World Unity/Volume 7/Issue 1/Text

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| LEADING ARTICLES

This Distracted World—Editorial

Science and World Culture—Keyser Nationalism in the East—Kohn

» German Opinion Since 1918——Von Gerlach Education for World Citizenship—Holley

het ' shall our policy bet... We eenntt hove « worldwide economic program if it is to be defeated

by @ narrow political policy.” —Owen D. Young

Scents October 1330

»

�[Page 0]�[Page 1]CLASSIFIED INDEX 1927-1930

1. Politics and Economics

Awantcan Dipromacy, Taz Lost Staxz or, by Brent Dow Allinson, June, 1930

Batanp-Katioco Pact, Arran tae, by Ida Muller, Baron Baudran, Herbert Adams Gibbons, Lucia Ames Mead, David G. Stead, Marja Grundmann-Koscienska, Sep- tember, 1929

Czecnostovania, by Joseph S. Roucek, April, 1930

Democracy 1n History, by John Herman Randall, January, 1929

Evaors, Tas Unirep States or, by Richard Lee, Rustum Vambery, Marja Grundmann- Koscienska, R. H. Markham, Charles Richet, Th. Ruyssen, March, 1930

Fectowsuie anp Crass Stavoate, by A. J. Muste, April and May, 1930

IntannationaL Action, Next Straps in, by Lucia Ames Mead, August, 1930

IntarnaTionaL Pouitics, Unity anv Dis-

unity 1N, by Dexter Perkins, April, May, June, August, September, November and December, 1928, January to July, 1929

Latin-Amenica, Curturat Revations witn, by Hubert C. Herring, August, 1929

Maxico anb Its Promiss, by Hubert C. Her- ting, May, 1930

NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM, by Herbert Adams Gibbons, October, 1929, to July, 1930 ;

Navat Treaty, Taz Hippen MEANING oF THE, by Brent Dow Allinson, July, 1930

Tasatigs, Tos Prostem or Onssoterz AND Unyust, by Ernest Ludwig, February, 1930

Unirap Statas, Naturavization Law or tne, By S. G. Pandit, March, 1929

War Dasts, Tazasuny Reports on tHe, by Revisionist, February, 1929

Wasts Pracas, by C. F. Ansley, December, 1928

2. Philosophy and Education

Craracter, SCHOOLS AND THE BuILDING oP, by William Lowe Bryant, June, 1928

Epucation AND INTEBRNATIONALISM, by Ed- ward L. Troxell, November, 1927

Epucation, AN Osjsctive ror Civic, by Arnold H. Kamiat, June, 1928

Epucation, Tue Neep or a Sprarruat Exs- MeNT IN, by Rufus M. Jones, Pierre Bovet, Hugh Moran, Charles Parker Connolly, October, 1928

Ernics, Untversat, by Alois Richard Nykl, July, 1928

INTERNATIONAL Minp, Buttpino Up tas, by Harry A. Overstreet, June, 1928

Sciance AND THE Epucatsp Man, by John Herman Randall, Jr., November, 1929

Science, Paitosorny anp Reticion, by Edwin Arthur Burtt, March to July, 1929

Unity Trrovon Sciencs, by F. S. Marvin, June, 1930

3. East and West

East, By Way or tne, by Alice A. Bailey, August, 1930

Eastern Civitizations, Tus SIGNIFICANCE OF tue Scigntiric Spirit ror, by John J. Coss, April, 1928

Evrope anp Asta, Tae Intsraction or, by William R. Shepherd, December, 1927, to May, 1928

Inpta, A Son or Motner I. Answers, by Dhan Gopal Mukerji, July, 1928

Inpian Unity, Taz Vexep Prostem or, by Kenneth J. Saunders, January, 1928

Mareriatism AND Spinituauity, by Stanley Rice, August, 1930

Paciric, Untry 1n tas, by Kenneth Scott Latourette, November, 1929

Snamsnata, by Nicholas Roerich, January, 1930

Was, Tar Spinrrvat Crisis or tas, by Paul Richard, August, 1929 �[Page 2]4. Religion

Buppnism, Sacrap Scairrunss or, by Alfred

W. Martin, July to October, 1928 anism, Sacagp PTuRss oF, by

Alfred W. Martin, January to March, 1929

Hiwpuism, Sacasp Scairrunss or, by Alfred W. Martin, November, December, 1927, February to June, 1918

Munamespanism, Sacagp Scatrruass or, by Alfred W. Martin, June to oe. 1929

Musum’s, Tas Mopzaw M.'s Parostsm, John Wright Buckham, September, 1930

Quaan, Tas, by Moulana Yakub Hasan,

» 1930

Rauiciow anp tas Naturauistic Outtoor, by Y. H. Krikorian, June, 1930

Rauicion, Tas Paacricat Prooram or, by A. Eustace Haydon, December, 1929

Raticion, Ons R.—Mawny Farrns, by J. Tyssul Davis, October, 1929, to January, 1930

Raticion, Inpia's Cowtatsution to, by S. G. Pandit, February, 1930

Reuioion, Tus Cottscs Srupsnr anv His, by Harry Walker Hepner, June, 1928

Reuicious Unrry, by Charles Parker Con- nolly, G. George Fox, Albert W. Palmer, Fred Merrifield, May, 1928

Scizwcs anpD Rewiaion, by Nathaniel Schmidr, June, 1929

Sctancz anp Reticion, Tas Retations or, by Kirtley F. Mather, October, 1927, to March, 1928

Taoism, Sacazp Scrirrurss or, by Alfred W. Martin, May, 1929

Youtm anp tas Cuurcn, by Alfred Bennis Jacob, September, 1930

Zoaoastrianism, Sacaep Scairrurss oF, by Alfred W. Martin, November, December, 1928

5. Universal Peace

Ansitration, Inrsanationat, by Ernest Lud- wig, September, 1930

Disarmament, by Ernest Judet, February, 1930

Disanmament—tus Yst Unsotven Paops- Lem or Univensat Paacz, by F. B. Clark, April, 1929

INTERNATIONALISM AND THE Common Pgop.e, by Richard Lee, October, 1929

Lavinson, Satmon O., by John Dewey, May, 192

Staion anpD the Law or Love, by Vladimir Karapetoff, February, 1928

Ons anp tHe Many, Tus, by Abba Hillel Silver, November, 1928

Onenass, Tne Basis ron Human, by John Herman Randall, April, 1929

Peace, Taz Quast or Wortn, by Dexter Per- kins, October, December, 1929, January, February, April, May, June, 1930

Psacs, Worn, anp tae Pact Aocainst War, by R. H. Markham, May, 1929

Psace, Tas Paice ron, by Dexter Perkins, March, 1928

Paace Maintenance sy Economic Isovation, by William H. Blymyer, April, 1929

Psace, Can Business Unperwaite, by F. Emerson Andrews, July, 1930

Paoorass sy Tatic Guipance, by Mary Hull, July, 1928, to January, 1929

Racg Retations, Caw R. R. se Tavont nN tue Crassrnoom, by Verdine Peck Hull, June, 1529

Ractat Rgecationsnips AND INTERNATIONAL Harmony, by Frank H. Hankins, February to June, 1929

Sociary, Tus Transporation or, by F. S. Marvin, February, 1929

UNnparstanpino IntsrnaTiONat Parostems, by Norman Angell, June, 1929

Untry, Tas Sciantiric anp Retioiovus Daive Towarp, by Herbert A. Miller, October, 1927

War anv Ravotution, Wur, by Herbert A. Miller, December, 1928

Wortp Community, A, by John Herman Randall, October, 1929, to September,

1930

Wortp Citizsnsnip, by Carl A. Ross, April, 1929

Worip Ovtiooc, Taz, by Horace Holley, October, 1927

Woatp Unrry, Tus Ipgat or, by John Herman Randall, October, November, 1927

Woatp Unity, Tras Biovocicat SaNcTIONs o?, by Ernest M. Best, November, December, 1927

Woratpv Unity, A Spiairuat Basis ror, by Dhan Gopal] Mukerji, December, 1927 �[Page 3]WORLD UNITY

A Monthly Magazine for those who seek the world outlook

JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, Edjtor Horacz Houtey, Managing Editor

CONTENTS

OCTOBER, 1930

Edwin Ginn rontispiece This Distracted World Editorial Elements of a World Culture

I. Science and Mathematics Cassius J. Keyser Edwin Ginn Denys P. Myers Nationalism in the East Hans Kohn Leaves of the Greater Bible |

I. Prayers of the American Indian William Norman Guthrie Changes in German Public Opinion Hellmut Von Gerlach Education for World Citizenship Horace Holley America and the Americans Anne Marie Freund

Round Table

Worip UNITY Macazine is published by Wortp UNitTy PUBLISHING CoRPORA- TION, 4 East rath Street, New York City: Mary Rumsey Movius, president; Horace HOLLEY, vice-president; FLORENCE MORTON, treasurer; JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, secretary. Published monthly, 35 cents a copy $3.50 a year in the United States and in all other countries (postage included). THE Wortp UNiTY PUBLISHING CORPORATION and its editors welcome correspondence on articles related to the aims and purposes of the magazine. Printed in U. S. A. Contents copyrighted 1930 by Wortp UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION. �[Page 4]

EDWIN GINN Apostle of World Unity �[Page 5]WORLD UNITY BAVASINS

Vor. VII Ocroser, 1930 No. 1

EDITORIAL a THIS DISTRACTED WORLD

and tragically divided against itself. The many forces

working for a better understanding and a larger degree of

cooperation both within and among the nations ..ave been confronted on all sides by the old forces of ignorance and reaction, of selfishness and greed. Never, since the close of the War, have world conditions seemed more uncertain, more chaotic or more menacing. It is not an easy thing, in the face of such conditions, to keep one’s faith in ‘‘the better world to be."’

The acute stage of the civil strife in China, with the utter demoralization of all semblance of law and order, the dislocation of all trade and commerce, and the tragic loss of life and property; the far-reaching struggle in India, reports of which in all papers are far from reassuring for any early settlement; the ‘‘crisis’’ in Egypt that has led to violence and bloodshed; the growing restlessness in Indo-China, in Korea, and in the Malay Straits Settlements; the unsettled condition in Arabiaeand Persia—not to mention various other feverish spots throughout the world—all this is indicative of how far the world is from stabilization and peace.

Bound up with these conditions is the prolonged and world- wide business depression, with its steadily mounting figures of unemployment i in all industrial countries, and the many complex economic problems involved, the earthquake in Italy, the political

‘crisis’ in Germany, the serious Franco-Italian differences, the growing complexity of both political and economic problems that Great Britain is facing, and in the United States, on top of the business depression, the failure of farm relief plans and the costly drought of the past summer that has so greatly cut down crops of 5

TT: summer of 1930 has witnessed a world sorely troubled �[Page 6]6 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

all kinds and brought new hardships to so many farmers in the States affected.

The final action of Washington in passing the high Tariff bill has only served to bring the natural reprisals from other countries, and seems to promise the drastic lessening of our export trade,— upon which our “‘prosperity’’ today must depend. It has clearly not tended to increase the spirit of goodwill between the U. S. and the countries of Europe, of South America and of Canada. The Senate's eleventh hour ratification of the London Naval Treaty has scarcely added to President Hoover's prestige, and the country is left uncertain as to what constitutes our foreign policy.

To cap the climax there comes the prediction of Professor C. Delisle Burns of the University of Glasgow made at the Williamstown Institute of Politics in August that we will be plunged into another ‘big war’’ in from five to ten years. Just as in the last war France financed Serbia in armaments, and Germany financed Bulgaria, so Italy is today financing Roumania and is interested in an understanding with Hungary and Germany. The situation in 1930 is therefore in the opinion of Prof. Burns, like that of 1909, with the nations only a few years away from war.

At present writing the Council and the Assembly of the League of Nations are meeting in Geneva. The fate of M. Briand's plan for a U. S. of Europe is also being discussed. In this month of October the Round Table Conference in London meets to con- sider the fate of India. In various ways the nations are moving toward a closer cooperation. The economic exigencies demand it. The will to peace is growing stronger in the universities, the churches and in other institutions. But if Prof. Burns is right, the time is short, and what is done by all these agencies must be done in the next five years if it is to be effective. The one fact that stands out with increa ing clearness is that these baffling prob- lems, both political : d economic, are no longer national but international. They are world problems that can only find solu- tion through the developing cooperation of nations and the united efforts of the progressive leaders among all peoples. It is indeed ‘‘a race today between education and catastrophe.’ �[Page 7]ELEMENTS OF A WORLD CULTURE r. Science and Mathematics

by Cassius J. Keyser Department of Mathematics, Columbia University

of the modern world is the dream of World Unity. I am convinced that conspicuous among the agencies best qualified to make the dream come true are the two enterprises familiarly called Science and Mathematics. To pre- sent the grounds of my conviction adequately is a task for which the allotted time of fifty or sixty minutes is obviously too meagre, for the task requires me to deal with the relations of the great enterprises to what is universal among the interests, propensities and capacities of mankind; with the relations of the enterprises to each other; with their animating spirit; with their characteristic methods; with their achievements; with the ques- tion of their potential scopes and alleged limitations; with the fact of acceleration in their growth and development; and with means for increasing the speed of their conquering march. Evi- dently there is no time to be lost and I must beg your indulgence if I seem to pass too swiftly from stage to stage of the discussion. Rightly understood the terms, science and mathematics, are probably the weightiest words in the vocabulary of rational thought. What do they respectively mean? They are currently used in so great a variety of vague and shallow senses that, to escape the hazard of being misunderstood, I am obliged to define the senses in which the terms are to be employed throughout this lecture. And when I say definition I mean definition and not mere description. For between description and definition there yawns a deep and unbridgeable chasm.

Re: the progressibility of mankind the fairest dream

7 �[Page 8]

8 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Here in advance I invite your best attention to the fact that the following definitions of science and mathematics have their basis and rootage in human interests, propensities and capacities that, except for variations in degree, are common to all mankind. I signalize it as an obviously relevant fact of the gravest signifi- cance. For evidently a cultural agency or enterprise can be effective in realizing the dream of universal concord and cooperation among the peoples of the world if and only if such agency or enterprise derives its existence and its powét from human traits that are characteristically human, not peculiar to individual humans, but belonging to all, to man as man, to man the race.

Among such human traits we may list: the rudiments of intellectual curiosity, or wonder; the query-impulse, or propensity for question-asking; and the capacity and craving for knowledge. ‘By nature all men,’’ says Aristotle, ‘‘desire to know,’’ and he adds: ‘‘It is owing to their wonder that men both now begin and at first began to philosophize.’’ Presumably Aristotle's knowledge of primitive peoples was not extensive, and we may doubt whether primitive peoples “‘by nature desire to know’ for the joy of knowing, for the keen delight that sheer understanding yields; we may doubt whether many of their questions spring from intel- lectual curiosity, though we have to admit that the rudiments of wonder may be detected even among the pygmies of New Guinea. But what we cannot doubt is that all primitives, whether of Africa or Australia or Manhattan Island or elsewhere, do ‘‘by nature desire to know’’ how to maintain their physical existence, how to obtain the means of gratifying vanity and kindred appe- tites, and how to protect themselves from the manifold maleficent fortunes that so sorely beset their lives. Questions may be articu- late or inarticulate; they may be evoked by the exigencies of prac- tical life or be born of wonder; they may call for speechless answer in the form of immediate action to meet some urgent need or for answer in the higher form of abstract and contemplative judgment expressed in speech. The point to be noted here is that the pro- pensity for question-asKing is, in rudimentary form admitting of development, a universal, or common, trait of our humankind. �[Page 9]SCIENCE AND MATHEMATICS 9

Permit me now to draw your attention to a most notable and illuminating fact, which is indeed very obvious but is, on that account, commonly overlooked or ignored. I mean the fact that every possible question belongs to one and but one of two radi- cally different kinds, classes, or types: questions about the Actual world and questions about the world of the Possible. Examples will suffice to elucidate.

