and nations never
Known in the past, that is groping for a new understanding and
appreciation of other peoples and races, religion must dare to
challenge the mations, as nations, to rise to a higher level of
morality in their relations with one another. It must hold before
men the vision of a civilization that has subordinated the quarrel-
some work of exploiting the material world to the cooperative
labor of developing the spirit of man; that has made the material
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values of riches and power serve to release the moral and spiritual values latent in human nature. It must impel men to seek to trans- form the nations into institutions for helping their citizens to live the good life in cooperation with all mankind.
Religion is marking time today because of the lack of a great objective with sufficient power to appeal to, and call forth, the very deepest personal devotion of the heart and mind and imagination of men and women. Building new churches, adding to their membership, taking pare in all the vari.d activities ot church life—Christian missions in their sectarian and evangelical form—how paltry seem these demands of religion as compared with the demands of the age that men everywhere should join hands in building the new world community. The great davs for religion have always been the times that demanded great heroism. real sacrifices, unselfish service to great causes and untiring de- votion to lofty ends. Religion must catch the vision of an objcc- tive great enough to match the greatness of this age if it is to furnish any real moral leadership to the twentieth century.
The End
�[Page 405]INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION
A Guide to Peace
by
Ernest Lupwic
Huncartan Desegate to Peace Conference
RANCE is not as a rule identified as an outspoken pacifist
country, vet it has always been a battleground of adverse
convictions and ideals and that is perhaps why certain of
them have crystallized there better than in other countries. Ir is a case of diamond rubbing diamond with an increased brilliancy for both.
Side bv side, nationalism and internationalism in France always boasted of great exponents. It is intense nationalism which inspired Poincaré to write: ‘In my school vears, my thoughts, darkened by the defeat, incessantly crossed the boundaries which the treaty of Frankfort had imposed on us and when I descended trom my metaphysical clouds I could see no other reason for the lite of my generation than the hope to recover the lost provinces.’
L.’Universite de Paris, October 1920 p. 4.) These words will seem beautiful to many, although one cannot he!'p thinking that millions of good men and women in the countries which are today the victims of the treaties of Trianon, St. Germain and Versailles are inspired by similar thoughts. Yet, that very same France also can boast of a Jaurés, who once made the state- ment: "A litele internationalism removes us from our country; much internationalism brings us back to it.’ These are equally tne words that should be memorized, although a good many nationalists may disapprove of them.
We live in an epoch when generals with a long and honorable war record behind them (General Percin: “‘Guerre a la guerre” Paris) and soldiers CRemarque) declare war on war and cool-
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headed statesmen and reasoning business men all over the world follow in their footsteps and say: “‘Let us make an end of war!’ That is what the pacifists say—avye, perhaps too often, because it is not the mere repetition of this formula which wall abolish, or outlaw war, but our firm resolution to replace war by efficient instruments of peace, suited to settle international disputes without bloodshed.
I will at random name three men in three different countries who have lately done much for peace by pleading in favor of peaceful methods of international adjustment: Frank Kellogg. Viscount Cecil and Aristide Briand.
Mr. Kellogg, the successful sponsor of the multilateral anti- war treaty signed in Paris, and former American Secretary of State, in his inspiring address delivered before the World Alliance for International Friendship at New York (November, 1gz’ . expressed himself as follows: ‘The best uid fo sbolish war as a means of settling international disputes 15 to extend the field of arbrtrs- tion to cover all yudtctal questions, to negotiate treaties applying the principles of conciliation to all questions which do not come within the scope of arbitration and to pledge all the nations of the world tro condemn recourse to war.” . . . He then referred to the fact that nineteen of the original Brvan arbitration treaties are still in force, among the signatories being included many of the principal nations of the world. As is well known, however, the United States has signed many new treaties of arbitration with South American countries for the settlement of all juridical questions and in this respect has undoubrted|y outstripped Europe.
Mr. Kellogg very courteously reminded the world that the original suggestion of this movement which led to the Paris treaty came from Aristide Briand, former French Prime Minister and permanent Minister of Foreign Affairs, in a proposition to the United States: “To enter a bilateral treatv with France to abjure war as a means of settling disputes between them.”
Viscount Cecil is no less outspoken in his encomium upon
arbitration. In his address delivered before the League of Nations
Union at Caxton Hall (October 21, 1927), he said amorgst other
�[Page 407]INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION 407
things: ‘Of the expedtents for the peaceful settlement of international disputes that have been tried, arbitration is undoubtedly the most suc- cessful. . . . [doubt whether there is any instance of importance i. which respectable nations declined to abide by an arbitral decision, and no sane man doubts that the parties to such arbitra- tion have all of them been far better off than if they had gone to war... . We take an immense responsibility, if we discourage inter- national arbitration, and I should have to be overwhelmingly convinced that acceptance of arbitration was a serious danger to this country before I could agree that we ought not to accept it.
Nations, like individuals, must get into the habit of looking to law and not to war as the regular way of dealing with an international controversy. . . . . We ought to consider the possibility of enter- ing into arbitration treaties with various states for settling all disputes Whatsoever without recourse tu war."
These opinions of three outstanding statesmen of the world today are of the highest importance, all the more so, as all three of them are not mere sentimentalists, as so many of the pacifists unfortunately are, but men with legally trained minds and a broad vision of international affairs.
Perhaps of all arbitrated cases that which achieved the
widest fame is the Alabama case. The Alabama was one of the
cruisers Which England armed during the American Civil War
in support of the Southern states to destroy the sea trade of the
Northern States. Five American and five English Commissioners
were selected in 1871 and this commission drew up the terms of
the Washington treatv, according ro which the arbitrators should
be tive members appointed by the President of the United States,
Queen of England, King of Italy, Emperor of Brazil and President
of Switzerland. The treaty also fixed the rules of procedure con-
cerning the duties of a neutral power in time of war, outlining
how a neutral power must prevent the arming of ships to be used
as cruisers against one of the belligerents and must prevent such
armed cruisers from participating in the hostilities. From the
moment when these rules had been incorporated in the compro-
mise and this latter had been approved by the respective Parlia-
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ment and Congress it was plain that Great Britain must be condemned and thus it happened that the Court sitting in Geneva, ordered England in 1872 to pay to the United States an indemnity of $15,000,00>, with interest. This was a very stiff sentence for those davs in which Sir Alexander Cockburn, the British arhi- trator did not concur, but the sentence was nevertheless upheld by England whereby she greatly enhanced the prestige of arbitration.
Another famous case was that between England (Dominion of Canada) and the United States relating to the interpretation of the Washington treaty of 1846. The United States claimed that the boundarv line should be drawn in the center of the canal of Rosarion. The Emperor of Germany acted as Chief Arbiter (October 1872).
There are several cases where territorial and boundary prob- lems had to be arbitrated and they are important because of the possibility raised by them to apply arbitration for the redress of some rather manifest injustices of the recent peace treaties in which territorial questions are involved.
In 1878 the President of the United States arbitrated between Argentine and Paraguay, assigning to the latter country the territory between the Rio Verde and the principal ramifications of the river Pilcomayo. One very interesting case was that between France and Holland in Surinam and French Guiana where the Emperor of Russia decided that the river Awa must serve as boundary line.
There was a similar boundary case between England and Portugal decided in favor of Portugal in 1875. The territory of Tembe and Maputo and the Inyack islands situated at the Delagoa Bay were assigned to Portugal. This case is famous because in the compromise between the two countries it was prescribed that it the Court could not decide entirely for or against one of the two contentions raised by the litigating parties, it should hand down a decision which would represent an equitable solution of the dith-ulty according to the canons of international justice.
In 18g0 Germany and England began a litigation regarding
�[Page 409]INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION 409
the island of Lamu which is situated on the African coast, in the Sultanate of Zanzibar. This case was arbitrated in favor of England.
Arbitration After the War
The great war has thrown overboard a good many of the pre-war rules of international law, but it has not reduced the importance of arbitration. Quite the contrary, as can be seen from Articles 12 and 13 of the Covenant of the League of Nations which expressly prescribe arbitration as a peaceful means of adjusting disputes between nations, and guarantee the coopera- tion of the Council of the League in case of non-execution of an arbitral sentence.
