World Unity/Volume 7/Issue 5/Text

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WORLD UNITY

A Monthly Magazine for those who seek the world outlook

JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, Editor Horace HO.tey, Managing Editor

CONTENTS

FEBRUARY, 1931

. G. Wells Frontispiece Scientist Forecasts the Future Editorial Conscience of Europe. I. Robert Merrill Bartlett

onomic Imperialism and World Order Parker Thomas Moon Round the World Log of a Sociologist

IV. Dynamic China Herbert A. Miller

he Permanent Court of International Justice Charles Evans Hughes Elements of a World Culture

IV. Religion Alfred W. Martin he Conference Plan of College Education Hamilton Holt Leaves of the Greater Bible VI. Prayers of Babylon and Assyria William Norman Guthrie A Soviet “Statesman’s Yearbook” Brent Dow Allinson Books Received Round Table

(Contents indexed in the International Index to Periodicals)

Wortp UNITY MAGAZINE is published by WortD UNiTy PUBLISHING CoRPORA- TION, 4 East 12th Street, New York City: Mary Rumsey Movius, president; HorACcE HOLLEY, vice-president; FLORENCE MORTON, freasurer; JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, secretary. blished monthly, 35 cents a copy, $3.50 a year in the United States and in all other countries (postage included). THE Wortp UNity PUBLISHING CORPORATION and its editors welcome correspondence on articles related to the aims and purposes of the magazine. Printed in U. S. A. Contents copyrighted 1931 by WorLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION.

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BS gn BN pees ta

H. G. WELLS “Never a United States of Europe. It must be a United States of the World."

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Vou. VII FeBRuARY, 1931! No. 5

EDITORIAL ee) THE SCIENTIST FORECASTS THE FUTURE

Association for the Advancement of Science a symposium on ‘‘The Future of Man in the Light of His Past,’’ par- ticipated in by a leading archeologist, sociologist and geneticist, is of interest as giving the scientist's view of the trend toward closer unity and cooperation in the life of man.

There is no question as to the ability of the natural scien- tists and technical engineers to keep our material civilization moving along at a dizzy pace. ‘‘Invention and scientific dis- coveries are accumulative. So in the future environment of man one sees a steadily increasing number of inventions and discoveries, occurring with even greater rapidity.’’ This, of course, means constant change. The problems ahead are those of adaptation to this new and constantly changing environment of our material culture. Each invention means a new problem of adaptation for mankind. The society of the future, then, will be one of greater and greater change. And as the environment changes, the habits of man will change.

Professor E. M. East, of Harvard University, foresees by 2500 A. D.—and this means only twenty generations—a world population of about 35,000,000,000, after which it will gradually slow down. The population of the world, Dr. East further pre- dicted, will by then be a hybrid mixture of all races. As popula- tion increases, the white and yellow races will spread more and more over the less populated portions of the globe. This will result in a struggle for survival and the outcome will be an absorption by the newcomers of the original races. Thus racial distinctions as we know them today will gradually disappear.

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A THE recent annual meeting in Cleveland of the American �[Page 306]306 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Dr. William F. Ogburn, sociologist of the University of Chicago, sees the simplicity of earlier social organizations superseded by a great variety of organizational effort, despite some sacrifice of personal liberty and individualism. How thesc developments will affect the political state is not altogether clear, although Dr. Ogburn believes the tendency will be toward larger and more comprehensive organizations, ‘despite the sct- back occasioned by the Treaty of Versailles. This seems to point toward a more inclusive internationalism in the future, away from the narrow nationalisms of the present.

‘Under these conditions morality as it is generally con- ceived, as a set of rules or commandments, will have no place Such commandments can be laid down specifically in a sta- tionary society where experience leads to guidance in minutc detail. But in a society undergoing constant changes there 1s little guidance to be gained from the past. The situations that arise are new, and ethical conduct is a matter of intelligence and forecast, and fixity and detail, right and wrong, give way before social expediency.’

Dr. A. V. Kidder, of the Carnegie Institute at Washington, took a more pessimistic view, expressing the fear that present- day civilization has reached its peak and is doomed as great civilizations of the past have been. ‘‘Many such crashes in the past have been due to the fact that material achievement outran social wisdom, the civilization gave its people more powerful tools than they were able to use to their own advantage. Man has always seemed able to advance faster along practical lines than in the art of adjusting his life to his fellows."

If the destiny of man today is in the hands of the social scientists, then the pressing issue is whether social science can get a real footing in the face of superstition, bigotry, prejudice, inertia and conventionality, and can save civilization from its present lop-sided development through a thorough-going social, moral and spiritual re-adaptation of man to his new environ- ment. This is the fateful question for the future.

J. H.R. �[Page 307]THE CONSCIENCE OF EUROPE

by RosBert MERRILL BARTLETT Lately on the Faculty of Peking University

I A CONTEsT is being waged in Europe today between the

traditional forces of destructivism, which we have

begun to associate with national aggression and mili-

tarism, and the force of enlightened mentality. As I go

about meeting the depressing rumors of Franco-Italian hostility,

‘mouldering hatred in Hungary, Jugo-Slavia and the Balkans,

asping Soviet tentacles, of new armaments and rising nation-

alisin, I am heartened to find the conscience of Europe in healthy

function in almost every quarter where I establish contacts with

people. In the season of inflated prejudice we require mutual

understanding of the sane thinking of sister nations. The record

of three conversations with representative free spirits may help to interpret the leaven of European conscience.

I was with Mr. H. G. Wells in his London apartments one afternoon in July. I found my genial host to be of quick speech, sweeping in original and incisive comment into every corner of human experience. His flashing eye and rapid brain startled me as I watched his versatile acquaintance with contemporary events. Without waiting for me to ply the questions he began,

“What do you think of Briand?"’

I tried to express my admiration for the man who stood for the platform of ‘‘The Open Conspiracy,’’ and asked:

‘Do you think we are going to have a United States of Europe?”’ �[Page 308]308 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

‘‘No! Never!"’ Mr. Wells exclaimed. ‘Never a United States of Europe. It must be a United States of the World. The European countries cannot join unless the nations of the world do! It must be world-wide. All nations must come into that new order. nere there is understanding of how we live and think as human beings. where there is a reconstruction of society on a new theory ot economics and the teaching of history as it ought to be taught

‘‘Are we making any real progress?"’

‘‘On a small scale,’’ he continued. ‘Financial, business and scientific enterprises are overgrowing the old bounds and begin ning to operate on an international scale. But the old traditions still hold. Pernicious influences are at work today. At any time we may have a flare-up. Italian policies have become a dange: center, under a leadership at times unquestionably mad and tit only for the asylum. In Hungary are leaders who threaten tw pursue the very follies that led to our last debacle. It may: come in the same way and in about the same place. Germany, France and other nations have their nationalist parties who clamor with: suicidal chauvinism. A spark may at any time cause the great conflagration, a conflict far more deadly than the previous one. Alliances are now so perfected that the nations would find themselves aligned and at war, if one of these provocations comes!"’

‘Do you think it is true,’’ I asked, ‘‘the statement I heard General Seeley make a few days ago, that England has demon- strated where she stands and taken such radical steps toward disarmament that she dare go no farther, and that it is now up to the United States to lead off?’

“Essentially, yes. It is a question of how much England can trust the United States. I am willing to bet sixty to forty, or even seventy to thirty that the Americans will play fair with us, but as you know all Americans cannot be trusted, you have those who do not think and who therefore are dan- gerous. There is a sinister element in the United States. Your commerce is remarkable, but it may prove to be short-sighted and may lead to a disastrous dénouement. America has failed �[Page 309]THE CONSCIENCE OF EUROPE 309

to make full proof of the idealism she enunciated at the end of the war. Europe was deeply stirred by her sacrifice but now real- izes that some of these same Americans can demand a pound of flesh for every promise. In moments of sentimentalizing the Americans sometimes have a way of tying up the other party in an inexorable business agreement. There has been a lamentable lack of cooperation between Great Britain and the United States. The united English-speaking people could have prevented the World War, or at least warded off its coming for a decade, but they failed to cooperate then. We should be one in united effort for all good things because we are brothers in culture and ideals. We must aim for that common relation. I have the hope that America will become less nationalistic and more of an inter- national mind as your many diverse population groups are assimilated, extremes are burnt out and the American conscience is developed."’

‘What medium can we use for nurturing the New Society, the Christian church? I ask you this,’ I said, ‘because my profession takes me into churches and colleges."’

Looking at me with a twinkle in his eyes, Mr. Wells said:

‘Can you stomach the doctrine? I have always felt that Christianity has a lot of legend and superstition in it. Its heritage from Babylonian, Egyptian and ancient rites might well have been dropped long ago. If I searched your person would I find lurking vestiges of the Trinity? Do we require the Christian ethic to create a new internationalism? Let us first teach history on the basis of historic facts, requiring that texts and teachers present world thought fairly. You Americans harp on Bunker Hill and make history center about it when it was really of rather small moment. A biological understanding of how we are consti- tuted and how we are to live will eliminate many of the unfit and prevent abnormal mental trends. A new economics and social organization are of primary importance.

“You will forgive my saying it,'’ he went on, ‘“‘but the religion of a young man of thirty or thirty-five is not the religion of a man of sixty. There is an instinctive desire for a personal �[Page 310]310 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

God until one matures under the force of experience . . . Are you going to Russia? Many of my young friends who are called radicals are looking eagerly to Russia, now that she has opened her doors and is inviting foreigners to come, visit and study her effort to deal with the problems of modern life.’’

And here I put the question, which is on the tongues of all Europeans, ‘‘And what about Gandhi?”

Mr. Wells replied, ‘‘Gandhi is a great holy man, the victim of a hot climate, who sits in meditation and conjures up methods to rouse the emotions of his nation. He has capitalized his inferiority complex and that of his three hundred million felluw- countrymen."

‘“But surely he must have something,"’ I objected, ‘‘to hold these millions!’

“Yes, a loin cloth,’’ he replied with a smile. “‘Can you understand him? Gandhi isn't very clear as to what India needs or what practical steps should be taken.”’

‘The Orient is a mystery,’ I ventured.

“No mystery! It is biologicaliy explicable.’’

From this point we swung to China and Mr. Wells continued, ‘The Chinese have a significant idea in the concept of the supe- rior man."'

“The sage you mean." I was on familiar ground in China

"No, it is a bigger concept and connotes a social status where men are in proper balance, and citizens and states are in proper relation. Shaw has ridiculed the Nietzschean superman and made him a head-breaking radical. But the Confucian ideal was more profound, a social arrangement that infers balance and control."

At this point we had left the tea table and were examining a set of Mr. Wells’ complete works in a book case near his desk

‘You have not given up writing novels?’ I asked.

"No, but here of late I have given my time to ‘The Science of Life,’ an attempt to set forth constructively, in an educational technique, the concepts of ‘An Outline of History.’ "’

As he spoke he turned through the pages of the thirty maga- �[Page 311]THE CONSCIENCE OF EUROPE 311

zine folios in which the text of the work had appeared, a vast assembly of materials with elaborate illustrations, tracing the origin of life from its primitive beginnings to its complicated present.

‘‘My son, Julian Huxley and I wrote it—not as a compila- tion, but as a composite and organic undertaking. It is an endea- vor to tell of the world’s evolution and man's development in it, in order to give the foundations for the mind-set which is basic to the new society. It is an effort to put the life and conduct of man on a scientific plane. Do you think this propaganda would get by in Tennessee?’’ He pointed to a series of illustrations and went on:

“You have a great liberal movement in America, on a securer basis than ours here. Charles Beard is very able. Raymond Fosdick’s book, ‘“The Old Savage in the New Civilization,”’ should have sold a million copies. But a publisher told me it had not been widely read. That is the fault of the pulpit, which should have campaigned for a book of that type. There are the Breasteds and many able progressives, who are initiating an American movement on sane and realistic bases which promises much in the crusade for enlightenment!'’

‘There is no use having readers unless one can meet them,"’ was his cheery farewell as I went out into the crowded evening streets of Southwest London. My last picture was that of the sturdy, indefatigable champion settling behind his desk to strike another blow for scientific education and progress toward the gercat social adjustment.

(To be continued) �[Page 312]ECONOMIC IMPERIALISM AND WORLD ORDER

by PARKER THOMAS Moon Associate Professor of International Relations, Columbia University

‘*THE IDEA OF TRUSTEESHIP, AS OPPOSED TO SELFISH EXPLOI- TATION, IS GAINING GROUND. THE GROWING INTERNA- TIONALISM OF BIG BUSINESS MAY ACCELERATE ABANDONMENT OF THE OUTWORN DOCTRINE THAT COLONIES SHOULD BE ADMINISTERED EXCLUSIVELY FOR THE PROFIT OF THE MOTHER COUNTRY.”