Questions about the actual world are such as these: What is ‘the specific gravity of iron? What are the essential functions of government? What is the shape of the Earth's orbit? What are the cardinal factors constraining humans to live in society instead of isolation? What is the velocity of light? What are the causes of war? What is the size of the universe? What are the causes of disease and death? What is the origin and essential nature of municipal law? What are the societal effects of mechanical inven- tion? What are the factors that beget, establish and transform a people's mores? What is it that produces, and what that destroys, belief in the existence of malignant spirits, in witchcraft, in magic, in immortality, in hells and heavens? What is the distance of the moon from the earth and what are the moon's effects upon poetry and agriculture? And so on endlessly.

Questions about the world of possibility are of the form: If such-and-such supposable things were actual, then what other things would, by logical necessity, be so, too? Examples are: If the axioms of Euclid were valid statements about our actual space, what other statements about it would then be necessarily valid? If the affairs of a universe were actually administered by an all-wise, all-powerful and perfectly benevolent Being, what would the characteristics of the administration then necessarily be? If there be a four-dimensional space related to our ordinary space as this is related to a plane immersed in it, what conclusions logically follow regarding the structure of that higher space? If a tribe of primitive people actually believe that their environ- ment is perpetually occupied by a host of malign spirits whose dispositions are fashioned on the pattern of hostile humans as known to the tribe and if the tribe believe that their own welfare �[Page 10]10 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

depends on their constantly making suitable adjustments to the demands of the demonic world, what conclusions logically follow as to the means the tribe will employ for making the required adjustments? If all the peoples of the world were embraced in one vast fraternity for friendly cooperation in the interest of human weal, what great advantages would necessarily accrue therefrom? And so on ad infinitum.

I hope the fact is now sufficiently clear that the boundless universe of questions we humans can ask is, as I have said, com- posed of two immense subdivisions, having no question in common: questions about the Actual, and questions about the Possible. So-called questions that can never be answered are only seeming-questions; they are pseudo-questions and are excluded from consideration here. All genuine questions are answerable, and every genuine question leads sooner or later to a proposition purporting to answer it: for even an answer in the form of speech- less action is a kind of inarticulate proposition or propositions— it is, for one beholding it attentively, a species of inarticulate discourse. Henceforth, however, I shall be exclusively concerned with articulate propositions for it is these that respond to ques- tions born of intellectual curiosity, or wonder, great mother of knowledge—seeking for the sake of knowledge.

We must next note carefully and keep steadily in mind the fact that propositions fall into two vast radically different and mutually exclusive classes corresponding to the two fundamental types of questions that the propositions purport to answer.

A proposition purporting to answer a question about the actual world is Categorical: it asserts that Such-and-such is the case.

A proposition purporting to answer a question about the world of possibilities is Hypothetical: it asserts that, If such-and- such a proposition or propositions be true, then such-and-such other propo- sitions ave, by logical necessity, true. More precisely, if p and g denote propositions, then a proposition of the form, p implies 7, meaning to assert that q is logically deducible from p, is hypothetical, p being the implier (or hypothesis) and q the implicate (or conclu- sion). To see clearly what is meant, you have only to recall the �[Page 11]SCIENCE AND MATHEMATICS II

familiar instance where p denotes the axioms, and q a theorem or theorems, of some kind of geometry.

We are now at length prepared to define the two great burden-bearing terms of our discourse, and it is best to define them as denoting enterprises.

Science is the enterprise having for its aim to establish cate- gorical propositions, or, in other words, to answer questions regarding the actual world.

Mathematics is the enterprise having for its aim to establish hypothetical propositions, or, in other words, to answer questions regarding the world of possibilities as such.'

Observe that science and mathematics, as here conceived, are distinct and coordinate enterprises which together embrace the whole knowledge-seeking activity of the human intellect. What good grounds are there for believing that these great enter- prises are qualified to contribute powerfully to the advancement of mankind towards the ideals of world unity and world coopera- tion? I purpose to submit a compendious statement of what I deem to be such grounds. Before doing so it will be helpful to consider briefly certain significant relations between the enterprises in question.

Science and mathematics agree in aiming at the establishment of propositions but differ radically in the means they employ for the purpose. I must say a word about each of these points.

What is meant by the phrase, an established proposition? It does not mean a proposition that is known to be true. An estab- lished proposition is simply one that is so spoken of, so regarded, so treated, by all or nearly all experts in the subject or field to which the proposition belongs. Every established proposition owns a date or dates. The history of thought shows that a propo- sition may, for a time, be an established proposition and then cease to be such. The earth is flat and is the core of the universe; there was a time when the world was created; every whole is greater than any of its parts; heat, light and electricity are impon-

‘Readers desiring more light on the essential natures of science and mathematics and their radical differences are referred to my Pastures of Wonder. �[Page 12]12 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

derable substances; every continuous curve admits a tangent at each of its points; the Newtonian law of gravitation; the nebular hypothesis of Kant and Laplace as to'the origin of the solar sys- tem: such are a few among a host of propositions that were once established propositions but now are not. ‘La critique est la vie de la science.'’ And it is so of mathematics, too. The fact is that both scientists and mathematicians regard even the best estab- lished of their propositions with a certain skepticism. And what a lesson that is for a cock-sure world!

I have said that the two enterprises differ radically in their means. Broadly, scientific method consists of all the means avail- able for establishing categorical propositions; and mathematical method, of all the means available for establishing hypotheticals, or implications. Among scientific means, one is supreme, always indispensable. I mean Observation; the rest are auxiliary and subordinate thereto. Among mathematical means, one is supreme, always indispensable. I mean Deduction; the rest are auxiliary and subordinate thereto. Neither observation nor deduction can do the other’s work: in science, observation is king, deduction only a servant; in mathematics, deduction is king, observation a servant.

A scientific proposition is never purely formal, or empty, but always has content, or subject-matter, and this may be any phase or part of the actual world, anything, that is, whether physical or mental, of which it is significant to say categorically that it has or has not such-and-such properties or relations. But a sheer mathematical proposition is always purely formal, empty, having no specific subject-matter, for, when we assert that p implies 4, we are merely asserting that the form of q is logically deducible from the form of p, regardless of content. Thus the realm of mathematics is that of logical Implication, the marvelous relation which serves to bind propositional forms into great systems of such forms indissolubly.

Here we are in position to see how and why mathematics may be employed in science as an instrument, or tool. For, just because mathematical propositions are purely formal, relating to no specific subject-matter, they are applicable to all possible �[Page 13]SCIENCE AND MATHEMATICS . 13

subject-matters and hence to all subject-matters of the actual world, for this world is part of the possible, else it could not be actual. Thus is disclosed the secret of the familiar fact that, when a man of science makes an hypothesis, he resorts to the method of mathematics to ascertain the consequences of the hypothesis, and, having found these, proceeds, by his own method, observation, to test whether they are valid in the actual world.

It remains, finally, to signalize what is perhaps the gravest of the relations between science and mathematics. It is a trite but highly important commonplace to say that we humans learn in some measure to understand the actual world by living in it— by experience, as we say, involving such familiar things as per- ception, memory, discrimination, analysis, comparison, interpre- tation, guessing, verifying, reasoning, trial and error, error- correction, synthesis. In the field of any subject of major human interest, no matter whether the subject be physical or moral, experience, painfully accumulating through many years or cen- turies, results at length in the establishment of a more or less extensive series or body of categorical propositions. Arranged in some intelligible order, these propositions are said to constitute a science of the subject in question. And now the point to be sig- nalized is this: sooner or later it is found possible, in the case of any such science, to discover a set of assumptions, or hypotheses, from which the constituent propositions of the science flow as logical consequences and thus gain an organic unity which, in their original status as mere deposits of experience, they did not possess. The values of the service thus rendered by mathematics in logically unifying the experientially established propositions of any given branch of science are both scientific and esthetic. Time fails me to dwell upon them suitably. In quitting the theme it gives me genuine pleasure to commend strongly to such as may be interested Jacques Rueff's Des Sciences Physiques Aux Sciences Morales, which has been admirably translated into English by Mr. Herman Green, and, together with a most illuminating introduction, has been published by The Johns Hopkins Press, under the title ‘‘From the Physical to the Social Sciences."’ In this �[Page 14]14 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

little book, notable alike for its clarity and its beauty, the above- mentioned process of mathematically unifying the experientially established propositions of a science is shown to be applicable not only to the branches of physical science but to all the branches of moral or social science as well.

I turn now to the great question: What grounds are there for believing that the joint enterprises of science and mathematics are among the chief agencies for realizing the dream of world unity and world cooperation? For the sake of convenience I shall refer to the grounds as grounds.

Some of them are apriori grounds, residing in the essential natures of the enterprises in question. One of these grounds I have already considered at some length. I have stressed the fact that the two enterprises derive their existence and their power from human interests, propensities and capacities that, in rudimentary form admitting of development, are universal among mankind. Among such racial traits I have mentioned: the rudiments of intellectual curiosity, or wonder; the query-impulse, or propensity for ques- tion-asking; and the desire and capacity for knowledge. We have seen that observation and logical deduction are respectively supreme among the means employed by science and the means employed by mathematics. Are observation and deduction among the traits of man as man? Regarding observation there can be no doubt. For it is well known that, in matters which interest them, even savages observe keenly and accurately, as in hunting, for example, or other activities in which the savage must perceive quickly and rightly or perish. Regarding logical deduction there is indeed some difference of expert opinion. But after carefully reading the four large volumes of Sumner and Keller's Scéence of Soctety—a truly monumental work in which, by the labor of twenty-seven years, is assembled and sanely interpreted nearly all that is known about primitive peoples—I think it safe to say that the astounding falsity of the conclusions drawn by such primitives is, like the falsity of those often drawn by civilized folk, due not so much to lack of logical faculty as to lack of knowledge, not so much to bad reasoning as to ill-defined ideas, �[Page 15]SCIENCE AND MATHEMATICS 15

not so much to illogical inference as to false premises. For exam- ple, when a primitive people, starting with the premise that the world is full of malevolent spirits fashioned on the pattern of malevolent men, and wishing to prevent or avoid their maleficent activity, resort to all manner of deception, flattery, bribery, threats, prayer, objurgation, sacrifice, and worship, it cannot be said that the conduct of the primitives is illogical. ‘‘The primitive mind,’’ say the authors above cited, ‘‘arrives at logical conclu- sions.’’ And thus the evidence is complete for saying, as before, that the enterprises of science and mathematics spring from human traits which, in at least rudimentary form, are common to all mankind.

Another apriori ground for believing in their unifying potency is found in the spirit of the enterprises—a momentous matter worthy of prolonged consideration. Here, however, I can do no more than glance at a few of its salient features. The spirit in question is the pure spirit of truth-seeking. Hence it is both reverent and austere, demanding absolute disinterestedness, abso- lute fearlessness, absolute freedom from taboos, from prejudice, from wishful thinking, absolute veracity, absolute loyalty to the highest known standards for the rigorous ascertainment of fact. But, though it is austere, it is a magnanimous spirit, non-provin- cial, non-sectarian, non-partisan, non-tribal, non-national, non- racial: its country is the world; and its religion, the enlightenment and emancipation of man. And it is a friendly spirit; not selfish or contentious or quarrelsome; criticism it neither resents nor repels but invites and welcomes it; it never resorts to war; everywhere throughout the world its devotees, led by intellecutal curiosity, sustained by joy in research, are peaceful, friendly, cooperating rivals in the work of augmenting and spreading abroad the radiance of psychic light.

A third apriori ground for belief in the unifying power of our enterprise is seen in the vastness of their scopes. Regarding the scope of mathematics there can be no dispute. Its scope, as already intimated, is that of logical Implication in the infinite realm of propositional forms; the scope of mathematics is, in that sense, �[Page 16]16 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

the world of the logically possible. And as to applications, no competent critic will deny that mathematical propositions are available for instrumental use not only in dealing with the subject-matters of the physical sciences but also in dealing with those of ethics, economics, jurisprudence and all other actual subject-matters of thought without exception. Regarding the scope of science such unanimity is lacking. By the definitions that I have given of science and scientific method, the scope of science is the whole actual world. But there are critics who maintain that the term science, rightly understood, excludes from its proper domain such knowledge-seeking activities as anthropology, eco- nomics, history, law, philosophy, political theory and sociology, and they so maintain chiefly on the alleged ground that such activities, because unable to employ experimentation as in the laboratories of certain physical sciences, cannot arrive at trust- wotthy conclusions. Were the contention just, the title of the forth-coming Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences would be a mis- nomer. In my belief the contention is unjust. In the technical laboratory-sense of the term, experimentation is, when prac- ticable, of great value; in the case of many problems, it is indeed indispensable, but not in all. The laboratory meaning of the term is much too narrow. An ideal experiment, were such a thing possible, would be one performed under completely known con- ditions; but the thing is not possible—genuine ideals can be end- lessly approximated but can never be attained. Knowledge of con- ditions is a variable; it has two limits: an upper limit—conditions completely known—and a lower limit—conditions completely unknown. Neither of the limits is ever reached; all experimenta- tion occurs between them. It is unfair to draw a narrow circle about the upper limit and say that experiments inside the circle are scientific and that those outside are not. The range between the limits is vast, and we may even say significantly that the whole life of mankind through the ages has been a long manifold experiment in the art of living in the world.

Moreover, we must not lose sight of the fact that, among scientific means, experimentation is, even at its best, only an �[Page 17]SCIENCE AND MATHEMATICS 17

indispensable servant of the King, and the King is Observation. And on the score of Observation—on the score of gathering, ordering, digesting, interpreting, and evaluating relevant facts— the Republic and the Laws of Plato; Aristotle's Logic, Ethics, Poli- tics, and Metaphysics; The De Rerum Natura of Lucretius; Locke's Essay Concerning Human Understanding; Hume's Inquiry Concerning Human Understanding; Kant's Critique of Pure Reason; Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations; the Psychology of William James; Spengler’s Der Untergang des Abendlandes; the Ecce Deus of William Benjamin Smith; Martineau's Seat of Authority in Religion; Merz's History of Thought in the Nineteenth Century; Ellis's Dance of Life; Peake and Eleure’s Corridors of Time; Sumner and Keller's Science of Society: all these and their kind are as clearly entitled to be counted among works of science as is Newton's Principia or Darwin's Origin of Species or Einstein's General Theory of Relativity; €or all of them aim at establishing by legitimate means a body of categorical proposi- tions in answer to questions about one aspect or another of the actual world.

I have thus far said nothing explicitly of the actual achieve- ments of our two enterprises as a ground for confident belief in their unifying power. I fancy that you neither expect nor desire me to do so. For those achievements, already beyond the power of any single genius, even a Leibniz or a Henri Poincaré, to understand them all, so continually and increasingly crowd atten- tion with their flaming manifestations that everyone must have gained at least a general impression of their immense multiplicity and magnitude. No doubt the paths to world unity are long. The evident movement upon them toward the yet distant goal has already traveled far. It requires but little reflection to see that the great advancement has been due in measure unsurpassed to the enterprises of science and mathematics. For everyone knows that pure science and sheer mathematics have conjointly led to count- less applications, including the marvels of mechanical invention. Everyone knows that these applications and inventions, by con- quering not only the continents but also the oceans and the air, and by multiplying many million times our human powers of �[Page 18]18 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

hearing, vision, and speech, thus abolishing what were once the great practical difficulties both of time and of space, have resulted in virtually reducing the entire modern world to the dimensions of an ancient province, thereby bringing the diverse peoples of the globe more and more into the mutual relationship of so many families of one vast community. In this connection it is note- worthy that many of the obstacles now in the way of the move- ment's further advance are but incidental or subsidiary byproducts of the great forward steps towards unification that have been already taken. The steps, I repeat, have indeed been great. Do but let your imaginations play upon the matter. It is a far cry from a planet inhabited by head-hunting tribes to a world of great nations assembled in friendly council to promote the cause of permanent and universal peace.