More important even than these articles of the Covenant 1s the optional clause, consisting of Article 36 of the statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice which was adopted by a great number of the principal nations, with England leading among them. This clause pledges the nations who sign it to submit international legal disputes to judicial decision. These legal disputes concern: (a) the interpretation of treaties; Cb) any ques- tion of international law; (c) the existence of any fact which, if established, would constitute a breach of an international obliga- tion, Cd) the nature or extent of the reparation to be made for the breach of an international obligation. In signing this clause the signatories recognize as compulsory, fpso facto, and without special agreement, in relation to any other member or state ac- cepting the same obligation, the jurisdiction of the said Per- manent Court of International Justice. Last year when this optional clause came before the Assembly of the League of Nations several states made reservations in accepting it. They reserved the right that the clause should not be applicable to treaties signed in future, that the peace treaties of 1919-192 should be exempted .rom arbitration under this clause, etc. Of course, a declaration made with such reservations has no real, practical value.
It is also true that in these past years it has sometimes hap-
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pened that a case under litigation before arbitration courts was withdrawn from this jurisdiction upon representations made *o the League of Nations (Council or Assembly) which then at- tempted to substitute the arbitral sentence of the Court with its own obiter dicta. This, of course, is a wrong procedure and should in no way be encouraged, because the Council of the League is a political forum and arbitration is a judicial procedure before a court of international law. It does not help the prestige of the League of Nations to interfere in a judicial litigation pending before a court of law. However, these are incidents of transient importance and every lesson brings new experience.
Can the Scope of Arbitration Be Extended?
We have seen from the above that there have been arbitra- tions connected with boundary questions, although some wil! observe that these concerned mostly colonial possessions only, or else were limited to slight modifications of the boundary linc Yer, nobody can rightfully contend that a smaller rectification of the boundary line can be arbitrated, but a broader rectitication of the boundaries may not. The question itself is a juridical ques- tion, provided that the compromise agreement signed between the two litigating parties shall clearly establish the scope and extent of the boundary rectification and also provided that this agreement was ratified by the respective Parliaments of the two countries.
The enly difficulty is the acceptance of such a comproriisc
between the two countries. Hence, what is necessary is to educate
public opinion in these two, or more, respective countries where
such questions must be arbitrated. In the times prior to the war
international jurists such as Calvo, Geffcken and many others
were afraid of extending the scope of arbitration. Bontils styles
those who wish to arbitrate all, or most of the disputes between
nations, as visionaries, but Mr. Kellogg of America, Viscount
Cecil of England, Monsieur Briand of France, Count Apponyv:
of Hungary, Senator Lafontaine of Belgium, and many others are
such practical visionaries and it will be admitted by even the
�[Page 411]INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION 4it
most rabid nullificationists, who desire to narrow down the scope of arbitration, that it is more practical and more beneficial to mankind to desire to submit all outstanding disputes to arbitration, than to say that certain problems involving national honor and dignity cannot be arbitrated and must therefore be settled by the other alternative: war.
Juste as for the settlement of so-called matters of honor be- rwveen private citizens duels are now proscribed in almost every civilized country, such matters being either settled in court, or by private arbitration courts, just so témes are not very far away when no cevtlized nation will want so-called matters of national honor ind dtenity to be exempted from international arbitration courts, if thereby war can be averted and they wtll at least refrain from signing arbitration treaties with the national honor clause inserted in them. The life and happiness of many millions of people ts in itself a greater thing than the very often inflated honor of a country. The honor of a country stands in the place of the honor of the millions of men, women and children inhabiting that country. 1s that honor really vindicated, tf a mtllion or more men are killed in war? Our common sense rebels against such a notron. It stencefies therefore real progressive civilization to extend the scope of arbitration for that wrll also signify a victory over our savage animal instincts which may still prompt us to go to wr as a means to adjust matters of honor between nations.
It is a thing greatly to be regretted that the authors of the
League covenant insisted on linking the peace treaties with the
Covenant of the League of Nations because had the two been
separated the machinery of the League of Nations could be with
fullest freedom utilized in behalf of arbitrating certain mistakes
and injustices of the peace treaties. As it is, the Covenant of the
League sanctions them (see Art. 10 and others) and it seems
therefore that in invoking the machinery of the League in behalf
of a peaceful arbitration of disputes, arising from the peace
treaties, One is compelled to utilize it against itself. That is
chiefly the reason why it is so difficult to obtain the sanction of
the League of Nations for an extension of the scope of arbitration.
It has cost tremendous struggles to obtain the approval of the
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foregoing optional clause by a majority of the League members and it will be observed that many of them have only accepted the clause with reservations which practically invalidate their acceptance of the clause. It is nothing but a beau geste to the galleries, as if one wanted to sav: ‘“Look here, I am also on the bandwagon of international justice, provided of course that ther is a little side exit for me to leave the wagon when I feel like it”
We cannot see why reservations are necessary and it is evident that these reservations take the place of the pre-war “national! honor and dignitv’’ clauses in the arbitration treaties. The so- called problems involving national honor and dignity and al reservations to the above optional clause cease to be such prob- lems the instant that the respective Parliaments of their own free wi. approve the signing of the preliminary compromise which precedes arbitration. This latter itself is merely the last step in this international procedure which moulds the national resolutions of the litigating countries into international legal shape. Two countries may disagree on the scope and extent of a territorial boundary rectification, although they both may feel that a peaceful adjustment of the obnoxious problem might be beneficial to both of them. They will, however, hesitate in accepting the responsibility for such an adjustment, howsoever benchcial it might be to their people.
What is to be done in such a dilemma? The only thing that can be done ts to gave the arbitrators mandatory powers to proceed according to international law and either to sanction—as in the case of the Delagoa Bav dispute—one or the other claim, or else to decide accordint to the canons of international justice. A territorial rectification be- tween two neighboring countries is nothing but a partial revision of a peace treatv which caused the re-division of territory, and there can be no doubt thar the most successful means of settling such a partial treaty revision is by extending the field of arbitra- tion and including peace revision in it.
This is the most important world problem today, as directly,
or indirectly, it affects every country.
�[Page 413]APOSTLES OF WORLD UNITY
XXIII—THOMAS GARIGUE MASARYK by
-
Josepu S. Revcek
Poofesson of Soceal Scsance, Centenary Junior Coilere, Hackattstoun, Sf.
N Marcu 10, 1876, a young Czechoslovak received his doctor's degree from the University of Vienna. Before the group of his friends parted from him, he had them promise that they all would try to benefit their nation
in their practical life and thus also humanity. It was rather a
romantic youthful incident. However, under this colorful deed
was a deep reality of the future, as subsequent events have shown.
The voung doctor who made this promise to his colleagues
was Dr. Thomas Garigue Masarvk, now President of Czecho-
slovakia, whose career has been remarkable in all its aspects.
Not only did Masarvk become a creator of his nation, but through
his efforts and activity as a statesman the world also benefited.
In order to understand the philosophy and the activity of
Masarvk, we must understand thoroughly not only his life but
also his actions, which did not bring fruit until verv recently.
We must also understand from the outset the kind of naticnalism
and internationalism that Masarvk stands for. Masarvk stands
tor’ world-wide understanding anda humanized civilization which
releases the finer aspirationsof mankind.”’ Thus he is a patriot and
also humanist. Differences between groups of people, viz., the
nations, cannot be obliterated anv more than between individuals.
The whole progress of civilization has been away from a barren
uniformity to a rich social complexity. But what Masarvk stands
tor is cultural internationalism. One of the greatest features
which helped to make him great is the lack of sentimentalism.
All these points were illustrated concretely when Masarvk came
against these problems during the course of his rich life.
Masaryk was born on March 7, 1850, in the Moravian border-
4t3
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town, Hodonin. His father came from the lowest social scale ot that time— being a coachman on an imperial estate. The estate belonged to the imperial familv— the House of Hapsburgs— who defeated the Kingdom of Bohemia in 1620, at the beginning o: the Thirty Years War. The whole history of the centuries of Haps- burg rule is Cuntil 1918), as a famous French historian (Ernest Denis) has written, a story of unkept vows and broken treaties The new age of nationalism and democracy in the nineteenth anc twentieth centuries penetrated Austria verv slowly, and though the national regeneration of the Czechs started carlier, the political awakening did not come until 1848. From that time on, Czech politics wavered between the demands for the granting of State rights to the Bohemian State, and a demand for the modification of Austria into a federation of peoples with equal rights. Mean- while Bismarck deteated Austria in 1866. His diplomacy so managed that Austria, after her defeat, was put out of Germany without loss of territory and with only a trifling indemnity, he was thus considerate of the personal ambitions of Francis Joseph and secured Austria as a devoted allv. The Magvars became Germany's staunch supporters when they were won over by the remodelling of Austria into the dualistic Austria-Hungary in i867. Thus the Austro-Hungarian Empire became but an apanage of the German Empire.