1. Politics versus Economics*

HE most serious underlying causes of international conflict

and the gravest obstacles to world peace, in our age, are

rooted in a simple anachronism. The political conceptions

which we attempt to apply to world affairs are in large part pre-industrial; but the economic affairs of the world have undergone a series of industrial revolutions. Diplomatic tradi- tions established more than a century ago, doctrines of interna- tional law formulated in the Seventeenth Century, mercantilist policies practised by Queen Elizabeth and Louis XIV, political ideas dating from the American and French Revolutions, and, in the case of European boundary disputes, territorial claims founded upon medieval or even upon ancient history—venerable as all these may be, do they take account of the fact that machinery and steampower, steamships and railroads, corporation finance. mass-production, and international investments have success- ively revolutionized economic life? Our economic equipment has been transformed by the Industrial Revolution, and much of it is less than half a century old. Attempting to apply pre-

• This article is the summary of five lectures delivered by Dr. Moon at the third annual sessivo

of the Institute of World Unity.

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industrial politics to post-industrial economics is the fatuous anachronism that lies behind international enmity and war.

In the world of today economics and politics are at odds. Politically, it is a disunited world, divided into entirely separate sovereign nations, almost seventy in number, and in size ranging from 160 acres to thirteen million square miles. With few excep- tions, each of these political units has its own language, its own national history and national pride; more than that, each is attempting to superimpose on international economics its own national economic individuality, expressed in its own particular currency, banking system, tariff, labor laws, immi- gration laws, national debt, governmental trade promotion agencies, and military or naval trade-protecting weapons. The political map of the world is a patchwork quilt in which France may appear to be all purple, Germany entirely green, and Britain hugely red; but the world of farmer's prices, of business cycles, of stock quotations, of investments, of raw materials and markets, knows no such color lines.

By political and legal dogma, each of our sixty-odd ‘‘powers"’ in this Twentieth Century world is sovereign and independent; all are equal in the eyes of international law. Look beneath the political surface to the economic facts, and you find little sover- cignty or independence, and no equality. This is a world in which even the greatest of Great Powers is vitally dependent upon its supposed rivals, as the producer is always dependent upon the buyer, for the sales which mean profits and wages. Conversely, it is a world in which many a weak nation is subject not merely to the normal economic interdependence, but to foreign financial and commercial domination of an extreme sort. Revolt freed Turkey of financial slavery. China has had to plead for freedom to revise her own tariff. The sugar schedule in our tariff can ruin Cuba, if it is made high enough. Haiti, the Dominican Republic and Nicaragua are under the thumb of American finance. The fear of ‘‘economic imperialism"’ is no fantastic nightmare, but a ‘feflection of the grim fact of imperialism. Aaa: Raima: The world is suffering from too much national?government �[Page 314]314 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

in international business. The ‘‘economic causes of war’ will grow more perilous in measure as we continue the anachronistic endeavor to apply to the modern business world the political ideas of Queen Elizabeth and Louis XIV. But if public opinion can be awakened to the importance of making foreign policies fic economic realities, economics will become the ally of politics in making cooperation among natiors a matter of enlightened self-interest and in banishing war as an economic absurdity.

2. The Course of Empire

Both economic and political factors are tending to put in the hands of the American people the power to decide between imperialism and a policy of international cooperation based upon the realities of international business. If the weight of our economic power and political influence are thrown on the side of imperialism, it requires no prophet to foresee an epoch ot intensified international rivalry leading to conflicts with the older empires and to struggles between the ‘‘backward"’ nations and their masters. On the other hand, if we take the other alternative, enlightened self-interest will indicate the path to increased prosperity as well as to justice and lasting peace.

Imperialism may be traced back through the most ancient history; but its methods and aims have been transformed. Ancient conquerors brought back plunder and captive princesses. Tribute made conquest profitable. Modern statesmen, however, have different domestic arrangements; imperialism has no matrimonial objects today. As for tribute, we have reversed the ancient rule; now, the conqueror pays tribute to the vanquished. This is no literary paradox, but mere financial fact. Many a colon actually has a budget deficit annually met by the generous mother country. The conquest of Syria and of Morocco has been an expensive luxury for France, as Libia has been for Italy ani Irak for Britain. The annual appropriation for the Ministry of Colonies in France is 561 million francs, about two-thirds as much as the debt payment which France makes this year to th: United States under a reluctantly accepted debt agreement. �[Page 315]ECONOMIC IMPERIALISM AND WORLD ORDER 319

The effect of the World War—in which rival European empires strove for mastery—has been to weaken European impe- rialism and at the same time to stimulate in Europe a fear of American imperialism. With Germany ruled out of the game of empire at least temporarily, and Russia renouncing it, at least theoretically; with the economic sinews of French and British imperialism gravely impaired by the financial losses of the war, Europe's hold on the other continents has grown flabby. Budget reports to the French Chamber of Deputies have candidly admitted the inability of France to supply the funds required for develop- ment of the French colonial empire. Plans of exploitation have lain on the shelf, for years, for lack of funds. The French appro- priation for the colonial budget sank from 103 million francs In 1913 to approximately 80 million francs in 1923, and 62 in 1925—translating post-war paper francs into the gold equiva- lents. Recently France has been able to increase her appropria- tions, but they are still admittedly inadequate.

The United States, however, has suddenly loomed up on the horizon as the world’s greatest money market, the most vig- orous industrial giant, the most voracious consumer of raw materials. The economic foundations for an American imperial- ism are obvious; that is why Europeans speak so much of an impending American imperialism. The rapid progress of American control in the American tropics has been pointed to with alarm as an indication of what the awakening colossus intends. And in Asia, meanwhile, the United States has intervened with an authority that is new and significant; the Washington Confer- ence and the recent admirable gesture of Secretary Stimson in the Manchurian crisis are evidences of increased interest and increased assertiveness. Fortunately this more active policy in the Far East has been directed primarily .oward curbing the imperialism of others, and toward maintaining peace, rather than toward ac- quisition of new privileges or spheres of imperial interest for the United States. It has upheld the open door, the negation of monopolistic imperialism.

A clear perception of the major economic interests of the �[Page 316]316 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

American people would mean ranging the influence and economic power of the United States on the side of the open door, not only in China or in the mandates; on the side of international economic cooperation and fair play; on the side of helpfulness toward the nations that are struggling to adapt themselves to modern civilization.

3. The Monroe Doctrine and the Marines

The record of our activities in the Caribbean region reveals the fact that the government at Washington has had either too many conflicting policies, or else no consistent policy at all, toward Latin America. The truth is that the people of the United States have not as yet faced the problem clearly; nor have they made up their minds what to do about it. This is clear enough from the record. Treaties made bv the State Department with Caribbean countries have been rejected by the Senate; loans have been planned, only to be dropped; marines have been landed, only to be withdrawn. '

Authoritative spokesmen have described our policy as ‘‘help- fulness,’’ ‘unselfish service,’ ‘‘self-defense,’’ “‘protection of our legitimate interests, ~

dollar diplomacy," ‘‘imperialism’’—and Charles Evans Hughes once went so far as to declare that it was ‘‘anti-imperialistic.’’ There is more than a quibble over words in the controversy as to our alleged ‘‘imperialism’’ in the Carib- bean. There is dangerous confusion about national aims and vital interests.

The controversy may be expressed in a simple paradox. In the Caribbean countries our national government practises a sort of non-imperialistic imperialism. Any dictionary will prove that it is imperialism. Imperialism is control or domination over other peoples. Surely we control Porto Rico, the Virgin Islands and the Canal Zone. Just as surely, but by more subtle methods, Washington exercises control over Cuba, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Panama, Nicaragua. We have asserted the right to intervene in any of the republics bordering the Caribbean. Our possessions and ‘‘wards’’ in the Caribbean area make up an �[Page 317]ECONOMIC IMPERIALISM AND WORLD ORDER 317

empire almost as large and eight times as valuable as the zone which France gained in Morocco at so much cost and with so much risk. We have done rather well by ourselves. Still there are ultra-imperialists in America who propose to take the British and French West Indies in exchange for war debts; occasionally some jingo even proposes that we must eventually extend down to the Canal. Such dreams of empire make pre-war Germany's Bagdad Railway scheme seem more than modest in comparison.

On the other hand, our government has repeatedly and solemnly announced that we do not desire more territory, that we have no dreams of empire, that we are not imperialist. Presi- dent Hoover said at Guyaquil that ‘‘true democracy is not and cannot be imperialistic.’’ There is no reason to doubt the sin- cerity of these statements. Rather, we should conclude that the prevailing intention of our people and of our government is non-imperialistic. The problem is to reconcile our actions with our intentions.

The Monroe Doctrine should not be confused with our Caribbean policy. Charles Evans Hughes, Secretary Stimson, and other high authorities have made a distinction, and a proper one. Building canals in Panama or Nicaragua, acquiring naval bases, exterminating mosquitos in Haiti, collecting taxes in Santo Domingo, and conducting elections in Nicaragua may be for purposes of humanitarianism, or business interests, or naval strategy, but the Monroe Doctrine should not be held responsible for such practices. In recent years the Monroe Doctrine has been subjected to bitter attacks and worldwide criticism simply because it is confused so often with what the marines are doing in Haiti and Nicaragua, or with ‘‘dollar diplomacy,’ or with our naval policy.

If we wish to defend our Monroe Doctrine, the first step is to make the distinction between it and imperialism clear to ourselves, and then make the distinction clear to the world.

Reuben Clark's memorandum on the Monroe Doctrine, published by the State Department, is a step in this direction. �[Page 318]318 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

4. Imperialism and War

The Russo-Chinese dispute over the Chinese Eastern Railway is a reminder that imperialism is still a peril to world peace Built by pre-war Russian imperialism as a means of penetration in Manchuria, the railroad is still claimed by Soviet Russia, in the face of the rising tide of Chinese resistance to imperialism

Can imperialism become peaceful? Hitherto it has been closely identified with war. One of its chief aims has been to secure raw materials, naval bases, strategic routes, and man- power for potential use in war. Its methods, too, have been warlike. The great colonial empires of today have been erected by force and cemented with blood; they have been built by countless minor wars of conquest, ‘‘punitive expeditions,”’ and ‘interventions,’ and by a number of greater wars. Since 18-o imperialism has been the chief cause of war. It runs all through the documents on the causes of the World War.

If it were not for the Kellogg Peace Pact and the League of Nations, the dangers of imperialism would be greater today than before 1914, because of the intensified world rivalry for raw materials and markets, the shift in world investments, and the desire of subject nations for self-determination. The League's mandate system is a helpful curb on imperialism, and a founda- tion on which to build. Moreover, several of the weaker nations have shown a disposition to look to the League as a shelter against imperialist aggression. In such matters the League has been cautious; it had to be. But I am optimistic enough to believe that it will become increasingly valuable as a protection agains: wars of imperialism.

The Paris Peace Pact has already proved its practical valuc in the Far Eastern crisis. It gave Secretary Stimson a vantage point from which he could issue his appeal for peace. One reckles: step on the part of either China or Russia might still bring war. but since the first outbreak of anger has passed, thanks to the Peace Pact, there is now an opportunity for cool heads and sound judgment to prevail. �[Page 319]ECONOMIC IMPERIALISM AND WORLD ORDER 319

5. The Future of Imperialism ’)

During the next few years we may expect the problem of imperialism to become more pressing and more controversial, because it is approaching its climax. The half-century of conquest which is now past has brought us to the parting of the ways. If the ultra-imperialist agitation which exists in a number of countries should prevail, empires will increasingly treat their colonies as sources of monopolistic profit, and the result will be more bitter rivalry and more destructive wars.

There are tendencies, however, toward a liberalization of imperialism. Backward countries are stiffening their resistance to foreign domination, and may be expected to grow even more recalcitrant, for two reasons. First, because the doctrines of national patriotism and self-determination are taking deep root in dependent nations. Second, because the League Covenant and the Kellogg Pact, if honorably observed, will rule out wars of conquest and threats of war between the Great Powers on one hand and nations like China, Turkey, Persia, Abyssinia, Egypt and Siam, on the other hand.

Moreover, there is a trend toward gradual emancipation of existing colonies and protectorates. Now that the British Domin- iors have graduated from the class of colonies into the class of independent nations, other peoples are demanding like freedom. Great Britain's treatment of Irak and Egypt points the way. India is demanding self-government, the Filipinos are asking independence, Syrians clamor for autonomy. It may be expected that in the face of such demands imperialism will gradually loosen its grip upon the more progressive colonies and protecto- rates in the Malayan and Muslim worlds; there will be more Cubas and Egypts, politically independent in name, and the methods of imperialist control will perforce become more subtle.

But in less civilized colonies, as in tropical Africa, the chal- lenge to imperialism will be of a different sort. The effects of the mandate system and of the awakening of public opinion have already been to curb forced labor:and oppressive exploita- �[Page 320]320 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

tion. The tendency is towards more humane treatment of the native populations. The idea of trusteeship, as opposed to selfish exploitation, is gaining ground.

The open door is a logical corollary of trusteeship. Monopo- listic controls of colonial raw materials and colonial markets will evoke protests like those President Hoover made against British rubber restriction, until colonial powers learn that justice and foresight indicate a broader policy. The growing internationalism of big business may accelerate abandonment of the outworn doctrine that colonies should be administered exclusively for the profit of the mother country.

Whether these tendencies toward self-determination, humane administration, the open door and peace will triumph in time to prevent another imperialistic war, is a matter on which it would be rash to venture a prophecy, but one can at least express a sanguine hope.