Sometimes it is said that mankind at large are mainly con- trolled, not by ideas, but by feelings, emotions, passions; that science and mathematics are exclusively concerned with ideas; that, therefore, these enterprises have but little or no effect upon human emotions and, on that account, are greatly restricted in their power to unify the world. A little reflection will, I think, suffice to show that the contention is almost grotesquely erro- neous. I do not deny that, in the governance of mankind, there is an ultimate sense in which, not ideas, but ‘‘Gefuh/ ist alles.’' I admit that science and mathematics are immediately and pri- marily concerned, not with emotions, but with ideas. I contend nevertheless that the indirect and ultimate effect of science and mathematics upon the feelings of mankind is great beyond meas- ure. It will be sufficient to cite one or two outstanding examples. Who can reckon the degree in which, by increasing and spreading knowledge, science and mathematics have already emancipated man from the multiform tyranny of Fear, fear of the inexplicable or unknown, fear of alien peoples, fear of bad luck or evil fortune, fear of ghosts, demons, devils, countless malign spirits and ma- levolent gods, fear of diseases, death and hells? To take another example, the precious feeling of Friendliness, once confined to the members of a tribe, has at length so expanded, with the in- �[Page 19]SCIENCE AND MATHEMATICS 19

crease and spread of knowledge, as to justify the hope that it will eventually embrace in one brotherhood all the peoples of the world. I have, in very general terms, reminded you of the astounding things that science and mathematics have already achieved. An even more substantial ground for belief in the unifying power of the joint enterprises may, I believe, be seen in the fact that the rate of their growth and development is under a law of acceleration, being a rapidly increasing function of time. One cannot too often draw attention to the fact that the chief defining mark of man as man, differentiating him from the beasts, is that composite faculty of his by which each genetation of men can employ the accumulated achievements of past generations as capital for increasing the rate of achievement, like the rate of income by continual compounding of interest. It is that composite faculty which Count Korzybski in his remarkable book, The Manhood of Humanity, has happily named the time-binding capacity of man and whose tremendous significance he has there so justly empha- sized. Where does the time-binding process manifest itself? It may be seen in every cardinal field of human activity. Where does it manifest itself most clearly? The answer is: in science and mathe- matics, for in the rate of the growth and development of these joint enterprises the fact of acceleration is beheld in its very nakedness. In view of that acceleration, it does not seem extrava- gant to predict that future triumphs of science and mathematics will surpass all our present-day imaginings, prophecies and dreams. Finally, I must invite you to glance at a most notable ground intimately related to the ground last considered. What I refer to is the possibility and feasibility of greatly accelerating the speed of the foregoing acceleration. How can such acceleration of accelera- tion be effected? It can be done by greatly increasing the small army of men and women now engaged in scientific and mathe- matical research. The army is one of volunteers. How can it be greatly augmented? The answer is: by making the material rewards for competent research, not indeed large enough to com- pensate fully for service rendered, but large enough to compete with the rewards now offered in more lucrative occupations. �[Page 20]20 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

It is a fairly obvious fact, stated long ago by August Weis- mann, that, given a talented youth, what determines his choice of a career is not so much his inheritance as circumstances, environ- ment, the spirit of the times. It happens that we are living in a predominantly industrial age. So great today are the material compensations for distinguished service in the field of industry that far too large a proportion of highly gifted youth are drawn thereto as naturally and inevitably as iron filings are drawn by a powerful magnet. It can hardly be doubted that many of these youth would readily submit to the long severe discipline essential to qualify for the arduous work of scientific and mathematical research were the material rewards of such research made large enough to give the scholar reasonable insurance against the pro- verbial indignities of financial incompetence. Such material re- wards need not be equal to the highest of industrial rewards, for in research there are certain very precious immaterial compensa- tions that industry does not afford; but, if the army of research is to be greatly increased, the material incentives must be made much greater than they have been and now are.

The needed wealth already exists in abundance. How can appropriation of it for the purpose be brought about? The answer is: it can be done by rightly conditioning the brains of the public. And the conditioning can be done by education.

By what sort of education?

Partly by the sort that will result from greatly increasing present activity in popularizing scientific and mathematical ideas and doctrines. That work cannot be done by mere technicians, who can speak intelligibly to none but their own kind. In addi- tion to the out-put of such men, the universities must contrive to breed masters of popular exposition like Galileo Galilei, Auguste Comte, Thomas Huxley, John Tyndall, Joseph LeConte, Ernst Mach, Camille Flammarion, and others. Popularization by such men can be very effective. Yet we have to own that there are near-lying limits beyond which popularization, even at its best, cannot go. Let me illustrate.

A short time ago my friend, Dr. Fabian Franklin, and another �[Page 21]SCIENCE AND MATHEMATICS 21

mathematician were requested to ‘‘take a few minutes and explain in simple words’’ to a group of educated laymen the major con- tributions of Albert Einstein. Mr. Franklin good-naturedly replied that the request reminded him how a blind man was taught the meaning of ‘‘milk.’’ The man was stone blind, blind by birth. One day a lady told him that he‘ought to drink milk. After she went away, it occurred to him that he did not know what milk is. Presently a boy came along and the blind man said to him: ‘‘A little while ago a lady told me I ought to drink milk; please tell me what milk is.’’ ‘‘Milk,”’ said the boy, ‘‘why milk is a kind of white thing that’s good to drink.’’ ‘‘White?’’ asked the blind man, ‘‘what is white?’’ The boy answered that ‘‘white is like the top of a goose’s back."’ ‘Tell me,’’ said the man, ‘‘what a goose is. To which the boy replied: ‘‘A goose is a great big bird with a crooked neck.’’ ‘‘Crooked?"’ asked the man, ‘‘what is crooked?’ Whereupon the boy put his own elbow in the man’s hand and said: ‘Feel that—that's crooked."’ ‘‘O thank you,” said the blind man, ‘‘now I know what milk is.”’

It is about as clear as anything can be that, even supposing the agencies of popularization are rendering their great potential service as well as may be, there will yet always be many scientific and mathematical ideas and doctrines of which a great majority of laymen must be content to be beneficiaries without really understanding them any more than plants understand the light, heat and chemical elements upon which, not only their prosperity, : but their very existence depends.

But, though the average layman cannot be transformed into an effective scientist or mathematician, there are, regarding science and mathematics, certain momentous considerations which, in the interest of society, the average layman ought to be, and can be, educated to understand.

He can be educated to understand that science and mathe- matics are not species of magic by which certain shamans, called scientists and mathematicians, contrive to perform miracles. He can be made to understand that these great enterprises are but sublimated forms of familiar activities. �[Page 22]22 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

The average layman already knows, and can be educated to realize keenly, that the vast modern production and accumulation of wealth are due mainly to the immense developments of Indus- try. He can be led to see clearly that such developments are due in sO great a measure to mechanical inventions and other applications of scientific and mathematical knowledge that, were such inven- tions and applications to be suddenly annulled, the enormous fabric of industry would collapse like a house of cards and the surface of our planet would present the appearance of a bankrupt world. And he can be educated to understand that the wealth- producing applications of science and mathematics would be impossible except for the discoveries made by pure science and sheer mathematics.

Thus can the brains of the public be conditioned by education to understand that an appeal for funds to promote scientific and mathematical research is not an appeal to public charity but an appeal to intelligent public self-interest, for the people will per- ceive that to furnish the funds is the best way to foster the goose that lays the golden egg. Here is educational work worthy of the class room, the lecture hall, the book, the magazine, the daily press, the theater and the radio. If the work be done as it can be, the research army of scientists and mathematicians will be greatly augmented and the now accelerated march of our great knowledge- producing enterprises will be further accelerated.

We have been contemplating science and mathematics as agen- cies or enterprises qualified to help towards realizing the modern dream of world unity and world cooperation. By its magnitude the subject calls for a series of lectures instead of one. Permit me, in closing this one, to summarize briefly our undertaking. We have viewed science and mathematics as coordinate and cooperating en- terprises, one of them aiming at knowledge of the actual world, the other at knowledge of the world of possibilities, the two together embracing the whole knowledge-seeking activity of the human intellect. Our belief in the unifying power of the enterprises we have sought to justify on a variety of grounds, which it will be worthwhile to recapitulate summarily. One of the grounds is the �[Page 23]SCIENCE AND MATHEMATICS 23

fact that our two enterprises derive their existence, their methods and their power from human propensities, interests, and capacities that are, in kind though not in degree, common to all mankind. A second ground lies in the spirit of the enterprises, veracious, disinterested, truth-seeking, austere, fearless, self-critical, mag- nanimous, patient, friendly, peaceful. A third ground is the vast- ness of their respective scopes—the actual world and that of the possible. A fourth ground is found in the great achievements of the enterprises, not only in the way of intellectual enlightenment but also in the way of ameliorating human emotions, as shown in such outstanding examples as emancipation from Fear and expan- sion of the feeling of Friendliness. A fifth ground is that the growth and development of the enterprises proceed in accordance with a law of acceleration. And the sixth ground is seen in the possibility and feasibility of educating the public to provide the means for greatly increasing the army of research workers and thereby accelerating the speed of the acceleration now effective. The dream we have been contemplating is a dream of a great ideal. That ideal, like any other genuine ideal, is, as I have said, not a goal to be actually reached, but a perfection to be endlessly pursued, more and more neaily approached by unending approxi- mation. The considerations adduced warrant us, I believe, in thinking that, among the potent agencies for facilitating the approximation, science and mathematics are unsurpassed. �[Page 24]APOSTLES OF WORLD UNITY XXIV.—EDWIN GINN

by Denys P. Myers Director of Research, World Peace Foundation |

1s given to few men to leave the impress of their ideas and

personality upon more than one field of activity. To that

favored few belongs Edwin Ginn, who established educa-

tional publishing upon new foundations of excellence and who founded World Peace Foundation, the first endowed institu- tion in the world in opposition to the war system. Mr. Ginn was a man of modest claims, but of clear and honest mind. Perhaps there could be no greater tribute to his clear-sightedness than the fact that, where he was a pioneer, all the world from governments to peoples are now actively seeking the road to peace and in large measure emphasizing the principle which he adopted, namely, the necessity of education in international matters.

Edwin Ginn was born on Valentine's day, 1838, on one of the rocky side-hill farms of New England. Years later he told the agents of his publishing firm with satisfaction that his early life was ‘‘blest with poverty.’’ He looked back in his later years with gratitude to the character-forming effect of the chores and hardships of country life for the growing boy. As a very young man, he went on a fishing schooner to the Grand Banks of New- foundland. He made up his mind as they cast off that he would not be seasick while in sight of land, and he alone of all the crew was walking the deck when the last point of land sank below the horizon. Then he himself gave in. Out on the Banks one of the fishermen always caught fish. Ginn talked with him and learned some of the secrets of the ‘‘knack’’ of success.

He walked five miles each day of his high school course and 24 �[Page 25]EDWIN GINN 25

eventually left his native town of Orland, Maine, to prepare for college at Westbrook Seminary. He taught school and learned much of human nature in ‘‘boarding round.’: In 1858, he entered Tufts College at Medford, Massachusetts, and graduated to be- come a book agent. His firm had been trying to induce New Haven to adopt its schoolbooks for ten years. Young Ginn sur- veyed the situation in the spring, planned his campaign, and succeeded in getting the books adopted in the fall. At Pittsburgh a little later he took the schoolbook field away from local pub- lishers, one of whom made him an offer to come with them on the most liberal terms. Ginn's answer was typical of the man. ‘I have to work for the things I believe in,’’ he said, ‘‘and I don't believe in your books."’

When young Ginn established his own firm, he built his busi- ness on his belief in the books that he handled. For a considerable time his debts were substantially his only assets. When he made arrangements for a famous series of mathematics, his wife pro- tested. He told her that, ‘‘I take on these new obligations in order to get relief from those that already exist.’’ Once he went to his banker and demanded $20,000 before noon. The banker told him that he was already overextended. Mr. Ginn asked the man of money what he knew about publishing, which was nothing. Whereat, the young business man calmly gave the banker the alternative of loaning the money or embarking on a new venture, when he should fail. He got the money and came through to success.

Thus, from the exigencies of making his way, Edwin Ginn grew in character and strength of conviction, increasing his moral stature as he matured.

In 1901, he attended the Lake Mohonk Arbitration Confer- ence, an invitation extended principally at the instance of his friend Edward Everett Hale, whom he had helped a few years before to publish a periodical in the interest of the work of the First Hague Conference. From that time on, Mr. Ginn took a larger and larger interest in the problem of peace. At the Thir- teenth Universal Peace Conference at Boston in October, 1904, �[Page 26]26 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Mr. Ginn read a provocative paper entitled ‘‘A School of Peace,"’ written to the thesis that: ‘We need a body of educators whose sole duty should be to go among teachers awakening and de- veloping an intelligent and adequate interest in this great sub- ject.’’ The following year at Lucerne he broadened the idea and . scussea “an international school of peace.’’ Meantime, he had started to print at his own expense a series of books which bore the imprint of the International Peace Union, an organization that had no other being except the imprint on the title pages of a dozen or so recognized peace classics. For preparing these casual books Mr. Ginn had enlisted the editorial services of Edwin D. Mead.

Ginn, Hale and Mead worked together for several years, the peace problem appearing to the publisher more and more as a fundamental one. He gave more time and thought to it from year to year. He used more of his time in traveling and seeking com- munion with those who could advise. He found more oppor- tunities to devote his own money to peace work. His ideas ma- tured and developed as experience and personal contacts increased.

In the issue of ‘‘The Nation’’ of September 23, 1909, Mr. Ginn published a letter dated September 7. In that letter he first expressed his peace creed in full detail. He defined the Inter- national School of Peace as an organization essentially devoted to the multifarious educational aspects of peace work. ‘*To such a school I am myself planning to give $50,000 a year and to endow it after my death; and it is my hope that other men will be ready to increase the fund to an efficient amount.’’ Mr. Ginn’s letter made it clear that one of the primary reasons for his decision was to enable the great work which he had in mind to be performed by ‘‘men and women who desire to devote their lives to the cause.’ He had been impressed with the fact that the whole problem of the relations between nations—so far as the public was concerned—was left to the casual enthusiasm of people wko met from time to time in conferences, but devoted their lives to other things. He firmly believed that peace ought to be made the professional concern of selected persons. �[Page 27]EDWIN GINN 27

Mr. Ginn’s announcement of September, 1909, expressed the conclusion of from 10 to 15 years matured observation. He was already contributing to various phases of the peace work of the day, but a great deal more could be done and, above all, definite objectives needed to be envisaged. Having promised the first peace endowment in the world, he set about with char- acteristic vigor to keep his promise and to start the work. The American Peace Society for 60 or 70 years had enjoyed an income of a few thousand dollars from the Permanent Peace Fund. The Nobel Peace Prize had been awarded since 1901. In 1904 it had been awarded to the Institute of International Law, while it was not until 1910 that it went‘to the International Peace Bureau. In each case the awards were capitalized as a peace fund. It was not until December, 1910, that Mr. Carnegie announced his much larger gift and established the Carnegie Endowment for Inter- national Peace. The Ginn endowment was, therefore, an im- portant event in the history of the peace movement.

Mr. Ginn immediately began to place his plans upon a firm basis. On July 10, 1910, articles of incorporation under the charity statute of the state of Massachusetts were filed, and from that moment the International School of Peace, which was the name Mr. Ginn had used, dated its existence. A Board of Trustees was selected with the intention of enlisting the services of leaders in education, business and the professions who inevitably in those days would not only represent different outlooks on life but different approaches to the peace question. Mr Ginn’s object was constructive. In ten years of thought on the war system of the world he had noted that ‘‘writers and speakers have said much about the evils of this system, but have not given as much atten- tion to the proper remedies that must be adopted to remove them."’ He naturally insisted that educational methods should be employed. ‘We need to avail ourselves, with larger resources and better organization, of every avenue of education and in- fluence in the great work."’

His original plan was rapidly modified in its details and methods. He had conceived an International School of Peace as a �[Page 28]28 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

combination of a group of enthusiastic workers seeking to modify the content of school curricula, of a faculty training new workers, and of a current fact-finding and fact-estimating organization. He laid special stress upon the schools, where ‘‘is our greatest op- portunity for impressing upon the young minds—those who will soon undertake the responsibi:i:y of the world’s work—the true principles that should govern international affairs.’’ The his- torian of the peace movement will be impressed, if not amazed, at the accuracy and completeness of Mr. Ginn’s analysis of the problem of peace as subsequent years have exhibited it.