The Ausgleich of 186> kept the external front of the Empire unchanged. Internally, however, it exasperated the subject na- tionalities because of the nationalistic policies of the ruling races. The oppression of minorities finally exhausted itself in the World War, when the internal and external revolution dismembered the Empire and constituted the new Succession States.
Masarvk was born and reared in this extremely bitter na- tionalistic environment. He was also most intluential in the dismemberment of the Empire and in the formation of the new States.
Up to 1886 Masarvk lectured at the Universitv of Prague
and was recognized as an outstanding teacher and leader of public
life. During that vear, his activity brought on him a storm ot
�[Page 415]THOMAS GARIGUE MASARYK 415
abuse from the nationalists and patriots of his country. The incident also showed Masaryk’s stand on nationalism of the exaggerated type.
The Czech romantic nationalism of the times worshipped certain supposedly old manuscripts of Kralove Dvur and Zelena Hora. The manuscripts were simple forgeries destined to bolster up patriotism and nationalistic glory. On the surface the storm which broke out was a fight of philology, history, literature, and chemistry against nationalistic dilettantism. Masaryk challenged and disproved the authenticity of these famous Czech historical documents.
In realitv, Masarvk's participation strengthened the slogans ot his life-work: “‘Knowledge is Strength; Through Truth to Right; Nothing is Great which is not Truthful."’
The Czech national leaders were irritated by Masaryk’s directness and honesty. ‘Go to the devil, monstrous traitor,"’ one of the patriotic newspapers screamed at Masaryk, who op- posed exaggerated patriotic tirades—something very discouraging but truthful. The continuation of the attacks was even more bitter: “Don't vou dare to use our sacred language and despoil it with your low spirit and poisoning breath. Go, join the enemy, whom vou serve, forget that vou are born of a Bohemian mother, that vou walked on the Bohemian soil, because we exile vou trom our national body as a hideous branch. Go, run away from this sacred land, before it will open and swallow vou."’ (Quoted trom J. Herben, T. G. Masaryk, p. 82-83.)
The fundamental explanation of Masarvk’s nationalism is
that his conception of it was higher than that conceived by his
contemporaries at that time. He did not hesitate to mention
that general federalism—if cosmopolitanism is objected to—is
the only sensible goal of humanity. Many objected to Masarvk's
teaching that we can love our nation even if we see its mistakes;
we must accept everything good from other nations and can
thus love our nation without hating what is foreign. There is
no reason to consider other nations insignificant in order to make
our own stand out. Masarvk refused the philosophy of the Czech
�[Page 416]416 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
history of Palacky and Havlicek, who thought that the Czech national life was exhausting itself in the struggle against German aggression. Masaryk's conception was positive, that 1s, to “work for progress, at the bequest of John Hus, the greatest moral hero of Bohemian history. Simply expressed, Masarvk was not a political nationalist, but an extreme cultural nationalist. Let me quote his philosophy from his ‘*The Making of a State.’ It shows that his philosophical foundation did not change with his age “Chauvinism is nowhere justified, least of all in our country. . Chauvinism, that is to sav, political, religious, racial or class intolerance, has, as history proves, brought the downfall of all States... . We shall solve our own problem aright if we compre- hend that the more humane we are the more national we shall be The relationship between the nation and mankind, between nationality and internationalitv, between nationalism and hu- maneness of feeling is not that mankind as a whole and inter- nationalism and humaneness are something apart from, against or above the nation and nationalitv, but that nations are the natural organs of mankind. ... To a positive nationalism, one that seeks to raise a nation by intensive work, none can demur. Chauvinism, racial or national intolerance, not love of one’s own people, is the foe of nations and of humanity. Love of one’s own nation does not entail non-love of other nations.’” No more substantial and beautiful words could be written by any apostle of world unity.
The most productive vears of Masarvk's life before the World
War were from 1893-1900. The following books presented
Masarvk’s philosophy of the Czech nationalism and of the mis-
sion of this nation in Europe: “‘The Czech Question and Our
Present Crisis’ C1895); “Karel Havlicek’’ (1896); “‘The Social
Question,” “John Hus,’ “Our Renaissance’ and “Our Reforma-
tion’ Ci8gg). “The Czech Question”’ and ‘‘Havlicek"’ became to
be regarded as hand-books of the national program of the Czechs.
The first savs: ‘It is not easy to tind a right and just formula, a
national program, in which all the elements would be united--
humanity, nationality, statehood, social reforms, progress—in
�[Page 417]THOMAS GARIGUE MASARYK 417
the spirit of unity.’’ According to Masaryk, the Czech question was primarily a religious question. Palacky, the greatest Czech historian, had already recognized that whenever the Czechs had achieved victory, it had been won by mofal factors, by strength of spirit and idea, and Masaryk took this recognition as a starting point, and sought to give moral expression to the national will to live. Masaryk found the underlying motive of Czech history in John Hus, his followers, and the Czech (Moravian) Brethren. In the historical events bearing upon religion, he saw the center of gravity of Czech history, and he regarded the Czech problem as being fundamentally religious—not religious in the ordinary sense Of the word, but religious in the sense that religion is synonymous with morality and truth. He savs: ‘‘What is needed is an inner renovation, without which there is no meaning in political liberty; what is needed is an active love for one's neigh- bor, without which there is no true patriotism; what is needed is to love, to seek and to defend the truth; what is needed is to establish public life upon the basis of morality and truth.”’ Masaryk associated the Czech revival with the Reformation, and he desired humanitarian principles to govern present-day politics, and thus proceed in the traditions of the Czech Reformation. ‘‘If 1 sav ‘I am a Czech,’ I must have a cultural program.’’ It the Czech nation wanted to be free again it had to accept the moral teachings of Hus, Chelcicky, and Comenius, which were based on progress and free thinking, and not on violence. But notice also the following realistic view-point, which looks more for- ward than backward: ‘‘History is the real teacher of life and must be more to us than to others. It has been—but the main teacher ot life is the present, life itself.’ This was a warning because more attention was paid by the Czech patriots to the past glory than to the present reality—that is, the reality before 1914.
The social program of Masaryk corresponded to that of
humanitarianism. ‘The social question is not the question of
only one class or caste, it is the question of all. The granting of
universal suffrage as a concession to the pressure of the laboring
classes is only a partial and negative solution of the problem... .
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Ie is all very well to sing and preach about one's country, but one must keep to the concrete; for what does a humbla Czech see in the poor hovel which to him is his country? What does he know of his Czech fatherland when his children are perishing morally and physically in an insutficient lodging? You must not go to such a person with patriotic phrases; give him a better lodging, and he will have a new horizon, he will have an entirely different national fecling than when he lives in unenvied poverty.”
One of the most challenging features of Masarvk's teaching was his statement that the state is only one of the uniting forms of hun.anitv, the value of such a state is measured by the cultural degree of the nation.
Masarvk had a chance to stand for hts philosophy in the vear 18ygg, when the most monstrous demonstrations were organ- ized against nim at home. On March 29th of that vear there was found the murdered bodv of a voung girl. The police became convinced that the deed occurred in some place other than that in which the bodv had been discovered, because no blood was found on the ground. Popular superstition accused a Jewish weakling, named Hilsner, of the murder, supposing that the murder was committed during the preceding Jewish holidays Hilsner was sentenced to death without direct proofs, and Masarvk took an energetic stand against this superstitious popular opinion, pointing out the mistake of the Drevtus affair in France Enraged students prevented Masarvk’s university lectures, and accused him of caring more for Jews than for his own nation Thus nearly everybody opposed Masarvk at one period or other. The Catholic newspapers constantly called him a godless indi- vidual and a Freemason. Vienna authorities denounced him and delaved his assured promotion.