The third contribution to a symposium on ‘“The Coming World Order’ edited by Archie M Palmer.

�[Page 321]DYNAMIC CHINA "Round the World Log of a Soctologist—IV

by Herpert A. MILuerR Department of Sociology, Ohio State University

HERE are many Chinas of which anyone—even a sociolo-

gist—might write. There is the mysterious China, por-

tentous, unknown and unknowable, but interesting to

conjecture about. Multitudes of people in Europe and America have never seen a Chinese; to them the people are as strange as the dragons they are supposed to worship.

There is the China of the reversed customs where men wear skirts and women trousers, where mourning is white, where people shake hands with themselves instead of with their friends, where the last name comes first, where the soup comes at the end instead of the beginning of the meal, and where multi- tudes of other customs prevail opposite to those of westerners.

There is the historical and classical China that has lasted longer than any other civilization in history, whose intrinsic values have attracted attention since the first travelers came.

There is the artistic China whose products are beginning to be known all over the world for their delicacy of handiwork and richness of material.

There is the China of political disorganization and inter- national complications without number, about which much has been said and is being written. This is the contemporary problem which worries politicians, business men and students both inside and outside the country.

Finally there is the dynamic China that must be interpreted in terms of all the others with a degree of prophetic imagination whose findings cannot be disproved for several generations.

321 �[Page 322]322 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Twenty-five years ago China was accepted as the example par excellence of static culture. Seventy-five years ago an English- man said, out of much experience in China, that it was incon- ceivable that it would ever change. The most obvious fact of the present China is that it is changing. The process of change will follow the same laws that prevail among all people, modific! only by the potency that is peculiar to CHina.

China is disorganized, but it is not disintegrated. Vast in area and with a population of one-fourth of all mankind, it has an actual and conscious unity that cannot be overestimated. The civil wars are never sectional wars. The wars may be incon- venient and may even overthrow a government, but while thev are going on there is complete cooperation between the non- fighting agencies in the fighting areas. If transportation is possible, the national educational conference or an athletic meet will go on just the same. The independence or disloyalty of local political administrations in relation to the central government is a mere incident of only passing importance.

Aggression by outside powers is a stimulus to unity and is important chiefly in accelerating modernization, but the unity is already solidly established. This unity is the most dynamic factor in China.

In my opinion this unity was made possible by the fact that the very, very old language is ideographic rather than phonetic. In its origin the picture form of writing depends on the fact that people have similar impressions of objects. A tree is the same thing to whoever sees it whatever the sound he may inake when he indicates it. There is thus no difficulty in having different spoken languages and the same characters to represent them. Under the phonetic system the form of the word follows the sound, so, in the evolution of language, as the pronunciation changes the spelling also changes. No one knows how ancients pronounced their words before writing, nor after writing, in China. In English, we get a hint from Chaucer, whom no one can now read without learning the language, but whose date would be only the day before yesterday for China. �[Page 323]DYNAMIC CHINA 323

We do know that the coast languages of China differ so much that Cantonese is as different from Pekingese as either is from Japanese; if it had been written as differently, China would now be as divided as Europe.

Fortunately, in China, from the earliest times there were important writings in this ideographic language culminating in Confucius and his immediate successors twenty-five hundred years ago. They made the ‘‘classics,’’ about which all learning has centered, down to the present generation. Since government officials had long been chosen from those who were proficient in the classics, and since they were always sent out from the central government, they carried the official language to the utter- most parts of the country. Quite contrary to accepted opinion, the divergent dialects are found only on the coast. It is estimated that ninety per cent of the pcople of China can understand one another, thanks to the form of the language, to the method of choosing administrators and to the free movement of peoples along the great rivers.

In those sections, however, where the spoken language differs, there is no break in solidarity. It so happens that everyone of the students I have had in Peking comes from the south and had to learn the new dialect. There is absolutely no difference in their feeling about China and the feel.ng of northern students. They have a knowledge of the same past, the same moral code, and the same food customs. I find much less difference in all these than between the North and South in the United States. Peking people may have a certain pride because they have lived in the old capital, but it is less self-conscious than the feeling of New Englanders towards the Middle West. There are no forces in sight that can more than momentarily disturb this amazing unity, and there are many that will increase its strength.

The accepted language now is Mandarin and there is no apparent jealousy in regard to learning it. Now that the classic form of the language has served its purpose, unintentional though it was, it is now safe to undertake reforms in the method of writing. These have begun, and, in spite of the inherent �[Page 324]324 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

difficulty, we may be sure that simplification with more of the phonetic element will not be long delayed. If this had been done two thousand years ago China would now consist of several different countries.

The reason China has been static is that scholars constantly turned to the same philosophic authority. That philosophy gave the scholar the first place in the Chinese social order for ages uncounted. Scholars are always conservative, but in China they are more so than elsewhere.

In the same classification of social position that put the scholar at the top, the soldier was put at the bottom. The progress of China has hitherto been unfairly compared with the progress of aggressive military cultures. With no prestige for the military career, it has never been possible to arouse in China an interest in aggression by force.

In the era into which we are now entering, this non-military ideal and practice will have many advantages. In the first place there is nothing military to overthrow. In the West we cannot understand our own countries except through military stories. Europear. history from the earliest period has had few heroes whose glory was not military, and the episodes of history, even those of the Church, have turned on military exploits. Almost all the public monuments in Europe and America are either statues of soldiers or memorials to military heroism. Patriotism is taught by the stories of achievements in war. All the national anthems of the West refer to enemies or to freedom obtained through fighting. It is difficult for a westerner to think of his country or his culture without the power of arms to promote or defend them.

China, which prelived them all and will continue when many of them have passed away, has nothing of this. I have never before been in a place where soldiers are so ubiquitous, nor in a place where one felt so little of militarism. Peking, now under martial law, does not feel to me so martial as Tokio did under normal conditions.

There are no war heroes in China in the western sense, few stories of freedom gained by war, no lands gained by conquest. �[Page 325]DYNAMIC CHINA 325

The momentary splurge of Ghengis Khan, tremendous as it was, is insignificant in Chinese history. The Kuan Yu, to whom there are temples, were military defenders of freedom, but they are magnified for their chivalry and virtue rather than their vic- tories. The writings of Confucius and Buddha, on whom the spirit of China has been nurtured for milleniums, contain nothing like the Biblical references to the leaders who slew their tens of thousands. Even in this most modern period of imitation of the West, and the constant recurrence of wars, no generals have popular esteem unless they happen to be scholars also. This, of course, is almost never. On account of the poverty of the country men go into the army because they get food, and sometimes pay, but never because they can find a career that will give them stand- ing in their communities.

When Roosevelt was trying to arouse us in America to show our virility through arms, the most stinging insult he could hurl at us was that we were ‘“‘Chinafied.’’’ The victories that the Chinese have won, and they have been substantial, and the freedom which she has and will secure, have come from other means than soldiers. The peasants who have migrated into Manchuria have already defeated the Japanese there without knowing or intending it. The boycotts, however brief and how- ever little they may have really affected trade, have put fear into exploiters.

The West is just setting itself about the task of unlearning war. China never knew it and is not in the slightest danger of learning. The dynamic power of peaceful methods gives China a running start in the competition of the era into which the world is trying to enter.

Next to unity and lack of military interest, I think that the third most important present asset of China is its disorganiza- tion. It is disorganized, but, as I have shown, is in no danger of disintegration. Political chaos, which seems to be so deplorable, makes China unconquerable. The conquest, or control, or corrup- tion of the central government, or the capture of a province here and there, are mere flea bites. China is like a great piece of �[Page 326]326 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

limp cloth which may be soiled, or torn, or tramped on in spots, but the rest always remains intact. Old Germany, with its strong central government, fell like a stiff pole. Japan could be con- quered by controlling the central government. China would be almost unaffected by such an experience. China is full of prob- lems, many of them insoluble at a given time. They can only find their way out by evolution. The whole world is also going through an evolution, and, until it knows better at what it is aiming, nothing is more valuable for China than the elasticity of political inefficiency and decentralization, in spite of the problems that they involve. It would be indeed a world calamity if four hundred million people should be carried in the wrong direction.

One of the dynamics of China, then, is its complete freedom to be led in a better and better direction. It is not static. It is merely waiting for a chart, compass, and rudder. The ship is solid.

In a sense, the popular claim that China is passing from medievalism to modernism has an element of truth, but it is more nearly like passing from the renaissance period of the fifteenth century in Europe to the twentieth. The ‘Dark’ period of the Middle Ages had long been passed in China while still inky in Europe. Our western ancestors were primitive tribes who needed centuries to bring them under the social control of Mediterranean culture before they could advance. Then, having few roots in the past to hold them back, they leaped forward with amazing speed, taking with them, how- ever, much of the brutality ot their tribal life.

Enlightenment in China has been continuous during the whole period of the history of Europe, and has now merely gone stale in spots. The present need is not the complete making over of the fabric, but the catching up where it has lagged behind.

It is to the task of getting even that the present nationalist movement is devoting itself sometimes wisely and sometimes unwisely, but always dynamically. �[Page 327]DYNAMIC CHINA 327

The awakening China is crystalized in the nationalist move- ment. It is an immediate outgrowth of the establishment of the Republic in 1911. The overthrow of the Manchu dynasty though it had ruled for two hundred and sixty years, was easier because the Manchus were always thought of as foreigners. The present nationalism starts with a revolt against the domination of China by foreigners, but it leads directly to attention to the internal problems of the country. Its value in stimulating thinking and action as well as solidarity is greater than anything else could have been. Vigorous as it has been in its accusations against the West, its instruments are all taken from the West. The necessitic. of the situation have created a peculiar problem that only time can cure.

All other nationalist movements struggled many years, and often generations, before they secured even the semblance of sovereignty. The Jews, the Irish, and the Czechs have many leaders who have grown old in fighting for their cause. China has power, but only youth to control it.

Plato. in The Republic, said that philosophers and states- men should be over fifty, and the experience of history has shown that this age is normally reached before authority is conceded or won. In the China of the past where the examina- tion system of administrators called for great knowledge of the Classics, and where age received unusual respect, there must have been an overweighting of age as compared with the rulers of other countries. If we consider the age distribution of the rulers of old China as in the form of a pyramid, it was overweighted between the ages of fifty and eighty. When we look at the present situation, we find that the whole of that thirty years has been lopped off. /

When we are considering the problems of China, this fact must be taken into consideration. I remember that President Eliot once talked to the Harvard Graduate Club about the desirability of reducing the time of the college course so that men might get established so as to become grandfathers by the time they were fifty-three because they would then be able to �[Page 328]328 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

pass on to their grandchildren the judgment which only age can have, and which can be secured even in spite of limited education. There is not a single Elder Statesman in China.

There are two things peculiar about the present government of China—its youth and its foreign education. At the time I am writing, the president, Chiang Kai Shek, is forty-two years old. The oldest member of the cabinet is forty-eight and the youngest thirty-seven. The average age is forty-three, or twelve years less than that’of President Hoover, whom we consider about the right age for a first term. Chiang studied four years in Japan, and every other member of the cabinet studied in the United States. This is undoubtedly the youngest responsible govern- ment in the world; it leads the oldest nation and faces most difficult problems. Nowhere else could a case be found where every member of the highest official group was educated abroad. If one government is overthrown it will be succeeded by exactly the same sort of leaders.

The judgment of grandfathers has for the time being been repudiated in China, and Ph.Ds from America, mostly under middle age, are in the saddle. Their theories are perhaps as sound as the world affords, but difficult problems call for experi- ence and judgment which, on the average, middle age has not attained. This leadership of youth makes stability impossible. It has an energy that age lacks; it can be reckless where age would hesitate; impatient where age is patient; but it cannot command the respect that is normally given to age even more in China than elsewhere, and it cannot have the judgment which comes only with age.

The numbers from which these new leaders can possibly come is only a few thousands; thirty years will roll by and the numbers will increase rapidly, not only from the two thousand a year who are now going to America, but from the great number that are getting modern education in China.

The interesting question then will be whether China will turn back to its own cultural heritage, or, having won its way against the aggressions of the West, will embrace all that 1s �[Page 329]DYNAMIC CHINA 329

western. My belief is that it will do both. Secure in the knowl- edge that there is a great past, it can for the time ignore it; the ultimate outcome will unquestionably be a synthesis of the East and the West, Kipling to the contrary notwithstanding.

It is always in the masses that traditions are preserved. The masses in China have not yet been touched by modernism and when they are aroused they will assert their strength clear to the top. Under the old conditions the peasants and the coolies had few contacts with the government except in the collections of taxes. They still have the same, and little more. The radical- ism of the students, which often for the moment burns fiercely, will frequently burn out and leave conservatives, but this flame will spread to the masses, keeping alive and accumulating power.

Sun Yat-Sen, who was largely responsible both for the revolution which established the Republic and the nationalist movement, dropped out of the present controversial tangles by dying, but he had formulated certain ideal principles which have been elevated to a national program to which religious obeisance is paid. On public occasions these principles must be read; the audience bows three times to the picture of Dr. Sun and stands in ‘‘three minutes silence.'’ I have timed these ‘‘three minutes’’ on several occasions; they run from twelve to fifteen seconds. In spite of the artificial formalism of these exercises, and the further fact that the party which is insisting on them has often departed in practice from the principles, the principles are a very vital part of the objective of China. One of them is that the masses shall be awakened. Some day this will happen.