However, he himself realized that his own effort—which called for a full third of his entire fortune—was painfully inade- quate to realize his full purpose. With his trustees he met many times in the early days, and one of their first decisions was to limit the field of activity by giving up the idea of a school. It was clearly seen that the training of workers for a profession could not properly take place unless there were professional places available for the trained minds produced. The funds were inade- quate to do both, and the idea of a school was given up—the decision being indicated by the change of the name to World Peace Foundation on December 22, 1910. Nevertheless, the Foun- dation has always deemed it a privilege to afford hospitality to those desiring to prepare themselves for work along international lines.

The early days of the Foundation were tentative. Mr. Ginn was alive and the president of his Board of Trustees. There was no general interest in peace and only a slight realization of the importance of ‘‘the true principles that should govern inter- nationa! affairs.’’ The authorities of the Foundation from the start appreciated the sheer importance of knowledge in changing these conditions. While it published at the outset pamphlets of the ‘‘peace tract’’ type, it set out to establish new standards of accuracy.

Mr. Ginn died on January 21, 1914, at the age of 76; seven months before the World War began. Until his death, Mr. Ginn had substantially paid the bills of the Foundation out of his own �[Page 29]EDWIN GINN 29

pocket, so that the functions of the Board of Trustees had not been exercised to the full extent. There was a touch of irony in the fact that a group of distinguished men were handed an en- dowment for peace in the same year that the world launched into its greatest war. This sharp challenge of events was met by a thorough analytical test of Mr. Ginn's ideas as expressed in his will and writings. No body of ideas has ever stood up better under such an ordeal. The Board found that Mr. Ginn’s essential con- viction was the importance of peace in modern civilization. They did not have to withdraw from that trench. They found that his means was education and the cooperation of all groups of the people to a common end. That offered nothing to be changed. Mr. Ginn had said:

‘The problem of international peace is how to set in motion forces which will end this frightful waste and destruction. I be- lieve that this result can best be accomplished by appealing to the enlightened self-interest of mankind and setting in motion educa- tional forces which will show the folly of the present status and will also remove the fear and suspicion which are the main causes of our present wasteful expenditures for armies and navies.

‘But no substantial progress can be made if the effort runs directly counter to the present trend of thought and action. The idea of force can not at once be eradicated. It is useless to believe that the nations can be persuaded to disband their present armies and dismantle their present navies, trusting in each other or in the Hague Tribunal to settle any possible differences between them, unless, first, some substitute for the existing forces is pro- vided and demonstrated by experience to be adequate to protect the rights, dignity and territory of the respective nations.’

It was clearly the lack of the system which Mr. Ginn con- ceived that accounted for the World War. The trustees of his Foundation, therefore, did not feel called upon to take an attitude respecting that poignantly inverse demonstration of the principles he believed in. Rather they devoted themselves to supporting by every practical means the effort to bring about after the war the establishment of the system he advocated. �[Page 30]30 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

The war came to an end and the peace brought the establish- ment of new institutions and the erection of newly declared standards of conduct. It brought also an almost universally wide- spread appreciation of the importance of peace and an increasing public interest in the means for accomplishing it. These in turn inspired the development of many forms of peace activity, en- listing a large and wide variety of membership.

Following the educational standards of its originator, World Peace Foundation throughout its existence had emphasized the importan: of sound and accurate information. Its officials had constantly held that the best education was the provision of adequate fact material, simply but scie:tifically presented. Its own publications had benefited by the results of years of experience and had more and more closely conformed to this standard. In the post-war period it was obvious to the trustees that interest in peace required no encouragement from endowed institutions, but the satisfaction of the demand for authentic information re- specting international action in that direction seemed to them to offer a unique educational opportunity. This policy the Foun- dation has adhered to in the post-war years.

Responding to that same need, official international institu- tions began making their own documentation available to an ex- tent never before dreamed of. The Foundation found in this official policy another opportunity to serve. By contracts with the League of Nations, the International Labor Office and the publishers for the Permanent Court of International Justice, it became American agent for those extensive publications. In some ten years, it has increased this service until the American public from a single office is able to secure with all the facilities of up- to-date book dealing practically any documents relating to inter- national action throughout the world. In connection with this service and as a part of its general program, the Foundation con- ducts an extensive Reference Service which provides inquirers of every sort of condition and interest with information and material. �[Page 31]THE INTERNATIONAL MIND

In this department the editors propose to reprint an occasional chapter from some current work which seems to reflect clearly the emergence of an international conscience and mind. It is hoped that the magazine will thereby be enabled to render a fuller service to readers seeking to maintain contact with significant modern thought, and incidentally to call attention to books compelled to compete for interest with the flood of trivialities pouring from the press. For permission to reprint the following chapter, World Unity is indebted to Harcourt, Brace and Company, publishers of A History of Nationalism in the East, by Hans Kohn. INTRODUCTION TO A HISTORY

OF NATIONALISM IN THE EAST by Hans Kohn

VERY great war produces changes and convulsions in the world outlook of the peoples involved. The World War which broke out in 1914 is unique in the territorial extent of its effects; so, too, was the Russian Revolution, in

which the social convulsions brought about by the World War found their most violent expression. The effects of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars were confined to Europe. Only their remotest convulsions in Egypt touched the Orient. In the World War the conflict centered in Europe and the question at issue was between the hegemony of two European groups of Powers; but for the first time Asiatic and African peoples played a part and helped to decide the destiny of Europe. The inevitable shocks caused by the war extended, therefore, to these peoples. The masses became politically conscious, their sufferings sharp- ened their ability to detect cause and effect not otherwise observed in everyday life, they came in contact with alien countries and conditions, and all this roused the desire for a thorough-going change in existing conditions, as always happens under such circumstances. The events springing from this desire for a recast- ing of the social order acted and reacted as they have always done in history. The ruling powers were alarmed by the new move- ments which they themselves had set on foot by unchaining the

31 �[Page 32]32 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

forces of war and drawing in the masses; at first they appeared pliant and yielding, alike towards subject peoples and socially oppressed classes. Social reforms were promised, designed to ease the lot of the‘poorer classes and augment their share of ruling power, just as the prospect of independence was held out to sub- ject peoples, or a gradual approach to that object of their desires. The first steps were taken towards realization, and hopes rose high. But in a few years it seemed that the excitement had died away and that the normal social order was restored to its firm base, and the ruling powers hastened as far as possible to with- draw, or at least restrict, the concessions already made. Yet during the short period in which the door had stood open to new possibilities a deep impression had been made and, though some- times it seemed forgotten, it persisted and either asserted itself years afterwards with irresistible force, or frequently found ex- pression in a long drawn out struggle for the realization of the new ideals.

Such a struggle, with a common origin, a common aim, and likewise a common adversary, unites the peoples of Asia and Northern Africa in the fellowship of a common destiny. World history since 1918, it seems, has been dominated by the evolution and the resulting conflicts of three great fellowships of common destiny. The European Continent, excluding Russia, is one. There the social implication of the World War has been the dissolution and dispossession of the old middle class, which had been the driving force in the develdpments of the nineteenth century, and the emergence of a new social stratum. Politically it has involved the definitive proclamation of the democratic principle of nation- ality and the establishment of new European national States, probably the last of their kind. These developments seem to have left the Continent of Europe torn by incurable dissensions. But in Central and Eastern Europe ethnographical and historical condi- tions make the national State, carried to its logical conclusion, an impossibility, and the exaggerated deference paid to national sovereignty has led to an intolerable state of affairs so that the principle of the national State has reduced itself to absurdity. �[Page 33]NATIONALISM IN THE EAST 33

The only solution that offers is a gradual obliteration of frontiers becween European States, and this solution satisfies not only political, but also financial and economic, requirements. It will mean for Europe at once the end of political nationalism as a principle of State organization and the liquidation of a process which began in Europe with the French Revolution and reached its zenith in the World War.

The second fellowship of common destiny created by the World War is that of the Anglo-Saxon peoples. It embraces the United States, Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and South Africa. In spite of its territorial disunity, its oneness is more easily recognisable than that of the European Continent on account of its identical language and civilisation. Through its territorial disunity the Anglo-Saxon group commands the seas, and its vast extent, together with its inexhaustibie wealth of raw materials and its technical development in industry, makes it economically independent. It is the most conservative of all three fellowships of common destiny. It has fertilized the other two and moulded them, partly by its example, partly by precipitating reactions against its own influence. It was the first, both in Eng- land and America, to carry out the revolution by which the new middle class entered into their rights, and which ushered in the national State, with its guiding principle of popular sover- eignty, and the capitalise system. At the close of the eighteenth century Anglo-Saxon progress became the schoolmaster of Europe and so remained for a century. At the end of that period the English conception of national organisation and constitutional democracy became the model for the Oriental peoples in their development. But the Anglo-Saxon fellowship, proud and secure in the peculiar character of its development, wished to maintain the purity of that character and not to undermine it through the influence of alien races and their ideas. The Anglo-Saxon fellow- ship feels and wills its unity more consciously and fervently than the others. This sentiment of unity led England to come to an agreement with the United States in 1923 regarding the payment of her war debt, thus voluntarily burdening her citizens with an �[Page 34]34 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

unprecedented weight of taxation. The Washington Naval Con- vention of 1922, whereby England and the United States agreed to naval equality, sprang from the same sentiment. To this same sentiment England sacrificed her alliance with Japan, which had been a pillar of her Oriental policy for twenty years and had been largely instrumental in awakening national consciousness in the East, though here its influence was indirect. But a like tendency in America is indicated by the severe restrictions on immigration, far exceeding all economic requirements, and by Coolidge’s overwhelming victory in the Presidential election of 1924. In him those classes triumphed who proudly stress their English ancestry and their ancient English heritage of traditions, and whose predominance was to be maintained in America in the interests of Anglo-Saxon unity.

A double menace is seen to threaten the natural development of this conscious Anglo-Saxon unity: on the one hand the Russian Revolution, on the borderland between the Asiatic and European fellowships of common destiny, has not yet found its place in the new world order, but it stands for a break with the dominant political theory of nineteenth century Europe, which may be traced to Anglo-Saxon influences; on the other hand Asiatic races are migrating, compelled to leave their homes by reason of eco- nomic developments and overpopulation. This is a problem destined in the near future to lead to a conflict between the Anglo-Saxon and Oriental fellowships, a conflict which will become keener as the peoples of Asia grow in national conscious- ness; and it is not confined to the United States and Canada. In the South African Union and in Kenya Indian immigration is a constant source of friction and of embittered resistance, which reinforces Indian national sentiment and stimulates the Indian resolve to attain independence. The Indian leader, Gandhi was the first to feel himself the spokesman of his race in this struggle in Natal. The armament fever in Australia and New Zealand, and their clamor for a powerful British naval base at Singapore, are induced by the fear that millions of Japanese and Chinese wish to pour into the vast areas of Northern Australia, now absolutely �[Page 35]NATIONALISM IN THE EAST 35

empty and incapable of white settlement, thus rapidly over- whelming the small minority of British settlers in Southern Australia.

But we are at the moment witnessing the spectacle of a struggle between the Asiatic fellowship of common destiny and the two other groups of Powers. The ancient struggle between West and East is, it seems, breaking out anew. At the close of the Middle Ages and the beginning of the modern era the East was still the aggressor. The Arabs in Spain, the Mongols in Russia, the Turks in Hungary formed the outposts of a victorious Asia. Just as in the former ages ancient Oriental religious conceptions, learning and art, were taken over by the Greeks, assimilated, and superseded, and just as la‘er, during the dissolution of the Roman Empire, influences from Western Asia penetrated and transformed it, so in the later Middle Ages Arabian philosophy and science formed one of the most important forces ushering in the Ren- aissance and modern Europe.

But this seemed to exhaust the vigor of the Orient. Not in Islam alone, but in India and China the great creative eras of civilisation seemed to have ended long ago. Their intellectual life stagnated and gave no promise of new developments in the future. Intellectually and socially Europe was completely trans- formed in the course of five centuries; in those same centuries the Orient sank into timeless immobility. Political changes and the rise and fall of dynasties did nothing to recast its social order, its political forms, and its economic system. In the war between East and West, Europe assumed the rdéle of aggressor. By the end of the nineteenth century it seemed assured that, with negligible exceptions, Asia and Africa were to fall under the dominion of the white race. Christian missionaries brought not only the religious conceptions of the West to the Orient, but wherever they succeeded in establishing schools they brought European political and social doctrines. And this fresh contact between East and West brought new life to the East, as centuries before Arabian in- fluences had helped to shape modern Europe. True, the vitalising influences were not all on one side. The philosophy and the mystic �[Page 36]36 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

theology of the ancient East were revealed to Europe, and effected changes in European philosophy and in popular tendencies in re- ligious thought. Japanese art stood beside the cradle of expres- sionism. But Europe's influence on the East was beyond all com- parison greater. Oriental consciousness was fired by European ascendancy, to which it submitted without resistance. Memories of the glorious past were revived. Europe became not merely the adversary but the schoolmaster. Western ideas concerning man- ners and customs, the principles of statecraft, religion, democracy, and industry began slowly to penetrate to the East. This process began in the earliest decades of the nineteenth century. At first it was confined to border regions and a few pioneer individuals. It spread rapidly downwards, embracing wider and wider sec- tions of the population, and outwards, so that soon no province of Asia or Northern Africa was left unaffected.

The twentieth century witnessed an unforeseen intensification and acceleration of this process. Two external events contributed to it. First and foremost Japan's triumphant campaign against Russia in 1905. This victory of Asiatics over a great European empire appeared to many people as the hopeful turning-point in the struggle between East and West. It is of importance that Japan's victory was made possible by the mutual quarrels of European Powers. It was due to Great Britain's alliance with Japan, which was directed against the eastward penetration of her rival, Russia, but which contributed indirectly to reinforce the struggle for independence of England's own Asiatic pos- sessions. Hardly less important was the participation of Asiatic and African peoples in the European War of 1914, barely ten years later. Once again they witnessed a conflict of European Powers one against another. The dominating position of small European settlements in the East, based upon respect and fear, was made possible by the fact that there the whites faced the millions of other races as a united ruling caste, with no poor or outlawed or ill-used members. Not only the educated classes but the great mass of the people now saw this legend destroyed as they watched the European spectacle in amazement. Just as in �[Page 37]NATIONALISM IN THE EAST 37

the past the first successes against the Turks had inspired the Europeans with fresh confidence, so the great European War gave assurance to the people of the East. A new epoch had dawned in the struggle between East and West.

In this struggle the peoples of Asia and Northern Africa are beginning to feel themselves linked by a common destiny. That sentiment of unity is, indeed, only in process of formation. It is less consciously felt than in either the Anglo-Saxon or the Euro- pean fellowship. Differences of race, religion, civilisation and language seem too great to be overcome; the means of com- munication and the mutual cultural interaction within the vast territory involved seem too little developed. Nevertheless, the con- sciousness of a common destiny is evolving through the defen- sive struggle against Europe, which is everywhere the same, and through the influence of English civilisation on the one hand and the Russian Revolution on the other, which is everywhere perceptible.

But this Oriental fellowship of common destiny coheres not only in virtue of a common struggle and the simultaneous entry of all Asia into a new era; its coherence is also due to the fact that the new era is rooted in a uniform principle which is recast- ing systems and dominating the whole evolution of outward in- stitutions. For what is happening now in the East is not merely a regrouping of political units or the introduction of parlia- mentary constitutions, but a far more fundamental process. Not only is it trenching upon every tradition and custom that has hitherto ruled men’s lives, but it is beginning to change the whole intellectual and emotional outlook of the Oriental and the conceptions on which he has based them. Under European in- fluence the same transfiguring process is being repeated that evolved the Europe of the nineteenth century from that of the seventeenth by means of rationalist thinking and the revolutions in England and France. That transfiguration wholly changed the intellectual and social outlook and the framework of human society. Each epoch has a guiding idea which moulds the whole life of the time to what is, for the time being, a world complete �[Page 38]38 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

in itself and dominated by an unmistakable general principle. This guiding idea at once shapes men’s lives and is itself the goal of life. It operates in daily life, in law, in industry, in art and philosophy, as well as in the sphere of politics and statecraft. It is the mystic faith of the age inscribed upon its banners, a thing for which men will die.