In 1g00 Masarvk’s followers had organized the Progressive
Partv in Bohemia. In 1ygo7, and again in 1911, Masarvk was
returned to Parliament by a Moravian constituency. It was during
this period that he exposed the Austro-Hungarian intrigues
wgainst Serbia. Masarvk proved that Austrian diplomacy, par-
ticularly the Embassy in Belgrade, had offered false evidence in
�[Page 419]THOMAS GARIGUE MASARYK 419
the Friedjung-Vasitch trial, for he got possession of the documents and exposed them to the whole of Europe and that the Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Achrenthal, was svstematically falsifv- ing the records of the Ministry. Masarvk’s fame spread throughout Laurope. Achrenthal had to resign and was succeeded by Berch- cold. Fundamentally, Masarvk came to a conviction that the whole régime of the Monarchy was debased, and entered upon the period of his fundamental opposition to Austria-Hungary.
fn 1913 One of the most important of Masarvk’s works ap- neared “Russia and Europe.”” It ts one of the best books written on Russia and one of the few books which predicted a revolution. Masarvk considered Russian absolutism morally dangerous to society and state, the more so because it could not be changed by maceful means. The Revolution was predicted four vears before it exploded.
In 1914 Masarvk was 64 vears old and there seemed no hope tor the regeneration of the Czechoslovak nation.
From this point on we can follow Masarvk’s work and philosophy from his “The Making of a State’ and from his disciple Benes, “My War Memoirs."" Both books present to us the highest practical achievement in history and political science by men who were experts in the theory, practice and philosophy of social sciences. They are practical books on international politics in the highest sense, because of the results that both statesmen have achieved.
The war came upon Masaryk unawares. It broke out while
he Was staving in Germany where he was a witness of German
preparedness. He immediately resolved that, at that hour, his
opposition to Austria must be transformed into action. “Yet no
man strove harder than he to avert the catastrophe which he felt
to be impending,” savs Henry Wickam Steed in his introduction
to the Masarvk’s memoirs. ‘He knew what suffering it would
bring upon his own people, what course it would compel him to
follow, and to what risks it would expose him— a lonely professor,
past his sixtieth vear, without pecuniary resources and an object
ot oticial hatred. Though he foresaw that his choice would he
�[Page 420]420 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
between exile and the gallows, he never wavered or flinche! He was convinced philosophically that Austria-Hungary was doomed. Then followed his revolutionary work which was a practical test of his philosophical ideas, which proved to kx sound in 19'S. Those whe declared him a mere idealist wer refuted.
The work of Masarvk during the war is a matter of recor, well known to the readers of current history.
The highest point of achievement of the Czechoslova). revolutionary propaganda was reached in Masarvk’s war pub- lication, “The New Europe.” ‘The Czech Question” formu- lated the Czech problem as the problem of a small nation, anc outlined its internal solution as a process of moral revival Masarvk’s activity projected this problem within a far broader framework, with reference to world events, and in the existence of such a nation he diagnosed the cause of international tension and danger. The latter book projects his philosophy for a new political organization of Europe, based upon the fundamental thesis that ‘nations are the natural organization of mankind.’ Because on the side of the Allies were found the principal demo: cratic and civilized States, and their opponents -Prussia, Ger- many, Austria, Turkey represented the obsolete, medieval monarchical States, the place of the Czechoslovaks was morally on the side of the democratic program of the Allies. Thus democ- racv is the antithesis of aristocracy and oligarchy. Democracy, equally with nationality and socialism, rests on humanitarian principles: no nation shall use another nation as an instrument for its own aims. That is the moral purport of the political principle of equality, of equal rights. The so-called small man. and likewise the small nation, are individualities with equa! rights.
Note the following quotation, which is of the utmost impor-
tance if we want to call Masaryk an ‘‘Apostle of World Unity.”
“The principle of nationality stands alongside of the inter:
national (interstate) principle. ... Between nationality and
internationality there is no antagonism, on the contrary, agree-
�[Page 421]THOMAS GARIGUE MASARYK 42!
ment: nations are the natural organs of himanity. Humanity is not supernational, it is the organization of individual nations. It, therefore, individual nations struggle for their independence and attempt to break up states of which they have heretofore been parts, that 1s not a fight against internationality and hu- mamty, but a figh: against aggressors, who misuse states for the purposes of levelling them and entorcing political uniformity. Humanity does not tend to uniformity, but to unity; it will be the libera- con of nations which will make possible the organic association, the federation of nations, of Europe, and of all mankind.... [his internationalism makes possible a division and organization ot labor of the nations; not merely economic labor, but all cultural labor. Europe and humanity are becoming more unified. Inter- nationalism is not impeded by small nations, as was proved even in this war’) CMasarvk, The New Europe, p. 26-27).
The result of events was the success of Masarvk’s cause and the establishment of the Czechoslovak State. However, Masaryk did noe permit himself to turn oppressor and tvrannize over others, that is, the minorities of Czechoslovakia, a thing which has so often happened in the course of human history. For toler- ance 1S an important part of Masarvk’s religion and creed— tolerance and torgiveness. ‘‘Love of one’s nation does not entail non-love for other nations,’ states the concluding chapter, “Democracy and Humanity,” ot Masarvk’s memoirs. Further- more, the history of the last twelve vears shows that Masaryk has been making every effort to establish triendly relations with thie neighboring states, for that seems to be the only way to maintain world peace. There is every reason to believe that the policy of kindness and friendliness and cooperation will perpetuate the peace which is so dear to Masarvk’s heart.
In foreign policv, Masarvk has been instrumental in restoring,
organizing, strengthening, by friendly methods, peaceful and
cooperative relations between states. “Democratic foreign policy
ail around means peace and freedom.’’ The reason that Czecho-
siovakia has been instrumental in raising loans to help restore
the tinances of Austria, Hungary, in cancelling some of Austria’s
�[Page 422]422 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
reparations debts, and in restoring trade and commerce between his country and her old-time masters, is that Masarvk considers states interdependent. “Nationally and internationally, the inde- pendence of a State is today only relative.”’
Thus Masarvk’s personality stands out as one of the most important living statesmen for world peace and unity. His devo- tion to his conviction and to the high ideals, for which he stood oppression and persecution, and even staked his life. makes him a great international statesman who insists that the best way for anv nation to survive and prosper is to live by the ideals ot humanity. For him “humanity ts not mere sentiment.” Who follows then the toreign policy of Czechoslovakia as executed by Benes, understands the desire for a world policv. Mankind is a concrete, practical idea tor Masarvk. an organization of nations, for there can be no internationalism without nationality, though above these structures stands humanity and world unity.
Czechoslovakia is troubled with the ever-rising European problem of dictatorship, a form of fascism. Frequent attacks have been made on Masarvk and Benes because of their consistent policy, “The Castle Policy.” as it is called in Prague. One ot the manv-sided attacks insists that Masarvk’s humanitarian doctrine has evolved as the weapon of the weak amid the circumstances of the modern era. The attacks have tatled to move the conviction ot the President. “Assured|]v the smali and the weak in the struggle against the great and strong will not straightway put their taith in iron but will see what can be done by reason and reasonable method. ... We wished, and we wish truly to be human.” This Is a straighttorward rejection of the policy of ‘blood and iron.” He concludes his book with: “In our democratic Republic, freedom of conscience and toleration must not merely be coditied but realized in every domain of public life.”
Masarvk always pointed to Comenius, the last bishop of the
Bohemian Brethren and the “Teacher of Nations,”” who taught
that through education alone could the way of salvation be
found. On his wanderings through Europe, Comenius proclaimed
the ideal of ever-enduring peace, that is, of love and religious
�[Page 423]THOMAS GARIGUE MASARYK 423
toleration. In practice this effort meant love and devotion to one’s own nation and language and at the same time love and charity towards all other nations. ‘Comenius himself provides a splendid example of how it is possible to harmonize nationality and inter- national sentiment,’ savs Masarvk.
Masarvk’s right hand, Dr. E. Benes, who became one of the most progressive and successful post-war European diplomats, says in his “Mv War Memoirs’’: "We were successful in our struggle because we adjusted our movement to the scope of world events." He continues speaking about Masarvk: ‘Few nations have had the good fortune to be able at a decisive moment of their history to associate themselves unreservedly, with absolute confidence and certainty, with a leader who so unmistakably symbolized he ideals of the age and their great political, social, economic, and moral struggles, the ideals of the future, the traditions of the nation, and its immediate desires, and who at the sanie time was able so effectively to draw up a program of his political and spiritual intentions.”” (Benes, op. cit., p. 498-499.) With these words Benes acknowledges the leadership of Masaryk and his program and thus he also directs the foreign policy of his country. [he kernel of the policy can be found tn the introduction of Benes to his: “The Problems of New Europe’ Cin Czech): “Every policy and especially foreign policy, needs a stable philosophical basis, a stable and steady world-view, which gives to every move its ideal program and thus also certainty, productivity and goal, consciousness, moral strength and force. It gains contidence and recognition.