The physical and mental vitality of these masses, who number four hundred million, make a dynamic of incalculable power. In spite of age, there is no physical senility in China. Conditions have never coddled the weak, for bad sanitation at the starvation point has secured the survival only of those who were strong. The social disapproval of childlessness became a religion and this, putting a premium on fecundity, has created one of the most difficult problems of China, but it kept old China from physical deterioration. �[Page 330]330 WCRLD UNITY MAGAZINE

We hear a good deal in these days of voluntary birth control. Long before it was talked about, the birthrate had fallen wher- ever the standard of living had risen. It is doubtful whether a campaign for the limitation of families can compete for efficiency with the desire and possibility of owning an automobile. When this, or its equivalent, comes to China the birthrate will fall as everywhere else, whatever Contucius and his commentators may have said akput it. I doubt whether ancestor worship has pro- duced any larger families in China than were common in New England a few generations ago. One of my New England grand- mothers raised fourteen children and the other eight, and those were normal families for the time.

On the mental side we also have a force to be reckoned with. Comparative intelligence quotients and peculiarities of Chinese mental processes are unimportant. There are now, and always have been, enough strong minds in China to convince both Chinese and outsiders of their existence and strength.

The confidence in present ability and knowledge of a long past gives in China a peculiar turn to the inferiority complex which is found among all people. The Chinese do not need to compensate by bragging like Americans, who are young, or being sensitive like the Japanese, who are small and uncertain of their future, or being aggressive like the English, who live on an island. They admit their social backwardness and are depressed by it, but they do not need to make personal adjustments which lead either to pride or denial.

Another most dynamic fact, then, in China is the frank recognition by those who are awakened that China has problems which must be solved by going backward instead of forward. Many have admitted to me that conditions were undoubtedly better under the monarchy, but they laughed when I suggested a restoration.

A western student may or may not have some sense of social responsibility; no Chinese student, however selfish, can escape it; I have found none who want to shirk. This means that the contribution of each person who is prepared to do �[Page 331]DYNAMIC CHINA 331

something will be vastly greater than under the easier condi- tions of the West, where there are plenty of problems but not such pressing ones, and where the possibility of comparing them with better standards is lacking.

No westerner in China can fail to be impressed by the tre- mendous waste of human energy. The most difficult problem, in my opinion, in China is not her political system, for that can well wait for evolution and maturity, but is the inevitable dislocation of human iite which will come with the introduction of labor saving devices and which will, for the time, throw millions out of work. The ‘ricksha men have just smashed fifty tramcars in Peking in their hostility to competition; such a strike is symptomatic of what will happen over and over again in the near future. A strike against modern machinery is as futile as a strike against a flood or a drought.

Most of the transportation in China is done by the muscles of men. The lumber is made by hand-saws. I was interested recently in one log upon which two men spent nearly a weck. These same two men, with a portable sawmill, could have made the log into boards in fifteen minutes. Their skill, which is remarkable, will be useless in competition with steam, gasolene, or electricity. Household servants, without limit, are pleasant for those who have them, but they are a prostitution of human energy when they are partly ornamental and parcly substitutes for labor saving devices.

Strikes cannot prevent the coming of mechanical efficiency any more than Mrs. Partington could keep out the Atlantic Ocean with her broom. For some time the cheapness of labor will compete with the cost of capital, but in the long run capital will win. It will bring temporary tragedies, and govern- ment after government will fall because they cannot adequately deal with them.

When the next stage comes, however, we shall have released for constructive production a labor power of vast proportion. The great drawback of China is the lack of natural resources out of which to build up an industrial economy. The essential �[Page 332]332 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

resources lie in Siberia to which Chinese will inevitably migrate.

China has economic potency but almost insuperable obstacles to be passed before it can be effective. The obstacles, however, cannot be avoided, and, in the long run, will be surmounted.

The last inherent potentiality to be considered is the family which is the agency that gives the form to Chinese society. It is not only the stumbling block to reform but also one of the explanations of Chinese stability and character. The philosophers weighted the family with responsibilities and sanctity that are difficult to shake off. The first responsibility is the having of children, especially sons. The conviction has developed that there are too many. The second is that duty to the family is the prime duty. This leads to the neglect of civic responsibility, and to nepotism wherever possible. On its positive side, however, it means that the needy may turn to their families with assurance of care, and it has prevented the development of classes, by insisting on respect for elders no matter how poor or humble or how far out on a collateral line they may be. When the vicious elements have been shorn from the family institution, there will remain a dynamic of character conservation important at a time when there is nothing quite like it in the western world.

I have been trying to formulate the forces inherent in China that will express themselves in the period from twenty-five to a thousand years hence. First is the amazing unity made possible by the ideographic form of writing and the teachings of the philosophers; second is the low prestige of the soldier which will save China from the military dangers which curse the rest of the world; third is the disorganization of government which gives time to find out the direction in which China ought to go; fourth is the physical and mental vitality of the Chinese, at present largely wasted, but capable of immeasurable power; fifth is a family system containing more good than evil.

From all of these considerations, I venture to make a prophecy that only time can disprove, namely that two hundred years from now, in a very differently organized world from the present, China and the Chinese will be the dominant factor. �[Page 333]THE ORGANIZATION AND METHODS OF THE PERMANENT COURT OF INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE

by

Cuarves Evans HuGuHes Former Member of the Court

(Concluded)

Interpretation of Treaties

HIs discussion, as to the importance of a body of law for ] the Court to apply, generally takes too little account of

the actual conditions with which we are confronted. There are many hundreds of treaties in force. They are multiplying all the time. Most States are now enmeshed in treaties. And the great volume of work occupying the World Court lies in the interpretation of treaties. All languages are more or less imperfect as the vehicle of intention. Some ambigui- ties are premeditated, others are disclosed in the unexpected circumstances which always arise. New contingencies suggest shades of meaning. Thus treaties must have their judicial inter- preters if nations cannot agree as to their meaning or application, and are not going to fight about them. The science of interpreta- tion is a familiar one in all civilized countries and there is general agreement on the cardinal principles of interpretation. And this

is peculiarly a judicial function. It will keep the World Court busy. - Some have said that the World Court applies what they call ‘League Law."’ It goes without saying that as the Covenant of the League is a treaty between those who have signed it, it is to be applied like any other treaty to their disputes. But it is binding only upon those who have accepted it. The United States has not. No international court would apply to a State the pro- 333 �[Page 334]334 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

visions of a treaty to which it was not a party and to which it had not acceded or adhered. What is called League Law is law for the members of the League in the sense that their agree- ment is obligatory among themselves. The fact that the United States is not a member of the League does not alter this in the slightest particular, and whether or not we support the World Court makes no difference in this respect. The Court must inter- pret the agreement between the members of the League fairly, as it must interpret our agreements fairly, if it has occasion to do so. The United States and every other country outside the League is bound only by what it has accepted and the others are bound by what they have accepted.

American Need of Tribunal

Some say that the United States is a country so powerful, so rich, and that there are so many who look at us askance, that it would be unsafe to entrust a decision even of legal ques- tions to a permanent court. If that reasoning were accepted, it might lead to the conclusion that it would not be safe to entrust the decision to anyone but ourselves, and we should have the frankness to acknowledge that we intend to maintain our own views at any cost, even if we have to fight for them. To my mind, there would be a far greater degree of insecurity in the long run in such a highly objectionable and intransigent attitude even on the part of a great and powerful nation. Particularly is this so when the great and powerful nation would be weakened in the effort to maintain such a policy by the large number of its citizens who desire peaceful settlements and by the fact that ultimate action must depend upon a Congress affected by this body of opinion. This is apart from the international obligation we have deliberately assumed to resort solely to pacific measures. As we have thus given our pledge to have legal controversies settled in a peaceful way, we should candidly admit that we need an international judicial tribunal to determine them.

How does the World Court work? I shall try to give you an intimate description of its procedure, my participation in �[Page 335]PERMANENT COURT OF INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE 335

which during the past year has been one of the most interesting experiences of my life. When the disputant States agree to submit their controversy to the Court, each party prepares what is called a Case, or Memoire, which sets forth irs contentions, the facts which support them, the documents concerned, its arguments and authorities. Time is fixed for the presentation of these Cases and also for a Counter Case, or Counter Memoire, by each party in answer to the case of its opponent. Then, if desired, further time is allowed for a Reply on each side after the counter cases have been filed. It is, of course, possible that there will be some question of fact and the Court may, if it desires, take evidence or arrange for the taking of evidence. But ordinarily, on the full presentation of all the circumstances and documents, such disputes of fact as there may be are likely to turn out to be of an inconsequential character or to be sufficiently resolved by the documents submitted. The pleadings, evidence and arguments thus being in order, the controversy is called for hearing. The President of the Court, who is elected for three years and must reside at The Hague, presides. The first President of the Court was Judge Loder, the eminent Dutch jurist who had much to do with the formulation of the statute of the Court. The next President was Judge Huber, of Switzerland, far-famed as an international jurist. The present President is Judge Anzilotti, of Italy, a distinguished professor of law and possessing one of the most acute and fairest minds with which it has been my privilege to come into close contact. The judges sit in the order of their election and those elected at the same time in the order of their age. Adjoining them are such deputy judges as may have been called for the case and the national judges who may have been appointed where a party to the dispute has no national - as a regular judge.

The practice at the hearing is largely after the tradition of arbitrations. You will recall that, in the case of arbitrations, when the parties were ready and it suited the convenience of the arbitrators, the counsel and the ‘arbitrators proceeded to some chosen place and there arguments were heard ad libitum.

eT �[Page 336]336 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

The Permanent Court is a paradise for advocates. It is the only permanent tribunal in the world, in the work of which I have had the pleasure of participating either as counsel or judge, where counsel can talk as long as they please and without interruption. How I have envied them! Whatever impatience I may have felt at the length of the arguments, and the repetition which some- times characterizes the discourses even of the best advocates, has been offset by my realization of the supreme satisfaction of the contesting counsel. It should be said, however, that, as Govern- ments are parties, they are generally represented by men of recognized ability, who have made the most careful preparation. It is, of course, impossible for courts with crowded calendars such as those of our domestic tribunals tu give a large amount of time to oral arguments, and, while they seek to be fair, and even generous, in their allowance of time in particular cases of importance, the pressure of cases of little importance shortens the opportunity. But when a court is so situated, as is the World Court, that it can hear very full arguments, it is of the greatest convenience to the judges, for when the argument is over they know all about the case. Every important document has been read, the material evidence has been painstakingly reviewed, every point thoroughly discussed and every weighty authority presented. As the arguments proceed, every judge has a steno- graphic report. There are long sittings, from about ten-thirty to one o'clock, and after a recess for luncheon from about a quarter past three to six or even seven. In the evening the report of the morning arguments is circulated, and late at night or early the next morning the report of the afternoon arguments. Each judge can each day check up on every point. If, after the principal argument on one side, opposing counsel suggest that they would like a day before starting their arguments, the request is likely to be granted. A similar course may be taken before the arguments in reply. In .he case of the so-called Free Zones about the Lake of Geneva, a controversy of long standing between France and Switzerland, as to which both countries felt deeply and which involved the consideration of the effect of treaties of �[Page 337]PERMANENT COURT OF INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE 337

1815 and 1816, and the facts of a long intermediate history, counsel for France took about two days in opening the case. The Swiss counsel took three days for their answer. The French counsel took about two days for their reply and the Swiss counsel closed the case in another two days.

Difficulties of Language Obviated

I am constantly asked to what extent the difference in lan- guage creates a difficulty. I should say, very little. There are two official languages, French and English. The parties may select either in presenting their documents. Generally, they select French. These can be translated, if any judge so desires. I should say, however, that I do not think that a judge could do his work satisfactorily if he did not read French easily. The revision of the statute of the Court, now before the countries for approval, provides that a judge shall be able to read both of the official languages and speak at least one of them.

The oral arguments may be presented in either English or French at the will of the parties. Another language may be chosen if the Court permits. Translators are always present and, whatever language is used, there is at frequent intervals a trans- lation into the other official language. This occurs generally about every twenty minutes or so. There are three translators who are busy taking notes of the oral argument and have extraor- dinary aptitude in immediately translating. When a document is read, it is handed to the translators, who translate the text. The stenographer’s minutes, to which I have referred, distributed each day, are in both French and English. It is an advantage to a judge to understand spoken French, even if he does not

speak it fluently. The present judges, with two or three excep- ~

tions, both read and speak English. The translators are also present in the consultation rooms and are ready, if desired, to translate from one language into the other. In the consultations most of the judges speak in French, some speak in English. As English is as much an official language as French, all the formal official work of the Court is in both languages, that is, �[Page 338]338 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

the reports of the arguments are found in both languages and so are the judgments of the Court.