Right into the eighteenth century that faith had been re- ligious in Europe. It bound and it loosed, it shaped history, and human endeavor found in 1. a guide and an aim. The nations varied in temperament and character, but .religion was the supreme ruling principle, forming inwardly a web of experience and tradition, outwardly a bond of morals, manners, and common policy. The language of religion, Latin, served as a common link, and scientific investigation rested upon a common axiomatic base, that of religion. The Bible explained all that is; everything must be deduced and proved from the Holy Scriptures. They formed the unquestioned basis of all justice. Even kingship by divine right derived its justification thence. Atheism was the deadly sin in this society, denial of religious authority the great scandal which shook society at its very base and shut out the sceptic from human society, as something sinister and incomprehensible.

From the eighteenth century onwards nationalism supplanted religion as the governing principle in Europe. A gradual process, culminating in the World War, made the political nation, striving to develop its power, the principle that was henceforth to loose and to bind, to shape history, to be the guide and aim of human endeavor. The variety of religions continued to exercise their manifold influences upon the character and traditions of the peoples, but the supreme ruling principle in the organisation of Europe was citizenship of a nation, which henceforth constituted the decisive inner experience as well as the conscious outward bond of union in manners, morals and policy. Everywhere the language of religion was replaced by the vernacular, which was moulded and stimulated in its development almost everywhere by the translation of the Holy Scriptures into the national lan- guage. Science and research were freed from the fetters of religious �[Page 39], NATIONALISM IN THE EAST 39

dogma. Religion ceased to be the unquestioned basis and source of public law; its place was taken by national sovereignty. ‘‘The authority of the State emanates from the people,’’ the new con- stitutions declared. The deadly sin in society now becomes anti- nationalism, lack of patriotism; denial of the authority of the national state over men’s consciences becomes the great scandal which shakes society at its very base and shuts out the sceptic from human society, as something sinister and incomprehensible.

A similar process has been going on in the East in recent decades, and particularly in the immediate past. Nationalism takes the place of religion as the principle governing all social arid intellectual life. The Orient was not a religious unit, but everywhere its fundamental attitude towards religious questions was the same. And throughout the whole vast area there were only two important groups. These two circles intersected in India, which in the recent history of the Orient has often been a focal point in more senses than one. The western circle was Islam, with all its sects united through the Arabian language, in which the Holy Scriptures were written, and through the common pilgrimage to the sacred city of Mecca. Its sphere of influence stretched from the western coast of Africa eastwards as far as India, China, Java, and the Malay Peninsula. The eastern circle embraced India and Ceylon, Tibet, China, and Japan. In spite of the differences distinguishing Hinduism, Confucianism and Shintoism, all three have, nevertheless, a kindred attitude to- wards life; all had been subject to Buddhist influence, which, despite all transformations and distortions, still bore traces of the original doctrine.

And now these system: which had survived the centuries were violently shaken by the penetration of the national idea from Europe. No sphere of social or intellectual life remaine.. un- affected. Family life and the position of women, education and the schools, were changed as fundamentally as political life. The movement exercised its influence most markedly in those parts where contact with Europe was closest. There it was that re- ligion and traditional moral codes first lost their sway over the �[Page 40]40 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

more progressive sections of society, and thence the new move- ment rapidly spread downwards and outwards. Nationalism fre- quently clashed with religion, but frequently it made use of religion as an ally. It divided where formerly religion had united, and so was responsible for the fall of the Turkish Empire which had been held together by the Islamic religion. But, on the other hand, it united where formerly religion had divided. In Egypt national consciousness threw a bridge across the gulf dividing Muhammedans and Copts, and in India it sought to weld to- gether Muhammedans and Hindus.

Nationalism, as it penetrated the East, was accompanied by the same changes that Europe had experienced in modern times. All the romariticism, cultural and sentimental, that had attended European nationalist movements, blossomed forth in the East as well. National languages were fostered, the Holy Scriptures were translated into them, literature and art were encouraged, brilliant eras of the past were recalled in which national qualities and characteristics had found expression. Intellectual and po- litical life was secularised. Democracy, the inherent form of po- litical organisation characteristic of nationalism, was adopted. Parliaments were created on the European model, constitutions drawn up, and the ancient monarchies rooted in religious con- ceptions were replaced by republics based von the will of the people.

Corresponding to the rise of nationalism in Europe was a parallel change in the economic grouping of society. The feudal system and the dominance of the great landed proprietors made way for industrialism and the dominance of the middle classes, who attained their new and preponderating influence, economic and political, through the revolutions in England, America, and France, and particularly through the English Reform Act of 1832 and the citizen monarchy in France. Along with this shifting of the social center of gravity, new cultural conditions arose. Pro- tagonists of historical materialism might say that the middle classes brought with them their own myth, the myth of national- ism. Side by side with the representatives of large-scale finance �[Page 41]NATIONALISM IN THE EAST 41

and industry, the intellectuals, the professional classes, erected the theoretical superstructure of the new economic system. In a sense they took the place of the priesthood of earlier days. Form- erly the first and second estates had ruled: the warriors, who were also the great landed nobles, and the priests. The wars that were waged ir those days were, in conception, wars of religion; socially they were dynastic wars and feuds of the nobility. In actual fact, the first and second estates were one; they were frequently united by family ties; the younger sons of noble houses became priests. But the priesthood also offered the opportunity of social ascent to gifted members of the lower ranks. The situation is not essentially different after the rise of the third estate, but it is governed by a different principle. The wars that were now waged were, in con- ception, national wars of liberation; socially they were com- petitive struggles for monopoly in exploiting a certain territory or labor supply or certain natural resources. Again, the great financiers and industrialists were closely united by family ties with the professional classes, lawyers, journalists, and civil servants. And at the same time the professions offered certain opportunities of ascent to members of the fourth estate.

A similar process is repeating itself in the East. Ancient economic systems are falling into decay, modern industrialism, wholesale trade, and finance capital are beginning to penetrate everywhere. The old ruling caste of landed nobility, warriors, and priests is being slowly ousted by a rising class of merchants, lawyers, and men of letters. Professional men, especially lawyers and students, are protagonists of the new nationalist movements, their champions and leaders. The Press is developing rapidly and its influence is growing. This new nationalism is also causing internal conflicts in the Orient. When groups with a life and interest of their own unite, it must lead to clashes with the aspira- tions of similar neighboring groups. But it may be that the joint defensive struggle against the white race imposed upon the Oriental fellowship of common destiny will partially counteract these disintegrating tendencies of modern nationalism.

The inner unity of the Oriental fellowship is based primarily �[Page 42]42 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

upon this process of transformation which is initiating a course of historical evolution just ended, as it seems, in Europe. It ap- pears that the Asiatic peoples, under European influence, are to pass through this process more rapidly and consciously than was the case with the white race. And already we discern on the horizon the outlines of a new epoch, destined to succeed, in the first instance for the European fellowship, to the period in which dominating nationalism and middle-class capitalism are basic political principles. For the first time in history, the Russian Revolution has enfranchised the fourth estate, and the conception of the social class war has ousted that of national war. The new estate will introduce its own culture and its new myth. The transformation will, indeed, be gradual. Just as in England after 1832 the power of the great aristocracy persisted almost unim- paired till 1911 side by side with the rising middle class, just as in Germany the great aristocracy and the military caste ruled till 1918, so too the fourth estate will take its place beside the third for many decades yet in various combinations and forms. And just as religion, though it has ceased to be the politically determining principle in society, yet retains a mitigated power over many people's minds, so national sentiment will persist side by side with social consciousness.

The evolution of the East is subject to a peculiar influence, in that the first symptoms of the new epoch dawning upon the European fellowship are making an impression upon the East as well, partly through European contact with the Orient and partly through the immediate effects of the Russian Revolution in Asia. The demand for national liberation is accompanied by demands for social liberation, still confused and bewildered and hardly according with actual economic conditions. The two demands are constantly interwoven and intermingled and each movement seeks to make use of the other as an ally in its struggle. The social propaganda of the Third International in Asia frequently includes nationalist demands. Like the liberal nationalism of Germany or Mazzini's in Italy, this new national democracy feels itself to be the champion of the lower classes. Thus the Young Tunisians, �[Page 43]NATIONALISM IN THE EAST 4°

the nationalist party in Tunis, demanded in their prosram of November 1924, not only a Parliament and municipal corpora- tions, elected by universal suffrage, but also the eight-hour day and the legal recognition of trade unions. But everywhere it is middle-class intellectuals who are making such demands, and the beginnings of class consciousness among the small peasants and workers themselves are as yet barely visible. Thus in reality the East is in the condition of Europe eighty years ago, but many of its leaders have before them the spectacle of post-war Europe.

The fundamental tendency of the Oriental fellowship of common destiny is westwards. It may be that this westernism is not accidental, not merely the effect of influence, but that rather the historical consciousness of mankind evolves through in- evitable epochs, and that in this case the European fellowship has merely traversed the road earlier, as on previous occasions the East moved forward more rapidly. But the tendency to turn to- wards Europe cannot in any event be mere imitation. The Euro- pean historical phases of the past two centuries—nationalism, the dominance of the middle classes, and the rise of the fourth estate—will appear in the East in a new and characteristic form. Voices are already multiplying in the East which utter warnings against the superficial assimilation of European historical tend- encies and systems. They urge recollection of the traditions of the ancient native civilisation. Their appeal comes home to the masses and is better understood by them than the apostles of alien sys- tems. But these voices are not only heard in Asia; they penetrate as far as Europe, where a similar painful transformation has begun since the World War, where the future is equally uncertain and chaos as menacing a prospect. The World War left the three fellowships of common destiny mutually threatening and op- posed, in consequence of the economic and political convulsions that it produced; and yet the above considerations suggest that it may mean the beginnings of a common human consciousness embracing for the first time remote, forgotten and little evolved

peoples. �[Page 44]LEAVES OF THE GREATER BIBLE Compiled and Edited by

Witt1aM NorMan GutTHRIE Rector, St. Mark's in-the-Bouwerie, New York

PART I

PRAYERS OF THE AMERICA “'DIAN HuNGER PRAYER_ |

Father, unto Thee we cry! Father, thou, of gods and men, Father, thou, of all we hear, Father, thou, of all we see— Father, unto Thee we cry!

Father, thou above, Father of the Holy Ones— They who can come down and touch us,

Do thou bid them bring us help,

Help we need, O Father—Hear!

ToTeMisTic PRAYER

(The Great White Rock has been brought into the holy Lodge)

I cry to thee, Ancient of Days, hearken!

Thy children are in sore distress,

Therefore have they brought thee into their home :—

“It is my will to dwell with them, to succor and to teach them."

Even so, without doubt, hast thou spoken, for so have our fathers told us! Hearken!

Thy children are in sore distress, hearken! 44 �[Page 45]LEAVES OF THE GREATER BIBLE 45

That in Thee, who belongest to them, they may seek protection,

Therefore have they brought Thee hither where they lodge, hearken!

I cry unto thee! for that thy children long to stand upright in thy strength.

Howbeit they have now brought Thee into their home, hearken!

Ancient of Days, hearken!

What thing soever they have done amiss, remember it not thou against them.

They be but simple in heart and mind; do thou judge them there- fore in thy great fatherly kindness, Ancient of Days, hearken!

Ritvat HyMn To THE MOTHER OF THE Gops

Hail to our Mother, Who caused the yellow flowers to blossom, Who scattered the seeds of the maguey, As forth she came from Paradise!

Hail to our Mother, Who poured out the flowers in abundance, Who scattered the seeds of the maguey, As forth she came from Paradise!

Hail to our Mother, Who poured out the white flowers in abundance, She who scattered the seeds of the maguey, As forth she came from Paradise!

Hail to the Goddess, Who shineth in the thorn-bush, (Hail to the Goddess) Like unto a bright butterfly! �[Page 46]46

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Ho! She is our Mother, The Goddess of the Earth, Who supplieth food in the desert to the wild creatures! And causeth them to live!

So indeed ye behold her, (Our Mother, the Goddess) As the ever fresh ensample and gracious— Of self-giving unto all flesh!

Behold, the Goddess! The Mother of the earth! As she doeth for the wild beasts So doeth she also unto herb and tree, Yea, and unto the fishes of the deep!

PRAYERS OF THE INCA KINGS

To Ixxu1 Tict Urra Cocna

O Thou most noble Creator,

Whom I would reach beholding thee in my dream, Hast Thou forgotten me quite already—

Even now when I am about to die?

Wilt Thou take no knowledge of my prayer?

Wilt Thou not make known unto me now

What Thing Thou truly art?

Even as men go in quest for the river,

As they search for the springing well, When in the wilderness they gasp for thirst. So do I seek for Thee, O God!

Do Thou impart unto me new heart,

Extend unto me Thy holy help.

With all the power of my voice Do I cry unto Thee aloud! �[Page 47]LEAVES OF THE GREATER BIBLE 47

In steadfast thought of Thee

We will rejoice in spirit!

Yea, and our heart will be made glad— So much may our lips declare—

And else no thing at all? . . .

Even as my thought of Thee Thou mayest be?—

And yet mayhap Thou art but as a phantom,

A shadowy Thing that causeth fear?

O, if I might but know at length—

O, if it could but be revealed unto me,

Thou who drewest my being out of the earth,

And of the clay hast fashioned me;

Look, look upon me, the creature of thy hand!

Who art Thou truly, O my Maker?

Wilt Thou confide not even in one of so great age? . . .

The rod of thine authority

Thou dost hold it fast forever!

O give ear, therefore, and hearken unto me: Yea, and do Thou choose me for thine own; Nay, may it never be

That I wax weary of my life—

And come to nought, and perish utterly! .. .

WITNEss OF TAHIRUSSAWICHI AS TO PRAYER AND ITs ANSWER

We must all fix our minds together on the object of our quest. It is a very hard thing to do.

All our spirits must become united in One Spirit

And, as one spirit, we must approach the Spirit—

Indeed it is a very hard thing for us.

It is most difficult for all to unite together.

It often takes a long while (to attain to unity)—

But when it fails, the failure is always due

To a lack of earnestness or sincerity,

On the part of those who so have fixed their minds. �[Page 48]48 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

DEvoTION or Conscious Doust AND [NspiRED FaitTH

I know not if the voice of man can reach the sky;

I know not if the Mighty One will hear us pray;

I know not if the gifts I ask will all be granted;

I know not if the true word from of old we truly can receive; I know not what will come to pass in days to be;

I hope that only good will come, my children, unto you.

Now I know that the voice of man can reach to heaven;

Now I know that the Mighty One hath heard me when I prayed;

Now I know that the gifts I asked have all been granted;

Now I know that the word from of old we truly have received;

Now I know that Tirawa, the Father, hearkeneth unto man’s prayer;

I know that good, and good alone, hath come, my children, unto you! �[Page 49]CHANGES IN GERMAN PUBLIC OPINION SINCE 1918

by

HELLMUT von GERLACH Editor, Die Welt Am Montag, Berlin

NGLAND was the only foe of the many Germany had during the World War whom she really and deeply hated. With Russia it was more pity, she being considered a helpless tool of Czarism. The French were regarded as a chivalrous

but degenerate nation which could not be blamed too much for the war on account of the hereditary feud between the two coun- tries. German troops hardly ever came in contact with Italian ones. The other foes were negligible quantities.

It seems every war must have its mortal enemy; ours was England. The most popular book published during the war was Professor Sombart’s ‘‘Heroes and Traders’’ in which he confronts English merchants with German heroes. Air attacks on London by Zeppelins are watched with passionate sympathy, and great enthusiasm greets the sinking of English tonnage by German U boats for some time. ‘‘Gott strafe England’’ was the common greeting, there were schools where the teacher would say, “‘Gott strafe England’ when entering a classroom and the class had to answer with one voice, ‘Gott strafe es.’’ Even when the most prejudiced German had to admit a complete victory was out of the question, many were talking of a third Punic war to complete the work.

Why the special hatred toward England? Because during the time of feverishly constructing new battleships in the decades preceding the war, Germany had been taught to consider England her most powerful rival for the European hegemony. France had been vanquished in 1871. The German army was decidedly the

49 �[Page 50]590 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

strongest one. But England had the monopoly of the seas. That is why officers of the German navy drank a toast ‘‘To the day." Germany's future rested on her navy, that is according to William II *‘higt auf dem Wasser.’’ Subconsciously there might have been an apprehension that the invincible England would turn the fate of the World War against Germany.