Long before Masarvk was called to become the captain of the
Cvechoslovak State, he was philosophically prepared tor it as
well as for his leadership as an apostle of world unity. Today
he has outlived the majority of his contemporaries and walks
alone on the high peaks of his old age, where his tall figure 1s
sharply outlined against the evening sky glittering with ravs ot
the setting sun.
�[Page 424]YOUTH AND THE MODERN WORLD
Edsted by IsapeLLA Van METER Above and beyond al! wav and death is cur deop vearmeng for the time when we shall be able te work side by sida with she youth of tiie whole world.”
During the crucial vears since the Furopean war, the vouth of the world has heen gathering its torce as if for a supreme struggle with the militant, destructive past. Repudiating alike its inher:t- ance of institutions, customs and ideals, the generation now assuming manhood and womanhood in Fast and West 1s gradually creating the substance of a different way of life, anew outlook, destined to form anew civilization. Viewed from the ranks of those molded by the past, this manifestation of vouth has appeared one of the most tragic, misguided, even sinister of social phenomena, since Its trrumph must involve the overthrow of so much that mankind has done and heen. The statement of vouth itself, so far as vouth has vet defined its own energies, experiences and directions, will tel! a diferent story. In this department World Unity Magazine will publish from time to time brief articles expressing the outlook of vouth, bv vouth itself, on those vital issues which are recurrent from age to age
YOUTH AND THE CHURCH by
ALFRED BENNISs JACOB
Woodbeocke Settlement, Birmingham, England
iT memories of some half-dozen religious and inter-
national conferences still fresh in my mind, and a
flood of new viewpoints modifying and rearranging
the old, it is a difficult task to choose any one of the
many ticlds of thought opened up and to call it the most im-
portant, harder still to organize the many impressions into
coherent expression upon any subject. Clear in my memory, how-
ever, are the many excited discussions which gradually worked
back into religion and there became entangled in its physical
organization, the church. It is about these two ever-important
subjects that I want to offer some ideas which seem to me to be significant
In considering topics of long tradition and many varied
4-4
�[Page 425]#
YOUTH AND THE CHURCH 425
beliefs, it is often helpful to divorce ourselves from preconceived notions, and to attempt to think impartially and, as far as possible, with open and unprejudiced mind. Such an attitude is especially valuable in the large and complex subjects of the church and religion—subjects frequently of firm conviction and unwaver- ing lovalty to previous beliefs. With open, searching mind, then, ler us ask ‘‘What is the church of todav? What is its influence upon mankind? What relation should it bear to individual lives?”
What is the church? Using the term to include all the chief religious systems, the church mav be described as an institution which brings together groups of people for ceremonies intended to stimulate thought about a prophet or his message. The groups ordinarily comprise a minority who have felt a religious ex- perience, and a majority who are, partially, at least, slaves of convention.
Because of long history, a remote connection with a prophet, and a presente belief of its association with things inknowable to the lay mind, the church possesses a tremendous influence in the lives of the people. The influence is exerted through several channels—social, spiritual, political, historical, educational— in Ways not usually obvious to the church-goer. Let us examine some of them.
Allowing for several exceptions, the church as a social in-
stitution 1s a means whereby people of one neighborhood, one
ceneral mode of living, and not dissimilar beliefs come together
periodically to listen to the program which has been prepared,
to meet their friends, to chat afterward about the topics of the
dav, and occasionally to participate in some activity of the group.
There is a oneness about such a group, a feeling of a degree of
unity ina common purpose, which is a step toward greater fellow-
ship; on the other hand there is always a large number who
attend as a matter of custom and play no further part in the social
activity. This meeting of people in fellowship aside from business
interests or daily routine is obviously a valuable office of the
church; and their common activity is one means of continual new
human contacts, extending even to the distant missionary or the
�[Page 426]426 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
equally distant poverty-stricken members of one's own community.
The spiritual gifts of the church are three. First, it brings beauty into sordid lives. It gives opportunity for contact with inspiring architecture, uplifting music, beautiful thoughts. Into lives of selfish gain it brings the unselfish, outflowing examples of the several prophets. Into lives of hurry and noise it brings opportunity for quiet and harmony. Such influence is short and infrequent, yet for many it is the only contact with recognizable beauty.
A second spiritual gain is that which comes from service to others in the giving of time or money. The mite which drops into the collection plate, if given with a willing heart, reaps a spiritual reward, just as the selfish accumulation of material treasures in- variably results in spiritual sacrifice. The most significant teach- ing of the church and the least heeded is just that—that the truest values of life are not stored up in banks—that the example of each of the great prophets was one of poverty. Yet the very magnificence of many church edifices nullifies their teaching ot simplicity in material things—when, indeed, that teaching 1s given.
The third spiritual value lies in the meditative seeking for the great realities of life, in trying to realize God. This value the church cannot give. The individual must seek and find for him- self. But the church often helps to find the way.
Of the political, educational, and historical activity of the church, perhaps the latter is the most important. It is revered because of the length of its history, and a question concerning what it és usually results in an answer concerning what it has been.
In the course of history the church gradually advanced from
a guardianship of the spirit and through it, of the body, into a
direct control of the physical lives of its members. It was to be
expected; for the church, thought to be the instrument of God,
naturally received the full confidence of all. It was the firm rock
of society, the court of last appeal, the one certainty among many
uncertainties. This impression continues in many places today.
�[Page 427]YOUTH AND THE CHURCH 427
The time has come when we must realize frankly that what- ever its origin, the church is now a man-made, man-managed institution. The policies of the church are the policies of men; the decisions, decisions of men. The church is only sanctified as those who comprise it are sanctified. It dictates the truth only if its dictators are in possession of the truth.
In view of the deplorable fact that with few exceptions the church has sanctioned slavery, persecution, race distinction, wealth, war of member against member—sn clear opposition to the spirtt of the teachings of its leaders, but in accord with the trend of the times; in view of such a fact, is it not clear that we should know the church for what it now is, not for its primary purpose; should use it insofar as it is helpful, but for important decisions seek a higher authority? That authority might well be the firse recorded teachings of the great leader himself.
The realization that the church is at base an institution subject to the vacillations of men, and to a certain extent influ- enced by men’s material desires, has turned many against it so that they ignore even its many commendable functions. It has been depreciated as “‘the opiate of the people’ because it has frequently sanctioned the injustices of the time and favored capitalistic interests, twisting its precepts into a semblance of harmony with its position.
Serious as this indictment is, we must also realize the possible ambiguity of all actions. Teaching oppressed, economically maltreated people the unimportance of material gains may be sympathetically emphasising a great and comforting truth, or it mav be deliberately quieting the turbulent realization of a great untairness by preaching soft words and hopes of future comfort bevond this transitory existence. But whatever the motive, there is need for those who distrust the church to recognize its good influence; and a greater responsibility for those inside the church not only to realize its shortcomings, but to work definitely to over- come them. Not only the Communist criticisms, but the growing atheist conviction, the large numbers outside of the church, the
dissatisfaction of many inside the church—all hurl a tremendous
�[Page 428]428 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
challenge at the feet of thinking people—a challenge which cannot be ignored nor avoided. Just as the dominant note of the World Congress of Youth for Peace was ‘‘Practical remedial measures must be specitied!'’, so I urge that if the church is tobe a spiritual force, the challenge must be accepted and the remedy must be actson!
To what extent the church is now a spiritual force is best judged by the effect of that force upon men. That it has been of powerful influence in the past is true. But insofar as it affects the ordinary daily way of life of its members, it is not, I believe, of major importance. In contrast, and of far greater influence is that wide-spread, subtle menace, materialism, which affects the smallest and the greatest actions of men, which manifests itself in friendship, politics, education, and all divisions of life, for which men live, work and die; and through which they seck happiness. Be its successor what it may, the church is no longer the greatest spiritual force in the lives of men.
The signs of the times now seem to point on one hand to
a world of material values and futile efforts toward happiness,
on the other hand toa simple acceptance of the great truths taught
by the thinkers of the centuries. It is in the latter way that in-
evitable spiritual growth will bring both inward harmony and
international understanding. But growth can only occur when
we not only choose the teacher who seems to transcend all others;
when we not only accept and believe and spread his message; but
when we also translate the truths of his teaching into the facts
of our personal lives, spreading them to others by example. When
the life of the spirit permeates huinan activity, church and work
alike, true religion will have come into its own at last.