Immediately at the close of the oral argument, the Court goes into conference for the purpose of determining whatever preliminary questions are involved, that is, in relation to the jurisdiction of the Court, or with respect to the interpretation of the special agreement submitting the case to the Court, where question has been raised as to what is really before the Court for decision. This conference is entirely preliminary and as soon as the Court has decided, and this does not generally take very long, as to what questions are before it, a day is fixed for the submission of preliminary or tentative opinions. Thereupon each judge, before any consultation among the members of the Court as to the merits, proceeds to write a preliminary opinion, or note, on the facts and the law. This is-rather a thrilling experience. It is a practice that could be had only in a court with abundant time at its disposal. But I confess that I sometimes wish that every member of our courts were required after an argument to write out an opinion as a basis for the consultation. No judge Cares to appear at a disadvantage, although the opinion, or note, as it is called, is only tentative. He does not care to disclose a failure to study the case or to apprehend its points, or to appre- ciate the weight of the respective arguments. His mentality is somewhat at stake as well as the controversy. The result is that he is likely to pay close attention to the oral arguments, to examine with care every document, to consult each important authority; he may even analyze the oral arguments as he has them day by day; he keeps thinking about crucial points, await- ing with deep interest the development of the argument. The case absorbs all his waking thought and when the argument is over he is likely to have a fairly clear idea of the case and to have shaped his views regarding it. Of course, judges in all courts differ. Some jump very quickly, perhaps too quickly, to conclusions, others find it difficult to jump at all. Some go directly to the point at issue and are disposed to brush aside philosophical inquiries thai are not essential to the determina- �[Page 339]PERMANENT COURT OF INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE 339

tion. Others may be more inclined to consider questions from the standpoint of eternal postulates and to work their way gradually from these to the particular dispute. It is the meeting of such minds, particularly in an international court, which gives to litigating governments ground for confidence and keeps before the world the ideal of international justice.

How Judgments Are Drafted

As I have said, each judge in his own sanctum works on his own opinion knowing that it will be analyzed and evisccrated by equally if not more able men who have studied the case with the same attention. Generally five or six days, or perhaps a week, are given for the preparation of these preliminary opinions. They are filed with the Registrar of the Court and circulated in confidence to the members of the Court; a day or two is given for their consideration and then the Court meets in consultation. The President of the Court prepares the agenda for the consulta- tion, listing every point of fact or law that is involved in what he believes to be a satisfactory order. This is circulated. The judges meet and first decide whether they will accept or amend the agenda. Each point is then taken up and discussed. It is discussed, even as counsel have discussed the case, without limit of time until, with all the courtesy that is due to brethren who differ, it appears that a vote should be had. Then a vote is taken on the particular question and the conference proceeds to the next point on the agenda. In this way, day after day, with long hours from morning to evening, the Court sits in the most intimate and candid discussion until finally the last question is reached and the vote is taken which decides the controversy. Thereupon, immediately and without either oral discussion or nominations, two members of the Court are selected by secret ballot to join the President of the Court in drafting the judg- ment of the Court in accordance with the majority vote. This cominittee immediately goes to work. It decides its plan of action” according to the convenience of its members. By uninterrupted activity it prepares a draft judgment that suits the committee. �[Page 340]340 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

The judgment recites the proceedings leading up to the hearing of the case, the points of fact, the various points of law; it dis- cusses the questions, sets forth the determinations of the Court on each question, and then finally gives its award. The com- mittee circulates its draft of the judgment and a couple of days are given to the other members of the Court to file in writing any amendments they propose. The committee considers these amendments, decides what it will accept or reject and circulates its revised draft. A conference of the full Court is then called for discussion of the draft. It is read like a legislative bill. Any point of objection is discussed and voted upon until finally the form of judgment has received the approval of the majority of the Court. A day is then fixed for a second reading on which dis- senting opinions are required to be filed and, in the light of these opinions, the second reading is had and the final vote taken. Counsel for the respective parties are informed, the Court meets, hands down its judgment and calls the next case. The judgment of the Court, I should remind you, has no binding force except between the parties which have submitted the controversy to the Court and in respect of that particular case.

Importance of Deliberation

This, you will see, is extremely deliberate procedure, but nothing could be more important than deliberateness and thor- oughness in the disposition of international controversies, where not the fortune of individual litigants are at stake but the future course of governments which have been unable to reach an accord as to their mutual obligations.

In all this work a judge, who has been appointed in a par- ticular case by a government because it has no national among the regular judges, takes his place as a fully accredited member of the Court. He hears the arguments, gives his tentative opinion, participates in the consultations and votes with the rest of the judges. At first sight, it might be thought that this plan which carries forward the traditions of arbitral procedure would intrude a partisan element into the Court. It is to be borne in mind, �[Page 341]PERMANENT COURT OF INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE 341

however, that there is a national of the other party to the dispute already on the Court or similarly appointed. It must also be remembered that there are at least nine, and may be eleven, judges sitting, aside from judges thus temporarily designated. The Governments thus appointing a judge: naturally desire to have a distinguished appointee and hence a jurist of high repute is generally designated. For example, in the case between France and Switzerland as to the Free Zones, Eugene Dreyfus, President of the Court of Appeal at Paris, was appointed judge ad hoc, that is, for that case, as the French judge who had been elected as a member of the Court had died and there was no French judge upon the bench. It must not be assumed that a judge who is at inted as a national of a particular country to sit in its case ‘ecide in favor of that country. Lord Finlay showed the ir ‘ence of a judge when he decided against Great Britain. 7 regularly elected judge. But quite apart from any tende. ¢ may be in the case of national judges appointed for a partic. = -ase to look favorably upon the contentions of his country, the appointment of such a judge is, I found, of the greatest value in the work of an international tribunal. It greatly aids in disposing of any notion that a case has not been thoroughly considered or has been decided in any way than upon its merits as the majority sees them. The judge reads all the tentative opinions of his colleagues. He thus sees how the case has impressed each one of the judges from their individual preliminary state- ments. He meets with them in consultation and hears every position vigorously and thoroughly presented and discussed. He has the opportunity to present his own views. In his original opinion, in consultations, in criticisms of the draft judgment, at every point, he is heard. If the Court is against him. he knows why, and it is most probable that he will go back to his country with the message that whatever may be thought of the judgment there was not the slightest question of the sincerity, the inde- pendence and the thoroughness of the consideration of the case. If he were not there, if no national of a State which is a party to the dispute were on the Court, it would be far easier to give �[Page 342]342 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

currency to notions of the intrusion of political and partisan considerations.

In the comprehensive discussion in the consultation room, there is, of course, opportunity for vigor and effectiveness in debate. Judges are not only human in their limitations, but in their aspirations. They desire the respect of their colleagues. They hope for the esteem of the world. There is only one way that they can get either or both, and that is by using all the ability that God has given them, by unremitting industry, by candid expressions. That I have found to be characteristic of the international Court. Whatever defects it has are those which inhere in all our imperfect human undertakings. They are found in our domestic courts, even in the highest. The one thing that has impressed my mind is this. After sitting alone, with one’s own task, endeavoring to reach a conclusion as to the merits of a stubbornly contested dispute, wondering what one’s col- leagues think of the different points that have been laboriously argued, one cannot but have a feeling of exaltation in reading the preliminary opinions as they come in, and in realizing to what extent the minds of men drawn from many countries move along the same lines of careful reasoning. Whether one agreed or not with this or that opinion, one’s respect was heightened by the exhibition of intelligent and conscientious application, of learning and mastery, of the power of analysis and cogent statement, which are the marks of judicial work of superior excellence. There has always been danger in all tribunals, both domestic and international, whether constituted by arbitral arrangements or otherwise, of the alloy of policy, even of intrigue, of attitudes taken in deference to power rather than to justice. I am inclined to think that this sort of influence is much more to be dreaded in international arbitrations, such as it is in most cases practically possible to set up, than in such an organization as the World Court. The way to meet such intrusions is by the earnestness and ability of judges who are not respecters of persons or particular governments, but of the law and of justice, by winning the victories of reason in intimate debates, by well �[Page 343]PERMANENT COURT OF INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE 343

considered deliverances which satisfy intelligent opinion. In this way the Supreme Court of the United States, despite all the difficulties that surrounded its early days, has come to be more firmly established in the respect and confidence of our people than any of the other institutions of government.

| The Attitude of the United States

I have not discussed the terms of the protocol which has been signed on behalf of the United States for its adherence to the World Court. I referred to them in an address before the American Society of International Law. They will be the subject of abundant discussion by others and I have preferred to devote my time on this occasion to the effort to give you a picture of the Court at work. I may say, however, that in my opinion the conditions of this protocol fully protect the interests of our country.

The judicial settlemer.t of international disputes cannot be adequately secured by mere sporadic, occasional efforts. There should be continuity, permanency, the opportunity for the growth of confidence and for the firm establishment of the tra- dition both of competency and judicial independence. As a nation devoted to the interests of peace, we have the utmost concern in this development. To hold aloof is to belie our ..spira- tions and to fail to do our part in forming the habit of mind upon which all hopes of permanent peace depend. In supporting the World Court in the manner proposed, we lose nothing that we could otherwise preserve; we take no serious risks that we could otherwise avoid; we enhance rather than impair our ultimate security; and we heighten the mutual confidence which rests on demonstrated respect for the essential institutions of international justice. �[Page 344]ELEMENTS OF A WORLD CULTURE IV. Religion

by Atrrep W. Martin New York Society for Ethical Culture

E OwE the sublime conception of world unity in

religion to the discovery of resemblances in the teach-

ings of the great religions. A comparative study of

their sacred scriptures brought to light an amazing measure of oneness. For instance: (a) All teach the fundamental precepts of the moral life;---that we should be just, honest, kind, patient, temperate, sympathetic, etc. (b) All give expression to the spiritual sentiments of wonder, awe, reverence, aspiration, worship. (c) All inculcate the ethical elements of the Decalogue. (d) All prescribe the Golden Rule, differently, of course, in form of statement, but substantially the same in meaning. (e) All face the same way, toward an ideal of life, ¢.e., a mental picture of what it is supremely desirable that human life should be. (f) All make the brotherhood of man an integral part of their ethical teaching. (g) All deal with the fundamental issues of Deity, Duty, Destiny. Ch) All ask and answer the cardinal questions: What is the chief end of man? What must I do to be saved? Why should I do what is right?

But over against these and other resembiances stand differ- ences, cardinal differences, #.e., differences on which the very distinctiveness of each religion hinges; differences that separate these religions and seem to preclude the possibility of world unity. For example: (a) In no two of these religions are the ideas of God, salvation, immortality, the same. (b) While all teach the brotherhood of man, the basis on which they support the teach- ing is different in each religion. (c) Though dll face the same 344 �[Page 345]RELIGION | 345

way, toward an ideal of human life, yet the mental picture of what it is supremely desirable that human life should be differs in each religion. (d) There is no theological belief, no ceremonial rite, no form of church government upon which all are agreed. Add to these striking differences the fact that Christian and non- Christian creeds are multiplying and, as a consequence, new sects have appeared and still continue to appear.

Thus it would seem that Nature aimed at diversity in religion as everywhere else. She aimed at diversity in the field of physics, for no sooner was the primordial nebula formed than it promptly divided into the countless suns, moons, stars and other bodies that make up the solar system. Nature aimed at diversity in the creation of life-forms, vegetal and animal, because the divisive principle began to operate at once, producing orders, classes, genera and species. Ethnology reveals a like diversity as Nature’s law, for the original Himalayan Aryan stock, far from remaining what it was, became differentiated into the various nations that peopled Asia and Europe. Similarly the primordial religion divided into religions, the religions into sects, the sects into sub-sects, and the sub-sects divided, according to the innumerable differences of belief among the individual members. How, then, in the light of these diversities can we have or even hope to pave the way for world unity in religion?

The answer is that diversity is not the whole truth of Nature's law. For she gives evidence also of unity, a unity which this very diversity makes possible; a unity seen in every organism of whatever kind. What is an organism? An organism (as com- monly understood) is-any living system in which the parts are duly coordinated and at the same time subordinated to the larger whole of which each is a part. Such a system, for instance, is the tree, with its branches, boughs, twigs and leaves. Each one of these is an organ of the organism, tree. Each engages in the great cooperative task of reaching ow to the light and air in order to utilize them for the benefit ef the tree. Each dis- charges a particular function in the economy of the total organ- ism. A harmonious organic cooperation it is; all the parts duly �[Page 346]346 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

coordinated and at the same time subordinated to the larger whole, the tree.

The Apostle Paul, in the twelfth Chapter of his first letter to the Corinthians, took the human body with its many members to illustrate the ideal and fact of organic relationship.

But when we turn to the living religions we don’t find any such system, any such relationship of organs to organism, or any such organic cooperation. On the contrary, we find mutual antipathy, jealous rivalry, ruinous competition; we find the very opposite of what we see in the branches, boughs, twigs and leaves of the tree. For these, far from living in enmity one toward the other, or even in exclusive independence of one another, unite to work together in harmony, as coequals, for the benefit of the tree.