Right after 1918 there came a decided change of feeling.

Very naively the German people believed the change of their country into a Republic would help them towards a lenient peace. Was not William II guilty of the war? If the German nation dis- owned him, the other democracies certainly would welcome the new member. One relied upon President Wilson's fourteen points, expecting certain changes in the Eastern and Western boundaries and a certain amount of reparation duty but never did anybody dream of the peace conditions which we had finally to accept.

The first change in the German frame of mind occurred in the spring of 1919 during the negotiations at Versailles. We saw Clemenceau insisting upon his pound of flesh, while Lloyd George recommended a more conciliatory way of dealing. Abandoning now all hope for a reasonably mild peace Germany considered France's representative the cause c{ her cruel hardships. The rumor existed he had said there were twenty millions of Germans too many in the world, or words to that effect. What he really said once was, Germany had twenty million more Germans than she was able to feed, but in politics it does not matter so much what really is, only what everybody believes. It can readily be understood how the peace conditions in connection with the above legendary saying created the belief in broad masses of the German people that France was out to annihilate Germany.

Conditions in the occupied zones have done much in the last years to increase this animosity towards France. Comparisons between the troops of occupation led to the conclusion: ‘One can live under English rule, under French it is impossible.”’

Their centuries’ old experience of colonizing enabled the English to find the right methods in dealing with a foreign nation. According to their inborn nature they made as little �[Page 51]CHANGES IN GERMAN PUBLIC OPINION SINCE 1918 51

military showing as possible. They succeeded in making their occupation almost invisible. I was very much impressed by what I saw in Cologne. At that time innumerable Germans needed ‘‘visas’’ for communication between the occupied territory and the rest of the country. Hundreds applied every day at the office of the administration; of course the English put one of their own men in charge, but all the rest of the employees were Germans. The public had only them to deal with and rapidly lost the feeling of being ruled by a foreigner.

The French were extremely bureaucratic. They watched the press with Argus eyes and protested vehemently at every criticism of their occupation, while the English hardly ever made use of their rights as censors. The French were very fond of continuousiy displaying their troops, which outnumbered the other armies considerably; but their greatest mistake was their use of colored troops for occupation purposes.

Occasional transgressions by individual soldiers of course were bound to happen, but public opinion in Germany looked at them from entirely different points of view. With the French the fault was always the presence of colored troops. ‘“The Black Shame”’ has largely contributed to the poisoning of the German mind against France.

Every Englishman is a sportsman. Winner and loser shake

hands after the match. No ill feeling. The same when the war

is over.

The French are different; they are afraid of revenge, because we used to sing too often and too loud. The victorious French considered the occupation of the Rhineland an absolute necessity as a prevention against another war. They hoped to be able to repress all thoughts of revenge by the display of their military power and a ruthless enforcement of their civilian rule.

The German hatred toward France reached its climax in 1923 through the occupation of the Ruhr. The people did not know of the non-fulfilment of certain German promises in regard to delivery of material to France and considered her armed entrance as a highly provocative act and nothing short of a new �[Page 52]§2 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

war. The general opinion was, that France would never volun- tarily leave that territory again. They considered Poincaré a perverter of justice, especially when the Chief Justices in England declared the French invasion of the Ruhr territory not to be in accordance with the Peace Treaty. Certain sections of the German people were so highly incensed that they seriously considered the arranging of a ‘‘St. Bartholomew's night’’ for the French troops.

The more the hatred toward France increased the more de- sirable appeared an alliance with a power supposedly of the same sentiments. ‘“The Eastern Orientation’’ began to spread over the nation. With the exception of the communists, there was no sympathy for Bolshevism, but Russia seemed to be the only power to unite with against France. Listening to some utterances by irresponsible Englishmen we hoped for the favorable neu- trality of England.

The first official attin this direction was Rathenau’s ‘'Friend- ship Treaty’ with Russia at Rapollo in the spring of 1922.

Besides the eommunists, the friends of the Eastern Orienta- tion consisted of three different groups, all acting from different motives.

First the diplomatic- wschisieal group, headed by Rathenau, who was assassinated in the summer of 1922, Count Brockdorff- Rantzau, the German Ambassador to Moscow, and, to a certain extent Baron von Maltzan, later Ambassador to Washington. Fundamentally they were not opposed to the League of Nations, but they thought it would be advantageous to first conclude a separate treaty with Russia, which would open the way to their becoming a full fledged member of the League of Nations. Their ultimate objective was entirely pacifist: amalgamation of both alliances into a world-wide argnnmeatien, or one at least Pan- European.

The second group was industriai-economic. They wanted to use Russia for investment of German capital and as a market for German goods, hoping thus to reyain here an export field which would replace the markets which the World War closed to them. �[Page 53]CHANGES IN GERMAN PUBLIC OPINION SINCE 1918 53

The third group was militaristic. Their hope was the possi- bility, even probability, of another war within a short time, and they considered Russia the only possible ally of importance. In spite of the Red Army being entirely Bolshevist they figured on the great number of their own officers with czarist sympathies. There was quite a close connection between the German and Russian military ieaders for some time, though a formal secret military alliance was never concluded. |

Today the first two of these pro-Russian groups have entirely dissolved. With Stresemann as Minister of Foreign Affairs there was no longer any need for a diplomatic-political group. Most of the new German industrial and commercial enterprises in Russia failed—which was the end of the Industrial-Economic group. There are still a few remnants of the militarists, but the Minister of War does not belong to this group; their most in- fluential propagandist is Colonel Nicolai, head of the Press De- partment during the War.

The decline of the hatred toward France started in the fall of 1923, with the evacuation of the Ruhr. This feeling developed rapidly in 1924 when the Left Party gained the majority, and Herriot became successor to Poincaré.

Credit for this change of feeling belongs mainly to Stresemann in Germany and Briand in France.

Possibly Stresemann was the only German capable of dealing with the Ruhr situation in such a manner as to quiet down the intense feeling of hatred. He had always been a nationalist, even a passionate nationalist. Any other member of the Left Party responsible for the arrangements which ended this era of passive resistance would have been declared a national traitor. A civil war would have followed. But everybody considered Stresemann a perfectly reliable nationalist and trusted him implicitly. He was able to do what his high political ideals led him to do. He had profited by the experiences of the war and the period following it. Without declaring himself a pacifist he knew Germany's salva- tion could only be effected by following a policy of pacifism, and adherents of all parties followed his leadership. �[Page 54]54. WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

The stepping stones in his path were: the Locarno Pact, Germany's entrance into the League of Nations, the Kellogg Pact, the Young Plan; and the evacuation of the Rhineland.

We have buried the century-old traditional enmity toward France. With very few exceptions all Germans consider the new western frontier as definitive. Of course it would be an exaggera- tion to speak of a friendship between the two nations like the one existing between the two individuals Stresemann and Briand. The masses do not change so rapidly and there is still a good deal of mistrust in France and animosity in Germany; but there is a steady improvement in their mutual relations. The exchange of students is growing; influential and respected men visit the neigh- bor-country and receive a dignified and cordial welcome. Promi- nent commercial and industrial enterprises like the Steel Trust, have brought about close economic relations between the two countries. Germany showed great enthusiasm over Briand’s propaganda for the United States of Europe.

The same decline of German animosity unfortunately does not apply to Poland. In fact one has to admit that of all European nations Germany is showing the greatest animosity toward Poland. It looks as if there was still a trace of war psychology left and a desire to have someone whom people might hate freely and bitterly! During the war it was, ‘‘Gott strafe England” ‘We shall crush France!’’ Now it is: ‘Settlement with Poland!"’

German literature abounds in books and songs glorifying Poland. A hundred years ago all Germans sang enthusiastically ‘Noch ist Polen nicht verloren.'’ Every respectable German and lover of freedom sympathized with the Poles in their efforts to unite their thrice-divided country.

Why this complete change of sentiment?

The seizure of territory in the East was more painful to the Germans than any other one. Highly developed industrial terri- tory in Upper Silesia was broken into two parts. The ‘Corridor’ which showed a German majority in 1918 (but no longer) has become part of Poland without a plebiscite; East Prussia is en- closed within Poland; Danzig, a 97% German town, has been �[Page 55]e CHANGES IN GERMAN PUBLIC OPINION SINCE 1918 $5

cut out of the German Empire and presented to Poland; the in- habitants of the German frontier territories lost their hinterland and are ruined.

Poland gets all this without having taken an active part in the World War.

The average man reasons like this: We have given back Alsace-Lorraine to France and our colonies to England; that hurts, but history repeats itself and the victor always gained in land. We have not been defeated by the Poles, but in spite of this they get the biggest part of our land.

Most people do not consider that these territories are largely populated by Poles and that they were all part of the Polish Kingdom until the division 150 years ago. Sentiment always was a greater factor in politics than logic.

The time is not yet ripe to speak of an Eastern Locarno pact. Nobody can tell how a peaceful revision of the Eastern frontier may be brought about. At the same time any government would meet with certain defeat in the Reichstag that proposed voluntary acknowledgment of the present Eastern frontier. We have only to think of the Young Plan, which was accepted by a majority of 89 on March 11th, while at the same time the financial treaty with Poland, which of course is an inseparable part of the Young Plan, was passed by a majority of only 18.

The financial treaty ends a great number of disputes arising from mutual war claims, and also guarantees the property of the German minority in Poland. The commercial treaty which finally has been agreed upon, after five years of tariff conflict, is going to bring economic peace, and the sooner this happens the sooner a political rapproachment may be expected.

The feeling in Germanv toward Poland, at present, is highly antagonistic. The German~Polish relations are the darkest spots in European politics. Of course no reasonable man thinks of a war against Poland, but we are far from spiritual demobilization.

Pacificism has made considerable progress in Germany since 1g18, especially the active pacifist point of view, like Strese- mann's; more than the fundamental principle of disarmament. �[Page 56]56 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Nobody today dares to praise the war as a ‘‘steel bath,"’ as a great many Germans did in 1914. Everybody recognizes war as the worst evil; only a very small minority consider it a necessary evil. The last category unfortunately is almost exclusively com- posed of members of very high social standing.

Germany's foreign policy pivots around the League of Nations with the full approval of an enormous majority of the German people, even including certain sections of the Right.

�[Page 57]EDUCATION FOR WORLD CITIZENSHIP The New Morality

by Horace Ho.iey

MONG all the transformations in personal and social life which have followed the European War, the most sig- nificant in the eyes of the future will perhaps be those affecting the field of education. Like an overflowing

Nile, the current of scholarship, rising above professional peda- gogy, spreads constantly farther out over the area of general human experience to fertilize barren tracts with the vital deposit of intelligent investigation. A traditional culture, backward- looking and increasingly ineffective, rapidly gives way to the challenge of a contemporary life which finds itself blind and guideless on the edge of a bottomless abyss. Because this challenge involves all people in all their myriad relations and is no mere puzzle for the specialist, the modern scholar has become a true representative of his fellowmen, and by the tremendous responsi- bility laid upon trained intelligence the larger moral and heroic clements of the race are restored to the life and work of the mind. Plato's vision of the Philosopher King was never nearer the possi- bility of realization, since the current era rests not upon physical force in subtle political and economic manifestations but upon dynamic intelligence exalted to the heights of service to all mankind.

Without exaggeration one may compare the modern scholar, bringing creative vision to the study of international relations in any of their aspects, to those first and greatest of pioneers, the spiritual teachers who in the early days of religious faith carry the message of unity and enlightenment among an earth-bound

57 �[Page 58]58 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

and darkened folk. Beside the parochial politician and business man, for all their contact with powerful social mechanism, the internationally-minded scholar of today, with his insight into the hidden springs of social science, seems like a being with another dimension, another and higher power.

This return of scholarship to life is more than a revolution —it is the tool, and the only tool, by which all revolutions can be avoided, or directed and controlled. Its transforming influence and effect goes deeper than mere changes and extensions in the methods of educational institutions. The scholar's profound re- action to the problems of the age, made visible and concrete in the production of international studies intended for the general reader, in fact registers and symbolizes the general quickening felt by intelligent men and women in all walks of life. What we witness today is nothing less than an instinctive effort through- out the population to seize education itself from the schools and colleges and incorporate it as the central organ of personality, a process as recurrent as the body's need of food. In other words, modern life has received a vast impetus to move consciousness from a physical and personal to a mental and social plane.

The true break with the past must be measured by the scale of that condition, and not in terms of revolutions undergone by the contemporary world with respect to institutions, external habits and traditional forms.

The impulse behind this mental quickening and evolution is, naturally, the realization by more and more people that the long-sanctioned apathy to world affairs on the part of the over- whelming majority in all countries, the result of which is to leave the conduct of public matters to the few, has become too perilous to be longer endured. Today we can perceive with some clarity that apathy and indifference on the part of the ‘‘good”’ is the ulti- mate source of every social evil—the necessary precedent to any irruption of violence and destruction. At last, in brief, a man’s physical existence depends upon conscious social plans and agree- ments and has no relation to his capacity for personal self-defense ; for the alternative to social agreement is mechanized war. �[Page 59]THE NEW MORALITY $9

Our instinctive reaching out for an education coterminous with life thus tends to reinforce the power of merely mental interest in general problems, with the vividness and heroic stress that so long accompanied the physical excitements of combat and chase. Attention, interest, enthusiasm, concentration of person- ality, and conscious growth—the entire sequence of being—in- evitably accompany the instinct of survival, partners and agents of life rather than death. The field of education is being trans- formed because education, in its full meaning, is man’s effort to remain in touch with the sources of life.

In connection with the new necessity imposed upon the race in this era—to prolong education throughout maturity, and to widen its human horizon from local community to nation, from nation to humanity—it is significant to note the conclusions drawn from careful investigations, which have forever exploded the theory that the period of youth is better adapted to learning than maturity or old age. On the contrary, these investigations prove that the faculties of learning improve throughout the adult years. In man, consequently, there lies the capacity to respond to a social environment based upon mutual knowledge, no less than capacity to respond to the older environment of nature, in- volving conflict and strife.

Blinded though we still are by the bitter smoke of that ancient, interminable conflict, we may nevertheless discern the transformation of the entire human scene. We live now in hu- manity, as our forefathers lived in nature. We are related one to another by unbreakable ties revealed by mutual dependence upon the same instruments of production and exchange—instruments which are nothing else than embodiments of human thought, and the maintenance of which requires dynamic thought, not mere repetition. In this dynamic thought, too, lie vital elements not "reviously associated with the concept of formal education. These elements are spiritual, affecting man’s attitude and inten- tion, controlling his use of knowledge and hence not a branch of knowledge in the usual sense. Under pressure of belief in the principle of the struggle for existence, public education in the �[Page 60]60 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Nineteenth Century laid the foundation for a system of knowledge in which mind was assumed to be the servant of individualism. The education determined by ‘iis pre-war attitude appears now to be little more than a central core of economically useful knowl- edge wrapped around with many layers of a culture which effec- tively insulated the individual from any universal human influence. 1914 consequently found the Western world not an organic society but a jungle of selfish feuds.

The world outlook which an awakened intelligence now Strives to attain is really more than ‘‘internationalism"’ in the narrow technical meaning of the term. It implies obligation to remove the larger political dangers, because these come first, but to do so for the sake of establishing justice at home. The perpetual evil of war consists in the tyrannies it works upon the civil com- munity during peace. Until the world outlook is gained there can be no true perspective upon political, economic or social problems in either small or large areas. So long as war or any competitive system exists, an element of poison affects every human relation.

Paradoxically, the experience of interest in world affairs is our best approach to the problems of the home community. Every lessening in our acquired racial, religious and class prej- udice broadens our contact with all persons, deepens our aware- ness of the possibilities still latent and undeveloped in mankind.

From the point of view of education—that continuous adult education which has become the price of civilization—the new spiritual element in knowledge cannot be over-emphasized. As separateness of identity and destiny was the inmost core of knowl- edge in the past, so mutuality, cooperation, unity and fellowship constitute that core in the era now begun. In place of the fact that two human bodies in different parts of the world are independent entities, we have the fact that minds interpenetrate over space and time. The essential purpose of education in this age, then, must be to teach the principles of cooperation and the oneness of the human kingdom.