�[Page 429]CLASSIFIED READING LIST OF BOOKS ON WORLD
UNITY AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION
HISTORY GENERAL:
Tie New History, by J. H. Robinson, Macmillan
The Outline of History, by H. G. Wells. Macmillan.
History and Social Intellsgence, bv H. E. Barnes. Knopf.
The Human Adventure, by Breasted and Robinson. Harpers.
The Stream of History, bv G. Parsons. Scribners.
The Tendency of History, by H. Adams. Macmillan.
History of Manksnd, bv H. Webster. Heath.
World History, by E. Feuter. Harcourt.
A Short History of the World, by C. D. Burns. Payson & Clarke Modern World Hastory, 1776-1926, bv A. Flick. Knopf.
The Outline of Modern History, by E. M. Earle. Harpers.
Tit Modern World, by F. S. Marvin. Longmans Green.
The Living Past, by F. S. Marvin. Oxford Univ. Press.
The Century of Hope, bv F. S. Marvin. Oxford Univ. Press.
Western Races and the World, by F. 8. Marvin Oxford Univ. Press. The Mind on the Making, bv J. H. Robinson. Harpers.
The Makeng of the Western Mind, by Stowell & Marvin. Doran. The Ortgen of the World War, Sidney B. Fay. Macmillan.
Furope, by Count H. Kevserling. Harcourt.
Asta, A Shove History, by H. N. Gowen. Little Brown,
Luvope: A Hastory of Ten Years, bv R. L. Buell. Macmillan
The Revolt of Asta, bv Upton Close. Putnam.
4:14 Reborn, bv M_ Harrison. Harpers.
The Soul of the East, bv M. Ehrenpreis. Viking Press.
The Occedent and the Ovrsent, by V. Chirol. Chicago Univ. Press. America and Europe, by Alfred Zimmern. Oxford Univ. Press. World Diplomacy, by N. D. Harris. Houghton & Mifflin.
Europe and Africa, bv N. D. Harris. Houghton & Mifflin.
Furcpe and the East, by N.D. Harris, Houghton & Mithun.
Nex Governments of Central Europe, bv M. W. Graham. Holt.
New Government of Eastern Europe, bv M. W. Graham. Holt.
Race and History, by E. Pittard. Knopf.
The Pwtection of Munorsties, bv L. P. Mair. Macmillan. Contemporary Polstics on the Far East, by 8. K. Hornbeck. Appleton. The Ascent of Humanity, by Gerald Heard. Harcourt.
The Spiritual Interpretation of History, by Shailer Matthews. Harvard Univ. Press. Tenth Year Book of the League of Nations. World Peace Foundation.
NATIONALISM:
i ssays on Nationalism, by C. J. H. Hayes. Macmillan. Nationality, Its Nature and Problems, by B. Joseph. Yale Univ. Press.
49
�[Page 430]430 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
Nattonal Isolation and Illusion, bv P. Belmont. Putnam. Nationalism and Internationalism, bv H. A. Gibbons. Stokes. A History of Natronalrsm in the East, by Hans Kohn. Harcourt.
IMPERIALISM °~
Imperialism, A Study, by J. A. Hobson. James Port. Impersalism and World Polztics, by Parker Moon. Macmillan, Imperialism and Civilization, bv L. Woolf. Harcourt.
The White Man's Dilemma, bv Nathaniel Peffer. John Day Co. Empire to Commonwealth, bv W. P. Hall. Holt.
Studies sn American Impertalism (series). Vanguard Press
CHINA:
China, A Natron in Evolution, bv Paul Monroe) Macmillan
China Yesterday and Today, bv J. E. Johnson. HOW. Wilson.
China and England, bv W. E. Soothill. Oxford Univ. Press.
The Soul of China, bv R. Wiihelm. Harcourt.
Contemporary Thoweht of Japan and China, bv Ko Tsuchida. Knopf
The Chinese System of Publiuc Education, bv P. W. Kuo. Columbia Univ. Press
A Hrstory of Chrsstian Misstons an China, bv K. S. Latourette. Houghton Miatilin.
The Development of China, bv K. S. Latourette. Houghton Mifflin
A Short History of Chinese Catilezation, bv R. Wilhelm. Viking Press.
The Chinese Revolution, by Arthur N. Holcombe. Harvard Univ. Press.
Making a New China, bv No Yong Park. Stratford Press.
China's Mallions, bv Anna L. Strang. Coward McCann.
The International Relations of the Chinese Fpire, bv HB Morse: Longmans Green.
The Formation of the Chinese People, bv Chi Li. Harvard Univ. Press.
The Problem of China, bv B. Russell. Century.
China, Yesterday and Today, bv E. T. Williams. Crowell.
China's Revolution from Inside, bv R. Y. Lo. Abingdon Press.
INDIA:
Greater India, bv Kalidas Nag. Greater India Society Bulletin.
Indsa and Conteal Asia, by Dro N. P. Chiakrvarti. Gr. Ind. Soc. Bulletin. Ancient Indian Culture in Afghanistan, bv U.N. Ghoshal. Gr. Ind. Soc. Bulletin Mahatma Gandhi's Ideas, by C. F. Andrews. Macmillan.
Understanding India, bv G. M. Williams. Coward-McCann.
India and the West, by F. S. Marvin. Longmans Green.
India Bond or Free, by Annie D. L. Besant. Putnam.
The Heart of Indra, by L. D. Barnett. Dutton.
The Economic Hrstory of India in the Victorran Age, bv Romesh Dutt. Dutton. England's Debt to India, by Lajput Rai. Huebsch.
India in Bondage, by J. T. Sunderland. Copeland.
�[Page 431]CLASSIFIED READING LIST 431
JAPAN:
tapan in the World Today, by A. J. Brown. Revell. Gorernment of Japan, by K. Naokichi. Princeton Univ. Press. Japan in the League of Nations, by M. Matsushita. Columbia Univ. Press.
AFRICA:
Empire and Commerce in Africa, by Leonard S. Woc!f. Macmillan. The Native Problem in Africa, bv R. L. Buell. Macmillan.
ffrcan Studies, Harvard Univ. Press.
Afvsca, and some World Problems, bv J. C. Smuts. Clarendon Press. veut) Africa, Peoples, Places and Problems. Longmans Green.
The Lust of Free Africa, bv G. MacGroegh. Century.
RUSSIA! A History of Russta, bv George Vernadsky. Yale University Press. Humanity Uprooted, bv Maurice Hindus. Cape and Smith. ct Russra, bv WN. Chamberlin. Little Brown. ITALY: 4 Hrstory of Italy, 18>1-1915, bv B. Croce. Oxford Univ. Press. italy, 4 Short History, bv H. D. Sedgwick. Little Brown. The Muakeng of the Facests State, by H. W. Schneider. Oxford Univ. Press. FRANCE: France, A Short Hestory, by H. D. Sedgwick. Little Brown France, A Nation of Patriots, bv C. J. H. Haves. Columbia Univ. Press. Parsi, op The Future of War, by Captain Hart. Dutton. SPAIN:
‘pain, a Short History, by H. D. Sedgwick. Little, Brown.
LATIN AMERICA:
Hoestory of Latin Amenca, bv WW Sweer Abingdon Press.
Th New Map of South America, by Herbert Adams Gibbons. Century. ENGLAND:
Creat and Greater Britain, by J. E. Barker. Dutton.
THE UNITED STATES:
Tic United States and the Caribbean, by James, Norton and Moon. Chicago Univ.
Press.
�[Page 432]432 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
Conquest: America's Painless Imperialism, by John Carter. Harcourt. America Comes of Age, a French Analysis, by Andre Siegfreid. Harcourt. American Diplomacy in the Modern World, by A. Bullard. Univ. of Penn. Press.
MISCELLANEOUS:
The Nationalt:t Crusade in Syria, by E. P. MacCullum. Foreign Policy Association The People of Thibet, by Sir Charles Bell. Oxford Univ. Press. The Far Eastern Republic of Siberta, by H. K. Norton. John Day.
EDUCATION
The Hestory of Educatzon, by Paul Monroe. Macmillan.
Education, by E. L. Thorndike. Macmillan.
Democracy and Education, bv John Dewey. Macmillan.
New Schools for Old, bv E. R. Dewey. Dutton.
New Schools an the Old World, by Washburne and Stearns. John Day. Education as World-Burldme, bv are Davidson. Harvard Univ. Press. Education for World Crtezenshop, by W. G. Carr. Stanford Univ. Press.
A Soctal Interpretation of Education, by i. K. Hart. Holt.