Not so the religions. They have been kept apart and are still kept apart by mutually exclusive claims. Each though only a branch has claimed to be the tree, each though only a part has claimed to be the whole, each though merely an organ has claimed to be the organism, and hoping for world unity in religion by the triumph of itself over all other religions. What better proof of this deplorable fact than what was witnessed at the World's Parliament of Religions in Chicago, in 1893. There representatives of each of the living religions came forward and made exclusive claims for their respective religions, each speaker claiming that his was the religion destined to triumph over all others. Read the detailed reports in the monumental ‘Proceedings at the Parliament of Religions’ for confirmation of this fact. First came the Anagarika Dharmapala, clothed in his flowing yellow robe, to tell the audience of the warrant of Gotama's gospel to become the universal religion. The learned Buddhist no less than they who followed him thought of his religion as a pleréma, .e., as having a fullness of content embrac- ing all the excellences of all the other religions plus certain others peculiar to it alone.

Following Dharmapala came an inspired Muhammedan with a corresponding claim for Islam, predicting the coming of a day �[Page 347]RELIGION 347

when the peoples of all the world would practice Islam, sub- mission to the heavenly Sultan, Allah.

And then came a very eloquent distinguished Rabbi, the most scholarly of his time, the lamented Emil Hirsch of Chicago. He made bold to present Judaism in terms of universal religion, finding it devoid of nothing possessed by any of the other reli- gions. Then, bringing up the rear, came the Rev. Joseph Cook, of Boston Monday Lectureship fame. He made no speech, but simply offered prayer, closing with a petition that the peoples of the non-Christian religions might come to ‘‘accept the Lord Jesus Christ as God and Savior.’’ But the fact that the selfsame claim was put forward by each representative for his own religion, made the claim itself ridiculous.

Only one man there was who courageously exposed what he saw—the utter futility of the expectation that one of the seven great religions of the world would ultimately triumph over all the rest, and world unity be attained in that way. Only one man there was who caught the vision of unity in diversity, of an organic fellowship of faiths, who saw and expressed the utter futility of expecting that any one religion would outstrip all the rest and rule in their stead. Th2t man was the illustrious Hindu, Vivekananda. At the closing session of the World's Parliament, he spoke these glowing words:

‘If anyone here hopes that unity will come by the triumph of any one of these religions and the destruction of the others, to him I say, ‘Brother, yours is an impossible hope.’ If anybody dreams of the exclusive survival of his own, and the destruction of all other religions, I pity him from the bottom of my heart."’

And the folly of this expectation applies with equal truth to the sects of the great religions. For, among them also, this sad, mistaken hope obtains. They too, like the great religion, have failed to see their true and lawful place as parts of a whole, as organs of an organism. Take the sects with which we are most familiar—the Protestant Christian sects. Instead of see- ing themselves as children of a common parent, Protestantism; as grand-children of a common grand-parent, Christianity; as

C �[Page 348]348 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

great-grand-children of a common great-grand-parent, Judaism, each, at one time or another, and with more or less insistence, has made just such an extravagant claim for itself as I have presented; each, though merely a part has claimed to be the whole; each though a mere branch, has professed to be the tree; each though merely an organ, has contended that it was the organism. And in this colossal failure of both the religions and their sects to see themselves as species of a genus, as branches of a tree, as coequals in rights and duties; in that colossal failure lies the origin of all religious wars to exterminate rivals, the origin of all religious persecutions, the origin of all missionary enterprise to convert the so-called heathen, the origin of all sectarianism or exclusiveness in religion. For the word ‘'‘sec- tarian’’ derives from the Latin sectum, meaning cut off. A sect is a part of humanity that has cut itself off from all the rest in order to live for itself and convert all the rest into material for its own growth.

When it is claimed, as it so often has been. that Christianity is the one and only true religion, that Protestantism is the only true Christianity, the Episcopalianism the only true, Protestant, Christian, religion; the ‘‘high,’’ ‘‘low”’ or ‘‘broad’’ Church, the only true, Episcopal Protestant, Christian, religion, then we see sectarianism doing its deadly work and paralyzing all effort to make religious brotherhood a reality in the world.

But, happily, since the beginning of our century, events have transpired to assure us that a better day has dawned, to persuade us that the death knell of sectarianism has been rung, to give us confidence in the eventual attainment of world unity in religion as in other fields.

Let me refer briefly to some of these encouraging signs of the times which indicate how the way is being paved for a reproduction in religion of Nature's pattern of unity in diversity. The old denominational lines that for centuries separated onc denomination from another have become increasingly blurred, and are fast losing all intellectual meaning. It is no longer pos- sible to differentiate Baptists, Congregationalists, Methodists. �[Page 349]RELIGION 349

Within the past three decades it has happetied over and over again that when two churches that had forgotten why they ever separated found themselves unable to pay a living wage to their respective ministers, they bethought them “‘how good and pleasant a thing it is for brethren to dwell together in unity,” and forthwith a merger ensued. Such mergers have been made many times of late, the most conspicuous that in Canada, uniting Methodists, Congregationalists and Presbyterians, the merger known as ‘‘the United Church of Canada."’ It has today a total membership of two and one-half millions and represents 30% of the population of the Dominion of Canada.

Our Episcopalian brethren devoted sixteen years to achiev- ing a certain Christian unity, é.e., the unity of all those who ‘‘accept the Lord Jesus Christ as God and Savior'’—a unity which inevitably excluded Universalists and Unitarians. Perhaps at the end of another sixteen years they will have advanced still farther on the path of Christian unity so as to include the dis- qualified sects. And may we not dare to hope that after a hundred and sixteen years a succession of strides will have been taken toward world unity—a fellowship inclusive not only of Uni- versalists and Unitarians, but also of Jews, Buddhists, Hindus and the rest.

For there is a nobler unity even than that which is encom- passed by the Christian name—human unity. Christian exclusive- ness is every whit as intolerable as any other exclusiveness. In other words, it is not enough that we be brothers and sisters in Christ, or in Moses, or in the Buddha. We must be brothers and sisters in Humanity, with all the rest of mankind; that, I take it, is what the noblest religious fellowship means. And so, 1, for one, look forward to a coming World's Parliament of Religions in which the two principles of coordination and subordination will be reaffirmed and recognized as the only true basis upon which world unity can be made possible—all the religions duly coordinated and at the same time subordi- nated to the higher whole of which each is a part.

But it will be asked where is this higher whole to which �[Page 350]350 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

the religions are to be subordinated? And I must frankly answer, as yet that higher whole has no objective concrete existence. It exists only subjectively in the minds of a few isolated thinkers, as a dream, as a vision, as the germ out of which the true organic religious unity will one day be evolved. Does this sound strange and fanciful? Then permit me to call attention to an exact parallel to that situation in the history of the United States. In 1783 there was no such thing as an objective concrete nation of the United States. That existed only subjectively in the minds of Thomas Jefferson, Thomas Paine and their political co-workers, as a dream, as a vision, as the germ out of which eventually organic political unity would be evolved. In 1783 there existed only a loose Federation of thirteen independent colonies, but no higher whole to which they could be subordinated. But when in 1787, these thirteen colonies, through their representatives, agreed to act and to subordinate themselves to the higher whole expressed in the Constitution of the United States, then, and then for the first time, the dream, the vision, the ideal of a nation of the United States became an objective, concrete fact.

Similarly, in the field of religion. There is today no concrete organic fellowship of faiths. That exists only in the minds of isolated thinkers. But when the seven great religions, through their representatives, agree to subordinate themselves to a higher whole expressed in a constitution or bond of union, even as the Protestant sects have their higher whole in the bond of fealty to Jesus Christ, then will the dream of world unity in religion, an organic fellowship of faiths, became a concrete fact; a unity analagous to that which we see in the tree, in every other organ- ism, one tree with many branches, one body with many members, one organism with thany organs and one subtle life-blood, coursing through the whole, making each part kin with every other. �[Page 351]THE CONFERENCE PLAN OF COLLEGE EDUCATION

by Hamitton Hout President, Rollins College

Fred Lewis Pattee defines a college as ‘‘costly land upon

which are many costly buildings embowered in distinctive

landscape gardening surrounded by luxurious palaces called fraternity-houses, and all of it handy to a mammoth million- dollar coliseum the seat of frequent gladiatorial games—the whole forming a completely equipped city- or country-club for thousands or tens of thousands of young men and women."

In the last fifteen years I have visited perhaps three hundred institutions of higher learning in the land. To be sure I have made no serious study of any of them. But in lecturing to students, meeting and talking with faculties and alumni, visiting recitation rooms and laboratories and dining at commons, one cannot fail - to get some very distinct impressions.

If I should be asked to name the chief fault of the A. .erican college today, I would unhesitatingly say that it is the insatiable impulse to expand materially. Expansion may be not without justification as a means to some end, but as the end itself it is, I believe, a delusion. The passion for expansion, we must admit, is an American failing not confined solely to our educational institutions. But it seems to be more reprehensible in the case of a college or university because they ought to know better.

Instead of students seeking the college for its reputation in this or that subject, many colleges employ salesmen to drum up students. While no effort is spared to increase the student roster or to pile up brick and mortar, little or nothing is done to raise

351

T 1s brilliant essay, ‘‘The Log Unseats Mark Hopkins," Dr. �[Page 352]352 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

the quality of those who teach or those who are taught. Nearly every institution pays its professors salaries that could be dis- charged without difficulty in postage stamps. Nearly every institution permits a ten-dollar boy to attempt to get a thousand- dollar education.

What usually happens when a college expands for the sake of expansion? The first thing that naturally and most easily ex- pands is the student body. But more students do not necessarily mean better students. There are, of course, certain advantages inherent in mere numbers. It is patent that the larger the student body, the more varied can be the curriculum and the student ac- tivities within and without the classroom. Likewise a higher quality of activities can be assured owing to the larger circle of students from which to draw. On the other hand in institutions with large enrollments only the exceptional student achieves academic, athletic or social honors. Many a leader in the small high school is compelled to be a follower when he enters a large institution of learning. He finds the competition greater. He loses his courage. He not infrequently develops the most blighting of all youthful affections—the inferiority complex. His college life is blighted and it may take him years to recover confidence in himself. It is thus a very serious question whether the advantages of'numbers are not more than offset by the disadvantages.

But when we come to consider grounds, buildings and equip- ment there is no doubt that the policy of expansion for its own sake has surely been up to the present time an unmixed evil. The reason is that when we get more students it is essential to get synchronously certain physical equipment for them. But this equipment costs money and money always comes last. The hair of many a college president and trustee has turned gray in the endeavor to get money fast enough. The only solution is to skimp on the professors. We thus see most of our colleges and univer- sities spreading the professor thinner and thinner over the student body, until often 50 or 100 men attend a single recitation. No professor who ever lived is able to instruct a class of such size at one time. Or worse yet, the recitation system develops into the �[Page 353]THE CONFERENCE PLAN OF COLLEGE EDUCATION 3$3

lecture system, which in my opinion is the worst pedagogical method ever attempted to instruct youth.

Moreover, when the college finally does get some extra money for its teaching force, it does not increase the salaries of its pitifully underpaid faculty, but perforce hires more teachers at starvation salaries.

Under the policy of expansion for its own sake there is no possibility of working out a campus scheme in which every building is in harmony with every other, and all part of an ideal architectural whole. The usual rule now is to erect a new building , in the biggest open space in the campus every time a $100,000 benefaction is received. Fifty years later it is discovered that the building was put up in the wrong place and it has to be torn down. How many hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of college buildings throughout the country are at this moment being scrapped: just because they were erected in the wrong place without any regard to the future growth of the college.

Thus under the policy of haphazard expansion, our student body is not better but only more numerous, our buildings are temporary and inharmonious and our professors are underpaid and over-studented.

A college is a ‘‘unitary organism,'’ a university

is a federation, a miscellany. A student goes through

the university, but the college goes through the student.

In an article on ‘‘Harvard and the Individual’’ Dean Briggs once satirically suggested that small colleges proclaim the ad- vantages of smallness only to become bigger. I am happy to say that our trustees have unanimously voted that Rollins College shall not have more than seven hundred students in residence.

Thus we aim to perfect and dignify the small college at a time when many of our.small colleges are trying to become universities and many of our universities are subordinating the college course, not only as a department of the university but as a minor department at that, while devoting all their energies to specializing and emphasizing the development of graduate and professional work. �[Page 354]354 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

A college of liberal arts is not and ought not to be a miniature university, doing inadequately what a university can do better. The university must always have the advantage of giving in- struction in a greater variety of topics. A student goes through the university. But the college goes through the student.

There are two types of professors now teaching in our in- stitutions of higher learning. The one derives his chief inspiration from knowledge, the other from life. One goes in for research, the other for teaching. The research man, if he really can extend the borderland of knowledge, is so great a human benefactor that society can well afford to pay him any price for the product of his intellect and industry. But such a research man, by definition, is a genius, and geniuses are apt to be queer. It is this type of college professor whose absent-mindedness is the butt of comic papers. It is he who wears his cravat under one ear, who perhaps is shy, morose or irritable. But there is not one man in one hundred on our college faculties that has a genuine gift for research. Most college presidents, however, swing a club over the heads of their professors, whether qualified or not, to make them go in for research. Thus we find hosts of men with neither genius nor inspiration engaged in the laborious, arid and unprofitable task of writing theses on unimportant subjects and of trying to know more and more about less and less. If the professor can only get his name in the scientific papers, or in ‘‘Who’s Who” as an author, it makes little difference whether anybody would, could or should read what he has written. He has done ‘‘original re- search'’ and thus complied with the rules-of the academic game.