What we recognize as normal personality has been evolved under pressure of strife and conflict subordinating the elements �[Page 61]THE NEW MORALITY 61

of spontaneity to those of discipline. The larger function of edu- cation today is to liberate people from the unconscious acceptance of strife as an inevitable quality of man and disclose it as a con- trollable factor of man's social environment. Man himself is yet to be revealed under conditions of unity when survival will depend on cooperation rather than on strife. But if education is to transmute man himself, and not merely supply him with in- formation, the existing agencies of religion mxst undergo radical alteration, and a new and living morality upheld capable of sup- porting the world outlook already outlined by philosophy.

These are the facts too frequently overlooked by those who lament the collapse of ‘‘morality.’’ The moral significance of physical action has inevitably become less in proportion as life makes its most insistent demand upon the mind. The emotional nature must find new channels of loyalty, character must become fixed upon new levels, before self-control can exist in its former degree. In such an era of transition as the present, sympathy has far higher racial value than self-control in the sense of austere conduct, a capacity to reach out understandingly is vastly more important than rigid, standardized response to the complexities of the day. In the concept of world citizenship converge the highest human ideals carried onward through darker ages by the spiritual vehicles of religion, science and philosophy. �[Page 62]AMERICA AND THE AMERICANS

by ANNE Marie Freunp German Exchange Student, Smith College —,

FOREWORD BY STEPHEN P. DUGGAN

LETTER of Cicero’s son to Cicero written from Athens

A where he was studying in the schools of what we would

now call the University of Athens, is a confirming in-

dication of the substantial permanency of most human

traits. After mentioning that he had not done very well up to the

moment of writing, but that he was about to reform, the young

man closed the letter with an appeal for a substantial allotment

of funds. It is the kind of letter that a Pittsburgh millionaire might receive today from his son at Harvard or Yale.

The story which follows this brief introduction bears no resemblance to the one just mentioned. It is a human document of the greatest importance, descriptive of an activity which has had remarkable results in the development of a better understand- ing of foreign peoples by Americans and of the United States by foreign peoples. The Institute of International Education administers exchange fellowships which enable carefully selected students from abroad to study in our institutions, and equally carefully selected American students to study in foreign institutions. The fellowships cover tuition, board, and lodging and, though given in competition and awarded for merit only, in the majority of cases go to students who otherwise would be unable to avail themselves of the greatly desired opportunity of studying in a foreign university.

Miss Freund's statement is an entrancing story. It would be unfair to say that it is typical of the reports written by the hun- dreds of our fellowship holders. But it és typical of the reports written by the best of them. May it reach the eyes of some readers who will be iaspired to give increased support to so valuable 62 �[Page 63]AMERICA AND THE AMERICANS 63

and desirable an activity.—Stephen P. Duggan, Director, Institute of International Education.

What did I know about them before I came here? What do I know now, after a year’s stay in the States?

The answer to these two questions will show best what the Exchange has meant to me and how far it has helped me to a better understanding of this country.

How did I see America and the Americans when I left Ger- many? Through the eyes of those whose books I had read or with whom I had talked about a country that had always had a strange fascination for me. The information I acquired thus could only in its smaller part be called scientific, i.e. objective. Moreover, this part belonged almost exclusively to the sphere of geography, economics, and history. Of these I got a fairly accurate idea. But as for my knowledge of the American people, their customs, their ideas, and problems, in short, of their everyday life, I had to content myself with books, newspapers, and chance acquaint- ances with students or tourists. These sources do not pretend to achieve objectivity; and their clearly contradictory accounts are perhaps on the whole to be preferred to an attempt at objectivity with futile means. (Since I do not belong to the great ‘‘Movie"’ public, this source of information—or misinformation?—does not figure in my list.) With regard to the newspapers I should perhaps add that they were often full of news about New York, Hollywood, and sometimes Chicago, and very quiet about the rest of the States; that a period of unrestricted, loud, enthusiastic admiration of America had been followed by a more critical attitude and even radical repudiation of everything American, Among the American novels I had read, Sinclair Lewis's books held a prominent place. My acquaintance with Americans was limited to “‘intellectuals’’—professors, students, Quakers con- nected with the Friends’ relief work—and tourists. The latter are such an interesting chapter in American-European relations that I shall deal with thein more fully later on.

I have dwelt on this at some length, because only on this, my �[Page 64]64 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

‘American background,"’ will it be possible to trace the picture of America and the Americans as I see them now.

To sum up then, I should say that my attitude towards the United States was first of all one of keen interest. If I was inclined to be somewhat critical, it was probably due to books like ‘Babbitt,’ to an inherent aversion to the idea that money should be all-powerful, and to a quite personal horror of standardization and uniformity outside the business sphere. Maybe there was mingled with these a subconscious fear of America’s economic and political power of which we had such a bitter object-lesson during the World War.

In any case, all I had heard and read had bred in me the desire to go and see for myself. So that when I was told that I might try for an exchange-fellowship for America, I took my chance—slight as it was; even the remote possibility of my winning such a scholarship (with hundreds of German fellow- students as competitors!) was enough to make me overcome many serious obstacles. It would be too long to enumerate 7!! of them here—postponement of my final examination, interruption of my preparations for it, financial difficulties—suffice it to say that | “went in’’ for America—and do not regret it. That practically all exchange students are faced with similar difficulties, and that they almost invariably decide in favor of the exchange, whatever the cost, is to my mind proof enough of the desirability and im- portance of the exchange. It certainly is one way of finding out the value of a thing, to consider the price that is willingly paid for it. Another way, more important and a the same time much more difficult, is to consider the result. This brings me to the second of my initial questions.

What has the year in America taught me? I shall not attempt the impossible—to find a comprehensive answer to this question. I shall try to point out some of the things I have learned here which seem to me now the most important. I am aware of the possibility, however, that back in my own country and as the years go by, I may arrive at different conclusions and consider other experiences of greater importance. �[Page 65]AMERICA AND THE AMERICANS 65

My first and perhaps my greatest surprise here was to find that ‘‘The’’ American does not exist. When I set out for America, I had rather a definite idea of the typical American—an idea based on what I had read, heard, and seen. And now the actuality did not fit in with my conception. The outward appearance of Americans still gave me an impression of a standardised type. This is natural enough since all wearing apparel and household goods are produced by highly standardised and centralised fac- tories. And the conversations I heard, at first, confirmed my belief that there was also a »niform way of thinking and ex- pressing one’s thoughts. P’. when I had to live weeks and months with the same pec,.e, lo and behold! I detected the fact that the uniform opinions went only a short way, the uniform phrases not much further, and that underneath and behind them existed almost as much variety as in my own country. Then I tried my best to understand this discrepancy and at present I am inclined to trace it back to two causes. One is that in a country where a constant process of assimilation is going on, where a comparatively small bulk of old inhabitants is faced by a continu- ous influx of immigrants, and where a thin layer of people of secure economic status, well educated and with well-established standards of civilization has to absorb an ever renewed, large stream of people who have worked their way up from a class with a different or no cultural background and for whom education in the widest sense, and economic security are new things. Where this is the case there is a natural and very forcible trend towards uniformity. Uniformity would be the demand of the old estab- lished families, they will admit the newcomers in to their society only if they consent to conform to their customs and ideas. Uniformity would be the goal for the newcomers who want to forget that they are newcomers and desire to be accepted into the old society. Now, uniformity of thinking is not easily and certainly not rapidly achieved; uniformity of outward appearance and of expression in everyday occurrences much more easily and more rapidly. And the outcome would be the explanation of my previous idea of ‘‘The’’ American—an idea gauied from passing �[Page 66]66 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

acquaintance such as most of my contacts with Americans had naturally been in Europe.

Living close to and with Americans for months, however, taught me that under the surface there are perhaps as many varieties of thinking here as anywhere in the world—varieties which in a country like Germany, where in spite of great differ- ences there is a common cultural, political and social background, are much more obvious and I might almost say cultivated.

Another reason, closely connected with the first, is that whereas our love for discussion naturally develops our ability to express differences of opinion, the tendency to agree with other people, if practised on a large scale and for generations as in America, inevitably cripples that faculty. So that even when there are differences, it is much harder for an American to give them utterance than it is for us.

Thus I learned my first great lesson. I shall be very careful henceforth in using this term ‘‘The’’ American, though there are of course some generalities that would be permissable, even necessary to set off the people in this country from those in Europe.

And that is the second important thing I believe my stay in America has taught me to understand: the American attitude to- wards Europe. This ‘‘American’’ should be modified: I do not speak of those Americans who think and know so little about Europe that it might as well not exist as far as they are con- cerned. Nor do I think of the immigrant from Europe who still keeps his European ‘‘background’’ with all the attitudes, prej- udices, dislikes it involves; and lastly, I leave out of consideration the small number who really know Europe because of repeated visits to or study of it. |

I think of the large mass of people who have heard and read about that strange old continent, (they may even have made a trip to it) who have occasionally met European visitors in America, but who have not had interest enough nor perhaps the opportunity or the money to learn much about it.

Now, all this I have spoken of Europe as if it were a country �[Page 67]AMERICA AND THE AMERICANS 67

in the same sense as the United States. And this is the strange revelation that has come to me during these months in America; seen from a distance there is so much that is common to all Europeans that it makes them appear as one nation when con- fronted with the American nation. I have spoken with French, English, Polish, Russian people here, and in every case there was immediately something that bound us together, an almost un canny understanding of each other such as was either completely lacking or very difficult to develop in our contacts with Ameri- cans. I shall not try to define this ‘‘something,’’ for I am not concerned here with our side of it as much as with the question of how this fact helped me to understand the ideas of Americans about Europe.

I had often become impatient when Americans remarked how strange and stupid it was of us not to combine and form a more rationally organised ‘‘State of Europe,’ instead of constantly quarrelling and fighting over all kinds of petty, antiquated ques- tions such as boundaries or minorities. I knew so well that all these problems were considered vital abroad, that we did not just create or prolong them on purpose because we had nothing else to think about, that the differences had grown in an his- torical process which could not be undone by the stroke of a pen. But now I begin to understand; these Americans see nationals of all the European countries working together in the United States without quarreling more with each other than with anyone . clse; it is only natural that they should ask why they cannot behave like that at home. And then they perceive this common bond between Europeans visiting America—a bond which at the same time draws them to each other and sets them apart from Americans. They do not try, and if they did, very probably could not easily find an explanation of this phenomenon. But a natural conclusion, consciously or unconsciously drawn, leads to the same idea again: why, if they get along so well together here, can they not get along in Europe? Thus do I explain to myself now this irritating habit, or at least inclination, of Ameri- cans of always telling us how we should manage things abroad. �[Page 68]68 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Still another factor plays a part there. An American who “*does’’ Europe in three, four, or even six weeks cannot but look at it more or less like one large museum. Everything seems old and quaint, strange, perhaps beautiful, but somehow unin- telligible—it makes little difference whether it happens to be an Italian palace, a German castle, or a Czech national costume. So he reacts towards Europe as a whole, not towards Italy, Ger- many, France as separate nations. He hardly comes to know any ““natives,’’ since he is always in the company of his countrymen and in hotels treated as nearly as possible as he would be in America. The languages—different as they are—are all alike, Greek, to him. And if I think of the thousands that come over in this way, fresh thousands every year, every one of whom has a group of relatives and friends at home who may derive their conceptions of Europe chiefly from him—I can hardly help think- ing that this, too, brings about their above characterised attitude towards Europe.

All this I do not only value as experience in itself. It has brought to me the immense importance of the exchange between our countries. The more students can have the opportunity to live and work for some months in the other country, the better will be the understanding, not only of themselves, but also of their compatriots, for the other country. The small group sent every year will gradually form quite a large body of people in both countries more keenly interested in and better informed about each other. That is where I now see the main value of the exchange.

These two experiences, then, loom largest when I think of what the exchange has meant to me: I have completely modified my conception of Americans and have come to a better under- standing of the American conception of us.

If I venture now to tell of some of the other things that have made my stay here valuable, I shall have to touch lightly on them. I cannot even try to classify them or present them in an order ac- cording to importance or chronology. One of the most valuable sides of the study as an exchange student is, to my mind, just �[Page 69]AMERICA AND THE AMERICANS 69

that we have to study the foreign country as it happens to present itself to us, not ready-made, classified, labelled, summarised and carefully prepared for intellectual consumption.

The greatest part of my ten months in America I have spent in a small New England town, at one of the great girls’ colleges. That seems at first sight a very limited sphere of observation— it seemed so to me. But with open eyes and an open mind, I think one can learn here almost as much as one could anywhere. Visits to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington helped to enlarge and vary the opportunities for study; so did the fact that the college draws students from all over the States; and three months’ travelling through the Middle West, West, and South will, I hope, round off the picture as satisfactorily as can be expected from a year's stay in a country of this size.

I have learned that student here and student abroad are two completely different things, that one does an injustice to the average American college student if one compares him, or her, to a University student in Germany and finds him inferior in schol- arly achievement. One might compare him, if a comparison has to be made, to our Gymnasiasten and then the balance would not be so much against him—taking into account the different aims of education here and there, the different cultural, historical, economic background. The American students will seem to us intellectually, with regard to aesthetic or political questions, less interested and less mature. But there are weights in their favor too,—a ready comradeship, a knowledge of practical things, a frankness in admitting their ignorance and willingness to admire others for their knowledge and often a readiness to be taught better, that compares favourably with the corresponding attitudes of their German counterparts. There is not all black here and all white abroad.

To pass on to something totally different. I had been inter- ested in the negro question for a long time. I had wondered why on earth the Americans should not grant equality to the negroes, with all their talk of self-determination and equal rights for all people. Riding in the subways in New York, seeing the numbers �[Page 70]7° WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

of colored people in Baltimore, looking at their houses and learn- ing by personal contact, or through talks with those who know something more about them, I realize that the matter is not quite so simple as it appeared to me from a distance. Reading about them and living next door to them gives one a very different attitude toward the same question. So that again the exchange has brought home to my mind most strikingly something I had

• “*known"’ and yet not known before.

Contact with some of the really old families, those who trace their history clear back, if not to the Pilgrim fathers them- selves, at least to the first settlers, had offered me another great opportunity. These families who are not in the public eye abroad, or are even looked down upon and slightly ridiculed by very up-to-date newspapers, were to me immensely interesting. There is an America of whose existence I was dimly aware at home, but that proves to be much more alive, influential and perhaps of more lasting importance than all the much discussed, ap- plauded, and criticised ‘‘Americans’’ we hear so much about. But it is an America that can only be studied on the spot; one would rarely find these Americans among our friends the tourists in Europe.

I know now that not all Americans are rich—an idea it is very hard to banish from one’s mind in view of all the money lavishly spent by them abroad. Again, I knew that before, of course, but seeing women manage large families on a minimum allowance, seeing husband and wife both working hard in order to be able to pay for their children’s education—all such things helped me to appreciate their difficulties. These are almost greater for them in a country where money means more than anywhere else.

This last idea, then, is one of the few I have not had to change. There are people without money. There are even some who do not care whether they go without; but on the whole money is the magic wand that opens all doors, that can procure almost everything, and that is therefore naturally the one desire of all. �[Page 71]AMERICA AND THE AMERICANS 71

I have studied New York with all its ‘‘Little Italies,’’ ‘‘Little Spains’’ and the like. I have seen the same phenomena in every town—the best way to realise the importance of the immigration problem—and another help toward sympathy with many Ameri- can misconceptions and prejudices in connection with Europeans. An American who has only met Italians as bootblacks, or Poles as workers in onion fields is not likely to imagine that there may be people in Italy or Poland just as refined and civilised as the best types of Americans.