Fducation and Citizenship, bv E. K. Graham. Univ. of N. Carolina Press. Education and the Good Life, bv B. Russell. Liverighe.
The Meanine of a Laberal Education, bv E. D. Martin. Norton.
Education for Citizenship, bv J.C. Almack. Houghton Mifflin.
The Humanizing of Knowledge, bv J. H. Robinson. Doran.
Education for a Change Crvslization, bv W. H. Kilpatrick. Macmillan. Moral Princeples mm Education, bv John Dewev. Houghton Mifflin.
The Arms of Education and other Essays, bv A. N. Whitehead. Macmillan.
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
International Anarchy, bv G. L. Dickinson. Century.
Introduction to World Polatscs, by Herbert Adams Gibbons. Century.
International Concilration, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
The United States and the World Court, by P. C. Jessup. World Peace Foundation.
Socral Psychology of International Conduct, by G. M. Stratton. Appleton.
international Relations, by RK. L. Buell. Holt.
The Unaty of the World, bv G Ferrero. Boni.
Uniting Europe, by William E. Rappard. Yale Univ. Press.
The Unites States of the World, by Oscar Newfang. Putnam.
The Twtlight of Empire, by Scott Nearing. Vanguard Press.
The United States of Ewrope, by Paul Hutchinson. Willet, Clark & Colby.
The Growth of International Thought, by F. M. Stowell. Holt.
International Economic Relations, by John Donaldson. Longmans Green.
The Internats:na! Community and the Right of War, by Don Luigi Sturzo. Allen &
Unwin.
�[Page 433]CLASSIFIED READING LIST 433
Our Relations to the Natsons of the Western Hemisphere, by Charles E. Hughes. Princeton Univ. Press. The Monroe Doctrine, bv Dexter Perkins. Harvard Univ. Press. The New World, ed. by Isaiah Bowman. World Book Co. fevedom of the Seas, by Kenworthy and Young. Liverighe. International Arbitration from Athens to Locarno, bv J. H. Ralston. Stanford Univ. P. American Foreren Relations, oy Charles P. Howland. Yale Univ. Press. Political Handbook of the World, 1929. Yale Univ. Press. International Arbitration and Procedure, by R. C. Morris. Yale Univ. Press. The Washington Conference and After, bv Y. Ichihashi. Stanford Univ. Press. The League of Nations, bv J. G. Bassett. Longmans Green. labor and Internatronalism, by L. L. Lorwin. Macmillan. ‘artery of International Affairs, by A. J. Tavnbee. Oxford Univ. Press. The Morals of Economie internationalism, bv J. A. Hobson. Houghton Mifflin. Pan-Europa, by Condenhove-Kalergi. Knopf. Latin America in World Politics, by J. F. Rippy. Knopf. The Problem of the Pacific, bv C. B. Fletcher. Holt. Problems of the Pacsfic, bv J. B. Condliffe. Univ. of Chicago Press. uisers of Endless Age, bv H. N. Brailsford. Harper. iducation and International Relations, bv Daniel A. Prescott. Harvard Univ. Press. Handbooks on International Relations, bv G. Lowes Dickinson. Harcourt Brace. 1 Patriotism and the Super-State. 2 Natsonalism. 3. Diplomacy, New and Old.
WAR AND PEACE
Newer Ideals of Peace, bv Jane Addams. Macmillan.
Ts the Nations, by Paul Richard. Pond.
The Heart of the World, by Georges Duhamel. Century.
Provects in World Friendship, bv J. Lobingier. Chicago Univ. Press.
The Promul gation of Universal Peace, bv ' Abdu'l-Baha. Baha'i Pub. Committee.
Mait We Hate War? by Fred B. Smich. Harpers.
Disarmament, by S. de Madariaga. Coward-McCann.
ar as an Instrument of National Poltcy, bv J. T. Shotwell. Harcourt.
The Ordeal of Thts Generation, by Gilbert Murray. Harpers.
Pacrfcrsm im the Modern World, by Devere Allen. Doubleday Doran.
Pan-American Peace Plans, by Ch atles E. Hughes. Yale Univ. Press.
Problems of Peace, by Geneva Institute of International Relations. Oxford Univ. Press.
Petween War and Peace, by Florence B. Boeckel. Macmillan.
The Preservation of Peace, Ed. by Parker Moon. Columbia Univ. Press.
The Polstics of Peace, by Charles E. Martin. Stanford Univ. Press.
Youth Looks at World Peace, by J. B. Matthews. American Committee, World Youth Peace Congress.
War Aims and Peace Ideals, by Brooke and Canby. Yale Univ. Press.
�[Page 434]434 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
Peace or War, by J. M. Kenworthy. Liveright.
Falsehood in War Time, by Arthur Ponsonby. Dutton.
Ten Years of War and Peace, by Coolidge. Harvard Univ. Press.
Public Opinion in War and Peace, by Lowell. Harvard Univ. Press. America and World Peace, by J. H. Clark. Holt.
Ways to Lasting Peace, by David S. Jordan. Bobbs-Merrill.
Why Men Fight, by Bertrand Russell. Century.
The Evolution of World Peace, Ed. by F. S. Marvin. Oxford Univ. Press.
NEW SOCIAL IDEALS
A World Community, by John Herman Randall. Stokes.
The Idea of Progress, bv J. B. Bury. Macmillan.
Progress and History, Ed. by F. 8. Marvin. Oxford Univ. Press.
The Idea of Progress, by W. R. Inge. Oxford Univ. Press.
Tolerance, by H. Van Loon. Boni & Liveright.
Science and Good Behavior, by H. M. Parshlev. Bobbs-Merrill.
Society and Its Problems, bv G. S. Dow. Crowell.
The Next Ten Years in British Social and Economic Policy, by G. D. H. Cole. Mac- millan.
A New Economic Order, Ed. by Kirby Page. Harcourt.
Freedom in the Modern W'orld, Ed. by H. M. Kallen. Coward-McCann.
Liberty in the Modern World, by G. B. Logan. Univ. of N. Carolina Press.
Roads to Socral Peace, bv E. A. Ross. Univ. of N Carolina Press.
Youth and the New World, by R. P. Boas. Little Brown.
Frontiers of Hope, bv H. M. Kallen. Liveright.
Christian and Jew, Ed. by 1. Landman. Liveright.
Proposed Roads to Freedom, by B. Russell. Holt.
The Intelligent Woman's Gurde to Socialism and Capitalism, by Geo. B. Shaw. Brentano's.
Moral Adventure, bv B. H. Streeter. Macmillan.
Our Changine Morals, Ed. by Frieda Kirchway. Boni.
�[Page 435]ROUND TABLE
This issue concludes another semi-annual volume of the maga- zine. The complete list of contents published elsewhere in the present issue is concrete evidence of achievement that requires no comment. But beyond its specific contributions to the thought of the day, World Unity has created a definite outlook which represents more than the sum of all the articles it has been the editors’ privilege to print.
That outlook is not a piece of property nor a mere literary invention. It is the confident hope and determined faith of quick- ened minds in all parts of the world. It is the sole tool of democracy facing for the first time the stupendous task of reconciling and ordering interests developed out of all the oppositions of past time. All those concerned with World Unity feel that the magazine is promoting an attitude as vet bevond the outposts of any public institution. Not otherwise could World Unity have enlisted the loyal interest and cooperation of its authors and readers.
It will be difficult to find space for the many valuable serial articles and individual contributions on hand for the coming vear. Among these may be cited: ‘Elements of a World Culture,"’ by various authors; “The Coming World Order,’ a symposium; “International Cooperation,’’ by Manley O. Hudson; ‘Round the World Log of a Sociologist,’’ by Herbert A. Miller; ‘“‘China’s Changing Culture,’ by Frank Rawlinson; ‘‘History of Religion,” by Nathaniel Schmidt; ‘Leaves of the Greater Bible,"’ by W. N. Guthrie; ‘Trends and Problems of Present Society,’ by Charles J. Bushnell; and ‘‘Essays in World Citizenship,’ by Carl A. Ross. Copies of a booklet describing editorial plans of World Unity will be sent readers on request.
No special prophetic gift is needed to forecast for 1930-1931 new international developments and problems driving home the value of access to material of the quality indicated above.