The teacher-professors, however—the men who are primarily interested in teaching students rather than subjects—are not the ones who usually get the promotions or calls from other colleges. And yet these rare souls are the only ones who make any real impression on the student. We are all familiar with the teacher with the golden personality who can make the most abstruse subject interesting, and the dullard who blights any subject he touches, even the most thrilling. In my visits to American colleges and universities during the past decade I have �[Page 355]THE CONFERENCE PLAN OF COLLEGE EDUCATION 355

usually found that every college or university has one great teacher, some two, rarely three. Personally I have never found the institution that had four or more, though doubtless there are such. I suppose that there are only four or five hundred great teachers in the colleges aiid universities in the United States, out of more than fifteen thougand in the profession. As our faculty expands, I hope to invite only those professors to join our circle who have the nobility of character and the gift of teaching which alone can inspire youth.

The lecture system is probably the worst scheme ever devised for imparting knowledge. It assumes that what one man has tak¢h perhaps a life-time to acquire by the most painstaking observation, hard thinking, long-continued reflection and per- haps the use of his creative imagination, can be relayed or spoon- fed to another who has not gone through a like process. A lecture may serve to inspire a student who has some familiarity with his subject, and put in proper perspective his thoughts thereon. It invariably discloses the personality—good, bad or indifferent—of the lecturer. We are all familiar with the lecture system at its worst as in some medical schools. When my classmates who graduated from Yale went into medicine they found that virtu- ally all the teaching provided was done by lecturers. When coming up for examination few, if any, students dared to trust to their memories or notes—their memories because no memory is a substitute for study, and their notes because none of them were expert stenographers. They were compelled at their own expense to buy digests and hire outside tutors to teach them, the tutors thus becoming in fact the real teachers of the courses. If the medical schools had had a modicum of pedagogical sense, surely they would have made the tutors the professors and let the stu- dents hire at their own expense the professors to lecture. I venture to believe that no lecturer would have been hired under those conditions.

_ Is it not evident that the time the student most needs the professor is not after he has got or failed to get his lesson, but when he is studying? It is then and there that the obstacles need �[Page 356]356 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

to be surmounted. But alas! that is the time when the professor is never present.

Under the recitation system, the professor is little more than a detective trying to find out the student's degree of unfaithful- ness, and the marking system is the measure of his deficiency. Thus, marks tend to become the objective of a student, and not the mastery of the subject. The student on his side tends to be- come a bluffer.

When I left college and entered my professional career as a magazine editor I was profoundly impressed to find my colleagues in the editorial room, who never thought of teaching me anything, taught me everything, while my professors in Yale and Columbia, who were paid to teach me, taught me virtually nothing. And yet both my professors at college and my colleagues in journalism were all the same type of men; that is, each one was older, abler and nobler than myself, and each was a specialist in his own field as I was not. As I pondered this paradox the reason seemed to me to be perfectly clear. I had no relationship, except in the most formal and forbidding way, with my tutors and professors at the university. When I was in college there were two distinct groups, connected with the campus—the faculty and the student body. Each had its own ideals, or, as Professor ‘‘Billy’’ Sumner used to call them, “‘mores’’ and ‘‘folkways.'’ Occasionally a great teacher penetrated the student circle; and less occasionally a student met the members of the faculty on a non-classroom basis. Naturally I gained nothing from my professors for there was no provision for meeting them outside the formalities of the classroom. I acquired nothing of the poise, wisdom and nobility that come only from the association with better men than myself. What I got from college was mostly what I got from my own unsuper- vised study and from my intimate association with my classmates.

I remember a professor here and there—especially if he were a very good or very bad teacher—but most of the memories over

vhich I linger go back to the little student world of which I was an integral part.

The Rollins substitute for the lecture and recitation system �[Page 357]THE CONFERENCE PLAN OF COLLEGE EDUCATION 357

is the so-called ‘‘Conference Plan.’’ The purpose of this innova- tion is to substitute learning values for perfunctory task-perform- ance values, and to put academic life on a more practical basis by placing class attendance on a par with the hours and duties of a business office or editorial room. What is proposed is that there be continuous consultation and cooperation between teacher and taught. Thus the maximum impact of the professor's personality will be exerted upon the student's mind at a time when it is most needed. Moreover, the waste of unsupervised time for which student life has become notorious, will be largely eliminated. The theory is that the student’s mind is immature, that he fre- quently does not know how to study, that he more frequently has not the will to study, and that the time when he most needs the professor's advice, helpand supervision is when he is preparing his lesson and not after he has learned it, or failed to learn it.

The ‘‘Conference P!an’’ was inaugurated at the beginning of the academic year of 1926. Both mornings and afternoons are divided into two two-hour periods, with a 30-minute interva! between the morning periods for chapel. The morning periods are devoted to those subjects in which the student primarily im- proves his mind. As far as possible the first period of the afternoon is devoted to laboratory or field work and the last period to athletics, outdoor work or recreation. The student's time in the evening is free, except when an inspirational lecture, a play, a debate, etc., takes place, but these are usually over by 9 o'clock.

In some courses assignments are made at the opening of college and a student progresses as rapidly as his inclination and

& oe °

ability permit. If he completes the standard course before the end of the year he is free to quit the class, apply himself to other courses in which he has not made such satisfactory progress, or undertake advanced work. If a student is unable to pass his ex- aminations after a reasonable period of study, he fails.

In short, the characteristic feature of the Rollins ‘Conference Plan’ is the free exchange of thought between pupil and teacher in personal conference during which the student obtains some- thing of the scholarly attitude toward knowledge. �[Page 358]358 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Both faculty and students at Rollins are overwhelmingly in favor of the ‘‘Conference Plan.'’ Assemblies of both groups have been held at intervals to consider the problems that arose. No difficulties have yet appeared that have proved irremediable. Rollins does not, of course, claim that this plan has passed beyond the experimental stage. But the plan is a concrete and sincere attempt to meet the wide-spread criticism of college instruction. If successful, it will certainly have the following advantages:

1. It will insure faithfulness of study on the part of the student. The professor will have little difficulty in detecting thc shirk.

2. It will relieve the students of the whip continuously held over their heads under the old system, viz., never-ending outside preparation for recitations. When he has completed his daily periods, like workers in shop and office, he is through unless he is ambitious to continue his work in leisure hours.

3. It will tend to make the professor, instead of a lecturer and quizzer, a ‘‘guide, philosopher and friend.’

4. It will abolish the ‘‘lockstep’’ or mass system of educa- tion, permitting each student to go ahead as far and as fast as his ability will allow. The relation of the student is thus primarily to his professor and not to his fellow students.

5. It permits the student and professor to meet, man to man, under such conditions of informality and cooperation as are found prevailing in after life.

A recent statement signed by twenty-two college presidents has declared that the greatest weakness of the modern college is that it has failed to bring inspiration to its students or encourage- ment to scholarship.

It is believed this ‘‘Conference Plan’’ will not only inspire the students through longer and more intimate contact with the professors, but it will give them a zest for learning that will re- sult in broader scholarship. �[Page 359]LEAVES OF THE GREATER BIBLE

Compiled and Edited by

Witt1aM NorMan GuTHRIE Rector, St. Mark's in-the-Bouwerie, New York

PART VII

PRAYERS OF BABYLON AND ASSYRIA

ANCIENT ACADIAN PRAYER

O God, my Maker, stand Thou at my side! Keep Thou the door of my lips,

And do Thou guard my hands,

O Thou Lord of the Light!

BABYLONIAN PENITENTIAL PsaLM

1

May the wrath of my god be assuaged,

For a god unknown to me has visited me in his wrath.

A goddess hath become angry with me and brought me into pain. ...

The sin which I have committed I wot not,

Of my mis-deed against them I am unaware.

2 Pure food have I not eaten?

Clear water have I not drunk?

An offense against my god have I unwittingly committed, I have done evil unawares against my goddess.

3 O Lord, my sins are many, great are my iniquities. Yet the sin which I have committed, I know not,

359 4 �[Page 360]360 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

The iniquity which I have done, The offense which I have wrought, My transgression and trespass, of which I am guilty!

4 And my Lord in the wrath of his heart hath looked upon me, And my goddess in the wrath of her heart hath visited me . I seek for help but no one taketh my hand, I weep but no one cometh to take my side, I utter cries aloud, but no one hearkeneth. I am afflicted and overcome, I dare not look up.

5 Unto my merciful god I turn and make supplication, I kiss the feet of my goddess and make supplication. How long, O my god, How long, O my goddess, Will your faces be turned away from me? .... . .

6

Mankind is perverted and hath no right judgment, Of all men alive who knoweth anything? They know not when they do good or evil.

7 O Lord, do not cast thy servant away! He is thrust into the mire, O take his hand in thine! The sin which I have sinned, Turn it thou into mercy! The iniquity which I have performed, Let the wind carry it away! Tear off my many transgressions as an old garment!

8 O god, my god, seven times seven are my sins, �[Page 361]LEAVES OF THE GREATER BIBLE 361

Forgive me my sins, and I will humble myself before thee! May thy heart, as a mother who hath borne children, be kind! As a mother who hath borne children,

As a father who hath begotten them,

May thy heart be kind and glad in me!

AssyRIAN COMMITTAL PRAYER I

Bind the sick man unto Heaven,

For he is being torn away from the Earth! From the brave man who was so strong, His strength hath almost gone.

To the righteous servant,

His strength doth not return.

Lo, in his bodily shape

Lieth he grievously ill.

2

But Ishtar, who in her holy dwelling, Is grieved for his sake,

Cometh down from her holy mountain Remote, unvisited of men.

3

To the sick man's door she cometh down,

And the sick man giveth ear unto Her:

‘Who is at the door? Who cometh?’

‘Tt is Ishtar, the daughter of the Moon God!’

4

Like pure silver be his garments, shining white!

Like shining brass may he be radiant!

To the Sun, the most high God, may he mount in glory, And may the Sun, the most high God,

Receive his soul into his own most holy hands! �[Page 362]362 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

A CENTO FROM Prayers TO MarDUK I

Cause Thou me, O Marduk, to love thine exalted Lordship. Create Thou in my heart of hearts The worship of thy strong and holy Godhead.

2

Grant unto me whatsoever shall please Thee For that it is Thou who hast fashioned my life.

3

Do Thou look with favor on the lifting up of my hands, And give ear unto my heartfelt prayer.

4

Cast a favorable eye upon the costly undertaking of Thy hand; May my gracious deeds be established on thy lips;

By thy sure command

May I be satisfied with the children of my body.

5

Adorn, O Marduk, my kingdom forever With a rightful sceptre of kingly rule, With godly government and dominion, With the awful Rod of Righteousness,

For the welfare of my blackheaded people!

6

Do Thou, O noble Marduk, Thyself Truly give answer unto me In Judgment, dream and vision.

7

And do Thou plant the fear of Thy strong divinity In the heart of this Thy people, That they may not ever sin against Thee, O my God! �[Page 363]A SOVIET “STATESMAN'S YEARBOOK”

by Brent Dow ALLINSON Educational Department, Board of Education, Cleveland, Obio

HE publication of this comprehensive political history * of relations between the Soviet Union and the rest of the world by the correspondent of The Nation long resident in Moscow is in itself almost an historical event. Greatly exceeding in scope, it far surpasses in importance and in wealth of citation and cross-reference the earlier compilation of Russian- American Relations, by Cumming and Pettit (1920), and Prof. Schumann's courageous volume American Policy Towards Russia Since 1917 (1928). It is, in fact, an encyclopaedic cross-section of the sordid international history of the Western World since the naive entry of the United States into the welter of imperialist intrigue and political buccaneering which was the World War, as viewed from the ruddy walls of beleaguered Moscow and interpreted by Russian eyes. Some of its interpretations will probably be challenged as unconvincing, or sophistical, (¢.g., ‘The quest‘on whether the Soviet Government is organization- ally connected with the Communist Internationale is of little practical importance until and unless the Soviet Republic admits the fact. The admission, even if it were true, is not likely to be forthcoming.’’ (p. 296)—which is an absurd way to dismiss a subject of such crucial importance). But these volumes will stand for years as a monument of journalistic research and as the most complete source-book in English for facts concerning Soviet Russia's far-flung international relations, written with an admirable air of objectivity. As such the work offers a much-needed corrective of the con-

• The Soviets in World Affairs, by Louis Fischer, Cape and Smith, 2 Vols.—836 pages, maps,

index. $10.00.

363 �[Page 364]

—- = ae a hee Shear ———_—- —_

364 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

ventional official and academic diet of fatuous phraseology that passes for Modern History. Considering that Soviet foreign policy is ‘‘largely a function of Soviet internal conditions and of Bolshce- vik principles,’ the author has traced the ebb and flow of inter- national intrigue emanating from London, Paris, Rome and Tokio—Moscow’'s own contributions to the play being signifi- cantly soft-pedalled—which have involved a dozen bloody wars on the territory of the former Russian Empire for ‘‘the defense of the Revolution,'’ assuming always that the Bolshevik version, or perversion, of that long-expected and devoutly desired event is the 100% pure and inevitable historic fact from which all else must take its cue, and about which most of post-bellum political history has revolved, as leaves about a vortex, moving through Paris, London, Genoa, Berlin, Locarno, Geneva, Lausanne and Angora.