Another side of America that has deeply impressed me is the expanse of the country, less the fact in itself than in the constant influence it has on the people’s lives. So far I have only seen the eastern parts of the States, comparatively the most populated of the country. And yet! There is free space everywhere; roads of a width unknown to us at home—in fact they would seem an un- pardonable waste of land better used otherwise; vast stretches of land with sparse grass or spruce vegetation, but manifestly not in any way exploited for money-making purposes; lawns round every house in the smaller towns so that they extend far into the country from the center of the town (Compare them with our towns with their houses huddled together so as to take up as little as possible of the valuable soil!); as a consequence practically no hedges or walls, space serves in their stead to guarantee a certain amount of seclusion and privacy. (Though there are other factors that help make this country so ‘‘fence-less’’ to which I shall come presently.) Now all these features are as a matter of course to be expected in an underpopulated country. And all the figures we learned at school already told the same story. The same, and not the same! For it is quite a different thing to learn that there are so many inhabitants to the square mile against so many in Europe, on the one hand, and to realise, on the other, what it means to every single person. Where one is used to such vistas and distances, one is naturally inclined to do things on a large scale, too. It must have required immense energy and cour- age to attack the exploration and conquest of such a country, and that they have achieved their aim could not but leave its �[Page 72]72 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

imprint on the character of the American people. At least in that way do I explain to myself some of the traits that strike every European—the enterprising spirit, the vigor with which new tasks are undertaken, the apparent conviction that there are no unsurmountable difficulties, and, perhaps, their love for super- latives. It needs strong words to lift anything here above the ordinary level.

Here I have touched already on one feature that is closely connected with the size of the country, and as hard to realise abroad: the ‘‘frontier spirit.’ Only since I have come to the States have I begun to understand what this term means in Ameri- can history. Reading about the settling of the country gives only a slight idea; meeting Americans abroad does not help to under- stand this side of their lives, since they are there in unaccustomed surroundings, facing new and different problems. What to us appears often as strange, superfluous, or ridiculous is, if seen in the proper setting, the only possible, best, and necessary way to do things.

Another consequnce of frontier time is, I believe, the famous American speed. I have asked myself again and again; why this hurry? why do everything at top-speed without ever taking time to think it over, to look back? why always forward, forward? I still see no need for this haste in our days; but I have at least learned to understand how Americans came to act this way. It is another side of their frontier experience, of the rush towards the West. Whoever wanted a share of those miraculously tich lands had to hurry or somebody else would have taken it before him. And similarly in the business sphere; if one could earn money fast enough, and that meant work fast enough, one might climb the ladder to success, might obtain a leading position before the next door neighbor got there. The land is taken now, the ‘‘four-hundred”’ are fairly well established, secure as a body. But the mental attitude has not yet become adapted to the new situation; to do things in a hurry is still the admired and gener- ally practised way, and so will it remain for qu‘te a time to come, probably. �[Page 73]AMERICA AND THE AMERICANS 73

It is impossible to enumerate all the other things I have had an opportunity to study at close range: the differences between East, South, West; the religious life, the importance of denomina- tions; the farmer and his needs, strikingly illustrated by cases of apples rotting on the ground while in the nearest town they are dearly paid for; the businessman and his desires that are often opposed to the farmer's; the influence of the papers, of advertise- ments, publi¢ity;—a hundred other features I could mention that have here taken on colour and life. And yet all this is only a part of what this exchange year in the United States has meant to me.

I cannot very well pass by the other side of the picture, either. Just as I have learned from everybody I have met here and have come to a better understanding of many sides of American life, so have all the Americans who have met me had a chance to ask questions, to observe and, as a result, perhaps to modify to a certain extent some of their conceptions of Germans. Since I was only one German to a few hundred Americans, this is true only in a limited sense, but it is true as far as it goes. Discussions are give and take. And though there is always the danger that one is regarded not as an individual, A. F., but as ‘‘the German girl,’’ ‘‘the German student,’’ there is the opportunity at least to know one representative of that country well. Later contac : with others from the same country may modify the conclusions arrived at; but there has been an opening at any rate which may prove valuable later on. And it certainly helped to make me, as an exchange student, feel responsible all the time.

Thus the exchange has been a source of information, a means of becoming acquainted with another country, another and very complex people. In short it has been an all-round broadening of my horizon as well as a stimulus to self-control and self-education. What more valuable experience could be offered to a student? And what could be more desirable than that such an opportunity may be offered to a greater number of students of all countries?

Miss Freund's essay was awarded First Prize of $50 in Prize Essay Contest (1929) held by the Institute of International Education.—Editor �[Page 74]ROUND TABLE

Science and Mathematics, by Prof. Keyser, is the first of six articles presenting thes‘‘elements of a world culture,’’ the other subjects being: Economics, by R. G. Tugwell; Religion, by Alfred W. Martin; Philosophy, by John Herman Randall, Jr.; Art, by Nicholas Roerich; and Education, by H. A. Overstreet. This series constituted the program of the fourth annual Institute of World Unity held in New York City last February and March.

In November will be published the first article in the Round the World Log of a Sociologist written by Prof. Miller of Ohio State University during the course of his recent extensive study- travel through the East. This ‘‘Log"’ records a voyage of spiritual discovery and exploration which Wor.tp Unrry is privileged to share with its readers. Herbert A. Miller combines human sym- pathy and understanding with scientific training to an unusual

degree.

• * *

Hans Kohn, a chapter of whose remarkable work is repro- duced this month, will lecture in America during the spring of 1931 under the auspices of the Institute of International Educa- tion. Thot who wish to secure his services may address the Institute at 2 West 45th Street, New York.

• * *

In response to numerous requests for information about the in- tellectual projects sponsored by the League of Nations, we are happy to recommend Research Activities of the League of Nations by Herbert Feis, a detailed report copies of which can be obtained from The League of Nations Association, Inc., 6 East 39th Street, New York.

74 �[Page 75]REPRINTS AND BOUND VOLUMES

F& teachers, students, librarians, bookdealers, reading clubs and executives of organizations in the international field, the “Classified Reading List of Current Books on World Unity and International Co- operation,” including titles of works published to July 1, 1930, is an in- valuable guide and reference. More than 400 separate titles. Per single copy, 25 cents; eight copies, $1.00; rate for larger quantities quoted on request.

“Building Up the International Mind,” by H. A. Overstreet, 16-page pamphlet, is a famous psychologist’s summary of principles needed to inculcate the instinctive outlook of peace and cooperation. Limited number of copies available. Per single copy, 10 cents. Rate for larger quantities quoted on request.

Wor.ip UNITY MAGAZINE, Volume One, October, 1927—March, 1928. 436 pages. Serials by Kirtley F. Mather and William R. Shepherd.

Wor_D UNITY MAGAZINE, Volume Two, April, 1928—September, 1928. 432 pages. Serials by Mary Hull, Alfred W. Martin and Dexter Perkins.

Worip UNITY MAGAZINE, Volume Three, October, 1928—March, 1929. 444 pages. Serials by Frank H. Hankins, E. A. Burtc and Alfred W. Martin (continued).

Wor_pD UNITY MaGaZzINE, Volume Four, April, 1929—September, 1929. 452 pages. Serials by Hankins and Burtt (continued).

Wortp UNITY MAGAZINE, Volume Five, October, 1929—March, 1930. 432 pages. Serials by. John Herman Randall, Herbert Adams Gibbons, J. Tyssul Davis and Dexter Perkins.

Worip UNity MaGazineE, Volume Six, April, 1930—September, 1930. 440 pages. Serials by A. J. Muste, Perkins, Randall and Gibbons (continued).

Bound Volumes of Worip UNity are a cultural index to and interpretation of the international movements of the day. Each volume bound in blue buckram, gold stamped. Per volume, $4.25.

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

4 East 12TH STREET ! New YORK 75 �[Page 76]A WORLD COMMUNITY

By JOHN HERMAN RANDALL

THs work is a sine qua non for every person attempting at all seriously to understand the problems and also opportunities of the new era. It has great usefulness as a text for college classes, or as reading for courses in modern history, sociology, religion or international relations.

Editorial writers, teachers, lecturers and ministers, as well as men and women identified with offices of public trust or responsible move- ments of a progressive character, will find “A World Community” abso- lutely invaluable. The scope of the book ‘s clearly indicated in the following Summary of Contents:—

The New Means of Communication The New Economic Organization

The New Knowledge

The Emerging Ideal of World Unity Nationalism

Economic Imperialism

War and Competitive Armaments Ignorance and Old Habits of Thinking The Movement toward Internationalism The Movement toward World Economic Cooperation A Religion for a World Community

Since its publication in February, 1930, ““A World Community” has received powerful endorsement.

“Dr. Randall writes with the knowledge of the scientist and the vision of the prophet.”—Frank H. Hankins, Smith College. “It discusses one of the great problems of our time, and does so in a most illuminating fashion.” —Manley O. Hudson, Harvard University. “A real contribution to international understanding and amity.’”—Harry Levi, Temple Israel, Boston. “His work has the possibility of greater educational influence than anything of the kind that has been written.”—A. C. Senske, St. Paul News.

“A World Community” is published in the World Unity Library sponsored by this magazine. A copy will be sent postpaid for $2.00. The book and annual sub- scription to WorRLD UNITY MAGAZINE, $5.00.

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

4 EAST 12TH STREET New York 76 �[Page 77]CLASSIFIED INDEX 1927-1930

1. Politics and Economics

American Diptomacy, Tur Lost Stake or, by Brent Dow Allinson, June, 1930

BriaNp-Kettoco Pact, Arter tHE, by Ida Muller, Baron Baudran, Herbert Adams Gibbons, Lucia Ames Mead, David G. Stead, Marja Grundmann-Koscienska, Sep- tetnber, 1929

Czecnostovaxia, by Joseph S. Roucek, April, 1959

Democracy IN History, by John Herman Randall, January, 1929

Evropr, Tug Unitsep States or, by Richard Lee, Rustum Vambery, Marja Grundmann- Koscienska, R. H. Markham, Charles Richet, Th. Ruyssen, March, 1930

Fritowsnip and Crass Struccre, by A. J. Muste, April and May, 1930

INTERNATIONAL AcTION, Next Steps in, by Lucia Ames Mead, August, 1930

InteRNATIONAL Poxttics, Unity anv Dis-

unity 1N, by Dexter Perkins, April, May, June, August, September, November and December, 1928, January to July, 1929

Latin-America, Cutturat Revations with, by Hubert C. Herring, August, 1929

Mexico anp Its Promise, by Hubert C. Her- ring, May, 1930

NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM, by Herbert Adams Gibbons, October, 1929, to July, 1930

Navat Treaty, THe Hippen MEANING OF THE, by Brent Dow Allinson, July, 1930

Treaties, Tne Prostem or Onso.etgs AND Unjust, by Ernest Ludwig, February, 1930

Unitep States, NATURALIZATION Law oF THE, By S. G. Pandit, March, 1929

War Depts, Treasury Reports on THR, by Revisionist, February, 1929

Waste Praces, by C. F. Ansley, December, 1928

2. Philosophy and Education

Craracter, Schoors AND THE BuILpING or, by William Lowe Bryant, June, 1928

EpvcaTion AND INTERNATIONALISM, by Ed- ward L. Troxell, November, 1927

Epvcation, An Obsjyectivg ror Civic, by Arnold 11. Kamiat, June, 1928

Epvucation, Tue Neep or a Sprrituat Ets- MENT IN, by Rufus M. Jones, Pierre Bovet, Hugh Moran, Charles Parker Connolly, October, 1928

Etnics, Untversat, by Alois Richard Nykl, July, 1928

INTERNATIONAL Minn, Buitpino Up tue, by Harry A. Overstreet, June, 1928

SctzwcB AND THE Epucatep Man, by John Herman Randall, Jr., November, 1929

Science, Puitosopny AND Reticion, by Edwin Arthur Burtt, March to July, 1929

Unity Turouca Science, by F. S. Marvin, June, 1930

3. East and West

Fast, By Way or tue, by Alice A. Bailey, August, 1930

Eastern Civirizations, Tue SiGNIricaNck OF tHe Screntiric Sprrit ror, by John J. Coss, April, 1928

Evrops anp Asta, Tas INTERACTION oP, by William R. Shepherd, December, 1927, to May, 1928

Innia, A Son or Motner I. Answers, by Dhan Gopal Mukerji, July, 1928

Inptan Unity, Tue Vexep Prostem or, by Kenneth J. Saunders, January, 1928

MateriatisM AND Spirituauity, by Stanley Rice, August, 1930

Paciric, Unity 1n Tue, by Kenneth Score Latourette, November, 1929

SHamsBuata, by Nicholas Roerich, January, 1930

West, Tne Spirttuat Crisis or tHe, by Paul Richard, August, 1929 �[Page 78]4. Religion

Buppaism, Sacrep Scriprures or, by Alfred W. Martin, July to October, 1928

Conructanism, Sacrgp Scriptures or, by Alfred W. Martin, January to March, 1929

Hinpuism, Sacrep Scaipruazs or, by Alfred W. Martin, November, December, 1927, February to June, 1928

Munammepanism, Sacrgp Scrirrunss or, by Alfred W. Martin, June to August, 1929

Musuim's, Tas Mopgrn M.'s Prostem, by John Wright Buckham, September, 1930

Quran, Tus, by Moulana Yakub Hasan, September, 1930

RBLIGION AND THs Naturauistic Outtoox, by Y. H. Krikorian, June, 1930

Recicion, Tae Pracricat Prooram or, by A. Eustace Haydon, December, 1929

Reticion, One R.—Many Faitas, by J. Tyssul Davis, October, 1929, to January, 1930

Re.iai0n, Inp1a‘'s Contrisution To, by S. G Pandit, February, 1930 Raticion, Tas Correcrg Stupsnt anp His by Harry Walker Hepner, June, 1928 Reuicious Unity, by Charles Parker Con: nolly, G. George Fox, Albert W. Palmer, Fred Merrifield, May, 1928 Scizncz and Rauiaio0n, by Nathaniel Schmide| June, 1929 ENCE AND Rauicion, Tas Rexarions or, by Kirtley F. Mather, October, 1927, tq March, 1928 Taoism, Sacnap Scairrunss or, by Alfred W. Martin, May, 1929 Yourm anp tHe Cuurcn, by Alfred Bennig Jacob, September, 1930 ZoROASTRIANISM, Sacred Scrirprunes or, by; Alfred W. Martin, November, December, 1928

5. Universal Peace

ARBITRATIO? rat, by Ernest Lud- wig, Septen

DisaRMAMENT, . |

DisAaRMAMENT— TH LEM oF UNIveRSAi April, 1929

INTERNATIONALISM AND THE COMMON PEopLE, by Richard Lee, October, 1929

Levinson, Satmon O., by John Dewey, May, 1929

Nature AND THe Law or Lover, by Viadimir Karapetoff, February, 1928

Ong aNv THE Many, Tue, by Abba Hillel Silver, November, 1928

Oneness, Tug Basts ron Human, by John Herman Randall, April, 1929

Peacg, Tus Qugst or Wortp, by Dexter Per- kins, October, December, 1929, January, February, April, May, June, 1930

Peace, Worip, aND THB Pact Acainst War, by R. H. Markham, May, 1929

Pgacs, Tre Paice ror, by Dexter Perkins, March, 1928

Peace Matntrenance sy Economic Isoration, by William H. Blymyer, April, 1929

Pgace, Can Bustness Unperwaite, by F. Emerson Andrews, July, 1930

Prooress sy Tertc Guipance, by Mary Hull, July, 1928, to January, 1929

, February, 1930 Jnsotvepo Pros- by F. B. Clark,

Racws Recations, Can R. R. ps Tavont tn tHe Crassroom, by Verdine Peck Hull, June, 1929

Ractat R&LATIONSHIPS AND INTERNATIONAL Harmony, by Frank H. Hankins, February to June, 1929

Socisty, Tas Transrormation or, by F. S. Marvin, February, 1929

UNDERSTANDING INTERNATIONAL ParosieMs, by Norman Angell, June, 1929

Unity, Taz Scigntiric and Raticious Drivs Towarp, by Herbert A. Miller, October, 1927

War anv Revotution, War, by Herbert A. Miller, December, 1928

Wortp Community, A, by John Herman Randall, October, 1929, to September, 1930

Wortp Critizensnip, by Carl A. Ross, April, 1929

Wortp Ovtioox, Tue, by Horace Holley, October, 1927

Wortp Unity, Tug Ipgat or, by John Herman Randall, October, November, 1927

Woatp Unity, Tue Brotocicar SANCTIONS OF, by Ernest M. Best, November, December, 1927

Wortp Unity, A Spirairvst Basis ror, by Dhan Gopal Mukerji, December, 1927 