435
�[Page 436]INDEX
Wortp Unity MAGAziINne
Volume 6, April, 1930-—September, 1930
Titles
America Dectarnes War, editorial, 153
American Dierosmacy, Tne Lost Staxe of, by Brent Dow Allinson, 155
Books Receive, 212
Book Reviews, ¢§, 129, 36
Czgcnostovania, by Joseph § Roucek, 43
Design ror a Tempce or Reticious Harmony, illustration, bv Hugh Ferriss, §
DisarmMaMENT, How Lone Can Disarmament Be Postponen: editorial, ¢
East, By Way or tne, bv Alice A. Batley, 3 3
Economic Impertatism, by John Herman Ran- dall, 31
Evaopras Wortp View, Tie, by John Herman Randall, Jr., 129
Fevrowsnie anp Crass Stacoore, by AL J. Muste, -, 115
DPecrowsnipe of Reconcittatiosn, Ter, bv Paul Jones, 14
Free Reiictous Movement, Tre, by Walter Walsh, 16>
Geneva Liout or Nations, illustration, by
hornton Oakley, 4
Homanism ann THE Quest of tHe Aces, by John Herman Randall, Ir, 55
ToNoRaN ce AND Otp Hasits oF Trinking, by John Herman Randall, 171
ILLUSTRATIONS, 4, SU, 1$2, 228, JOO, TE
India ann Wortp Poutis, editorial, 21
InterNnationat Action, Next Steps ix, bv Lucia Ames Mead, 329
INTERNATIONAL AgpitRaTION, by Ernest Lud- Wik, 455
INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION SINCE THE Wortp War, by Herbert Adams Gibbons, 183, 223
InterNationar Lapor Orcanization, by Albert Thomas, 249
INTERNATIONALISM, THE Movement Towakn, by John Herman Randall, 257
436
Ismant’s Mission 1s Peace, illustration, by F Fradkin, 3x
Leacer ov Nations, Tne, ann tHe Worries Court, by Dexter Perkins, 55
Masaryk, THomas Gantour, by Joseph § Roucek, 413
Masanyu, Toomas G , illustration, 372
Matertatism aNnp Spiattuanity, by Stanley Rice, 334
Merxio ann Its Promise, by Hubert (. Herring, *3
Mustimes Prostem, Tue Monrrs, by Joha Wright Buckham, 375
NATIONALISM AND INTERNGTIONALIOM, by Herbert Adams Gibbons, 18) ros, 184, 233
Nationatism Doering tHe Wortm War, be Herbert Adams Gibbons, 18, 1 7
Nava Treaty, Tue Hiropen Manin of tne, by Brent Dow Allinson, 264
Peace, Can Bostness Unneawarte Peace by F. Emerson Andrews, 21°
Peace anno tHe Wan Loans, by Resissonist, i-*
Peace my Force on Peace py Promises, by Deater Perkins, 123
Peace witn Goaranters, by Dexter Perkins, 208
Quran, Tir, by Moulana Yakub Hasan, 2%)
Rewicion anp tre Natcraristi Ovtioon, by Y_H. Krikorian, 103
Revicion ror a Worpp Community, by Joho Herman Randall, yy
Retiarovs Ovrroox, For a Broaper, book review, by Horace Hollev, y60
Roerin Moustum, Tue, by Frances R. Grant, 27
Rounp Tare, 67, 138, 217, 292, 365, 435
Science CENTER ror THE City or THe Future, illustration, bv Hugh Ferriss, 152
Tower or Pirrosopny, Tue, illustration, by
Hugh Ferriss, 22
�[Page 437]INDEX 437
Unity Turovon Saisnce, by F. §. Marvin, 206
Viston, Tas Mystery ov, editorial, 373
Wan and Competitive Armaments, bv John Herman Randall, go
Wortp Community, A, by John Herman Ran- dall, 31, 90, 191, 257, 318, 390
Worry Economic Cooperation, Towarn, by ‘ohn Herman Randall, 318
Wortp Depresston, editorial, 225
Woatp Peace, Tue Economic INGreprent or, editorial, 81
Woeto Peace, Tes Quest ov, by Dexter Per- kins, § » 12g, 203
Wortp Serart, Hionga Reacnes ov, by Fred Merrifield, 314
Woatp Unrry, Apostres or, 413
Wortp Usrty, Reaptno List or Curagnt Booxs on, 289, 361, 429
Worip Uniry Founnation, Tue, 68, 139, 284
Worup We Live In, Tug, it, ro4, 167, 249
Youtw ano tas Moperan Woaxp, ed. by Isa- bella Van Meter, 354, 424
Yooto anp tHe Cuacurcn, by Alfred Bennis Jacob, 424
Youts anp Wortp Peace, by Harold F. Bing, 354
Authors
4rrrnson, Barnt Dow, The Lost Stake of American Diplomacy, 155, The Hidden Meaning of the Naval Treaty, 269
Aworews, F. Examrson, Can Business Under- write Peace’ 22>
Banay, Arne A, By Wav of the bast, 303
Keno, Hanotp F., Youth and World Peace, 354
Becanam, Jonn Waricnt, The Modern Mus- lim 's Problem, 375
feaniss, Htom, Des gn for a Temple of Re- gious Harmony, 8S, A Science Center for the City of the Future, 152, The Tower of Philosophy, 224
Paarain, F , Israel's Mission is Peace, 3.
coppons, Hexneat Apams, Nationalism and internationalism, 18, ros, 283, 233
pant, Faances R , The Roerich Museum, 2-
Hasan, Movrana Yanus, The Quran, 385
rieskeing, Hunert C , Mexico and Its Promise,
«* ‘
hhoccey, Homace, How Long Can Disarmament be Postponed 5, The Economic Ingredient Ot World Peace, $1, America Declares War, 63. World Depression, 225, India and World Pouties, 301, For a Broader Religious Our- look, 360, The Mystery of Vision, 373
Jscon, Aterren Bensts, Youth and the Church, 24
2 sts, Paut, The Fellowship of Reconciliation, 4
Krikontan, Y. H., Religion and the Natural- istic Outlook, 193
Lupwic, Ernest, International Arbitration, 405
Marvin, F. S., Unity Through Science, 2-6
Mean, Lucia Ames, Next Steps in Interna- tional Action, 349
Mexainieco, Frep, The higher Reaches of World Spirit, 314
Muste, A. J., Fellowship and Class Struggle, 7,125
Oaxrey, Tuornton, Genesis, 4
Peagins, Dextur, The Quest of World Peace, $0, 124, 201
Raspait, Joun Herman, A World Commun- ICV, 32, GO, 171, 297, 328, 390
Ranpatt, Jx., Joun Herman, Humanism and the Quest of che Ages, 55, The European World View, 129
Revisiontst, Feace and the War Loans, 277
Rice, Stanrey, Materialism and Spirituality, 334
Roveex, Josers S, Czechoslovakia, 43. Thomas Garigue Masarvk, 413
Tomas, Atnert, International Labor Organi- zation, 249
Van Meter, Isabella, Youth and the Modern World, 354, 424
Watsm, Watter, The Free Religious Move-
ment, 167
�[Page 438]A WORLD COMMUNITY
By JOHN HERMAN RANDALL
| ins work is a sine qua non for every person attempting at all serious to understand the problems and also opportunities of the new et It has great usefulness as a text for college classes, or as reading for cours in modern history, sociology, religion or international relations.
Editorial writers, teachers, lecturers and ministers, as well as m and women identified with offices of public trust or responsible mov ments of a progressive character, will find “A World Community” abs lutely invaluable. The scope of the book is clearly indicated: in ¢! following Summary of Contents:— a
The New Means of Communication The New Economic Organization
The New Knowledge
The Emerging Ideal of World Unity Nationalism
Economic Imperialism
War and Competitive Armaments Ignorance and Old Habits of Thinking The Movement toward Internationalism The Movement toward World Economic Cooperation A Religion for a World Community
Since its publication in February, 1930, “A World Community” h received powerful endorsement.
“Dr. Randall writes with the knowledge of the scientist and the visi of the prophert.""—Frank H. Hankins, Smith College. ‘‘It discusses 01 of the great problems of our time, and does so in a most illuminatit fashion.”"—Manley O. Hudson, Harvard University. “A real contributic to international understanding and amity.'—Harry Levi, Temple Israt Boston. “His work has the possibility of greater educational influen than anything of the kind that has been written."—A. C. Senske, § Paul News.
“A World Community” is published in the World Unity Library sponsored by this magazine. A copy will be sent postpaid for $2.00. The book and annual sub- scription to WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE, $5.00.
WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE 4 EAST 12TH STREET 438
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