The chapters on the Allied and American intervention in Russia in the last year of the War are replete with sinister detail of cross-purposes and misunderstanding. Precipitated by the Japanese and the British Tory ‘‘die-hards,’’ aided and abetted by the French, even while the ambassadors at Vologda were collectively disclaiming it, and accepted with misgivings and harmless protest by Woodrow Wilson because he could not prevent it ("The American Government made a wry smile and joined the party’’), its tragic consequences have by no means ceased to trouble a world deeply divided against itself; and its re-telling here serves to throw a lurid light on men and motives, officially honorable; and to illustrate that fatal irony of historic circumstance by which America’s entrance into the War at the hour the Russian people had resolved to repudiate it served but to prolong its agony; and the fact that the very decision to inflict a ‘‘knock-out blow’ upon Germany in the West occasioned the survival of Bolshevism in the East, nourishing the frenctic illusion of a general European proletarian revolution.

That this has not even yet ceased to haunt the peculiar mental horizons of Moscow is clear by Stalin's direct reply to a question put to him recently by the correspondent of the Nex �[Page 365]A SOVIET ‘‘STATESMAN’'S YEARBOOK’ 365

York Sun: ‘‘What in your opinion are the prospects of the World Revolution?’’ Answer: ‘‘Prospects good.’’ Answer also, to the psychotic fear of a new intervention from the West, the carefully staged and broadcast treason-trial lately proceeding in Moscow, adding fuel to ‘‘the fever called living’’ in Russia, and distraction to hungry stomachs and disheartened minds. A reading of these volumes, or such pertinent chapters as ‘‘Big’’ Allied Intervention, The Armistice Between Two Worlds, is needful, indeed, to a proper understanding of important current events; and may be guaranteed to preserve a man from being taken in by the comfortable men- dacities of untransparent and extreme unction that flow over the cables almost daily, of which the following sentence from a recent Associated Press despatch from London to the New York Times is typical:

‘Neither Winston Churchill nor Sir John Simon has ever had more than a passing interest in Russian matters."

Says Mr. Fischer: ‘‘Sometimes the left hand did not know what the right hand was doing, and on occasions the left hand was permitted to caress while the right hand stabbed. While Churchill, for instance, was arranging Allied intervention in Russia, Lloyd George sent Sir William Clark to discuss trade problems with Chicherin. . . . Sir William, in fact, was engaged in conversations with the commissar when British troops landed on Soviet territory. But there is a more astounding circumstance on record: Allied military attaches actually helped to organize the Red Army which later shot down Allied troops."’ (p. 97) “Ambassador Francis, for instance, ‘authorized Ruggles to instruct Riggs (American officers) to render active assistance in organizing Soviet army.’ . . . But the Allies were no fools.”’.. . ‘P- 99).

Again: ‘‘Arch interventionists like Churchill repeatedly urged the League of Nations to undertake an anti-Russian crusade. In such cases, he obviously would paint Russia not as a rival of Britain in Central Asia but as a menace to civilization and a power tor evil."’ (p. 222)

The more than eight hundred pages of this work are replete �[Page 366]366 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

with details of international intrigue, charges, and revelations of unwritten episodes of recent political history, e.g., the motive of Admiral Kolchak’s visit to Washington, secret Soviet-Pilsudski negotiations, involving deception by the latter of the French, during the Russian-Polish War, of 1920; M. Rakovsky’s confi- dential negotiations looking towards partial payment of the pre-war Russian debt to France; the ‘‘inside’’ story of the Chinese Revolution; and an astonishing statement that Lenin agreed that American property would be exempt from the rulings of the Nationalization Decree, expropriating foreign private property in June 1918. ‘‘Legally, therefore, American property is in a different category from that of other foreigners.’’ If this be true, and corroborated, the fact is of capital diplomatic importance.

In an interesting concluding chapter: ‘‘Problems of a Revo- lutionary Foreign Policy,’’ Mr. Fischer is at pains to recognize the peculiar diplomatic aloofness of Soviet Russia, its refusal to enter the League or any other alliances and blocs with capitalist nations, and the dangerous liability of the Comintern and its propaganda to a realistic Soviet Government foreign policy seeking to promote the economic recovery and rapid industrial- ization of Russia through the maintenance of peace. He says: “The old notion that the Soviet Government could neither persist nor succeed without revolutions in other lands is consid- ered obsolete. Moscow today submits the proposition that the capitalist and Communist worlds may live side by side in peaceful co-existence. Instead of concentrating energies on the overthrow of world capitalism, the Bolsheviks are bent on making good themselves. . . . The Soviets are being tested by History and they will not be diverted by beating ploughshares into tanks or by digging trenches. . . . It would be instructive if it were generally known, -how irritating Comintern activities and meth- ods are to some of the persons responsible for Soviet diplomacy.’ (pp. 823, 830)

Yet this degree of rectitude has been reached with reluctance, through sacrifice, frustration and bitter blunders; and not all Communist editors and politicians have reached it yet. A revolu- �[Page 367]A SOVIET “‘STATESMAN'S YEARBOOK’ 367

tion and a revolutionary state which has discarded old conceptions of property as well as propriety, bows reluctantly to any form of law not of its own creation. Soviet Russia has not yet accepted many of the basic principles of the institution of modern inter- national law, nor recognized the validity of international arbitra- tion and arbitral courts in any general terms. It is interesting to note, however, that a treaty between the R.S.F.S.R. and the short-lived Red republic of Finland acknowledged the principle of arbitration, the court to be appointed by the Central Committee of the Swedish Left Social Democratic Party! (p. 90)

But what, it will still be asked, is the true personality of this ‘nigmatical dynamic régime—Dr. Jekyl’s or Mr. Hyde’s—when its unofficial historian with every evidence of official approval and assistance, can write on another page of the same book (p. 692): “In China, the Bolsheviks were in effect if not by direct intention damaging British interests and threatening British imperialism. When a bourgeois nation’s life interests are endangered by the activities or very existence of a proletarian régime, it matters little whether legal, formal ground exists for complaint and hos- tility. . . . Every Communist still believes in World Revolution and hopes England will be one of the first countries to succumb. The Soviet Government, ruled by considerations of expediency and by the necessity of maintaining outwardly friendly relations with capitalist governments, may refrain from offensive tactics; but that the sympathy of its leaders is on the side of revolution cannot be gainsaid—nor do the Bolsheviks ever endeavour to conceal the fact, though they need not any longer shout it from the housetops. Undoubtedly, capitalist governments would be justified in boycotting and ostracizing the Soviet Union. It is an anomaly that relations exist between Moscow and bourgeois capitals. They exist because capitalist states are divided among themselves."’

Must we, then, achieve international solidarity solely for purposes of larger and deadlier destruction? Is the world irrevocably split asunder? To believe this is to believe at best in the possibility of only a truce between two hostile human �[Page 368]368 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

organizations of power. It is remorseless logic in action, called Realpolitik. Is it truth or benighted superstition? It may be affirmed that it is neither the last word, nor the wisest. It is a doctrine popular among journalists and pseudo-radicals, dating from the Old Testament rather than the New, from the medieval pale, not the age of Science and the controlled experiment, the controlled machine, physical or social. It savors of political mythology. ‘‘Intellectuals’’ and ‘‘radicals’’ are often its most helpless victims. For all of their erudition, these volumes will do little to weaken its hold. But they will vastly increase a reader's understanding of the way, if not the why, of critical events, events which have set the world-stage for tragedies, perhaps through generations to come. �[Page 369]BOOKS RECEIVED

Wider Horizons, by Herbert Adams Gibbons, Century.

Tents of the Mighty, by Donald Richberg, Willett, Clark and Colby.

Mahatma Gandhi, The Man and His Mission, A Symposium, G. A. Nateson Co., Madras.

Education and International Relations, by Daniel A. Prescott, Har- vard Univ. Press.

Twenty Dialogues on Universal Religion, Between Seeker and Finder, by Walter Walsh, Williams and Norgate.

Look to the East, by Frederick Palmer, Dodd Mead.

The Impending Storm, by Somerset de Chaire, Smith.

Educating for Peace, by Elizabeth Miller Lobingier and John Leslie Lobingier, The Pilgrim Press.

The Reparation Settlement, by Denys P. Myers, World Peace Foundation.

World Politics in Modern Civilization, by Harry Elmer Barnes, Knopf.

International Control of Raw Materials, by Benjamin B. Wallace and Lynn R. Edminster, Brookings Institute.

Problems of the Pacific, 1929, by J. D. Condliffe, Univ. of Chicago Press.

Soctal Psychology of International Conduct, by George Malcolm Stratton, Appleton.

Soviet Russia, by William Henry Chamberlin, Little, Brown.

From Orpheus to Paul, by Vittorio D. Macchioro, Holkt.

The Soul and Its Mechanism, by Alice A. Bailey, Lucis.

The Negro in American Civilization, by Charles S. Johnson, Holt.

Towards a New Education, edited by The New Education Fellow- ship, Knopf.

The Religious Background of American Culture, by Thomas Cuming Hall, Little, Brown.

Must England Lose India? by Lieut. Col. Arthur Osburn, Knopf.

369 �[Page 370]370° WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

A Bibliography of Persia, by Lt. Col. Sir Arnold T. Wilson, Claren- don Press.

A History of Modern Culture, by Preserved Smith, Holt.

Passing Through Germany (A guidebook), Terramare Office, Berlin.

Our Changing Human Nature, by Samuel D. Schmalhausen Macaulay.

Social Psychology, by Kimball Young, Knopf.

Europe Since 1914, by F. Lee Benns, Crofts.

America in Civilization, by Ralph E. Turner, Knopf.

Turkey Faces West, by Halidé Edib, Yale Univ. Press.

Problems of Peace, 4th series, Geneva Institute of International Relations, Oxford Univ. Press.

The Anglo-American Peace Movement in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, by Christina Phelps, Columbia Univ. Press.

The Life of Mohamet, by Emile Dermenghen, Dial Press.

Handbook of the League of Nations since 1920, by Denys P. Myers, World Peace Foundation.

Latin-American Relations with the League of Nations, by Warren H. Kelchner, World Peace Foundation.

Growing Up in New Guinea, by Margaret Mead, Morrow.

The Giant of the Western World, by Francis Miller and Helen Hall, Morrow.

The Path to Peace, by Nicholas Murray Butler, Scribners.

Prophets of the New India, by Romain Rolland, A. and C. Boni.

The Turn Toward Peace, by Florence Brewer Boeckel, Friendship Press.

Gandhi of India: His Own Story, edited by C. F. Andrews, Mac- millan.

Belief Unbound, by Wm. Pepperell Montague, Yale Univ. Press.

The World's Economic Dilemma, by Ernest Minor Patterson, Whit- tlesey House.

China: The Collapse of a Civilization, by Nathaniel Pfeffer, Day.

Disillusioned India, by Dhan Gopal Mukerji, Dutton.

The Puritan Mind, by Herbert Wallace Schneider, Holt.

The History of British Civilization, by Esmé Wingfield Stratford, Harcourt, Brace. �[Page 371]BOOKS RECEIVED 371

Pioneers of Christian Thought, by Frederick D. Kershner, Bobbs Merrill.

Mary Baker Eddy, by Lyman P. Powell, Macmillan.

Since Then, by Sir Philip Gibbs, Harper.

Liberty and the Modern State, by Harold J. Laski, Harper.

The Cross Bearers, by A. M. Frey, Viking Press.

Procession of the Gods, by Gaius Glenn Atkins, Smith.

The Life of the Ant, by Maurice Maeterlinck, Day.

The United States of Europe, by Edouard Herriot, Viking Press.

The Origins of the World War, by Sidney Bradshaw Fay (second edition), Macmillan.

The Fight for Peace, by Devere Allen, Macmillan.

Ten Years of World Cooperation, from the Secretariat of the League of Nations, 1930. |

Contemporary Social Movements, by Jerome Davis, Century.

Social Work Year Book, 1929, Russell Sage Foundation.

The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Nov. 1930.

Religion in a Changing World, by Abba Hillel Silver, Smith.

Rationalisation and Unemployment, by J. A. Hobson, Macmillan. �[Page 372]ROUND TABLE

‘The Conscience of Europe"’ in this and two coming issucs brings us face to face with three personalities identified with the problem of social destiny. Dr. Bartlett reports significant con- versations with H. G. Wells, Romaine Rolland and Stefan Zweig.

If Europe has a ‘‘conscience,’’ few more representative spokes- men could have been selected. If conscience be defined as a state of intense awareness, a vast part of the current of modern Euro- pean thought has passed through these three channels. But if conscience be considered a mode of will, neither Europe nor any other continent can be evoked in terms of any man or any group. Collective action has become the unpredictable outcome of nu- merous conflicting impulses, a condition less like the conduct of an organism than the confusion of a storm. In any period of civilization, individuals can be found who assert the values con- trolling the group. Today, individuals stand apart in moral isola- tion from the community. Their leverage lies in knowledge of the past or faith in the future. We roll in the trough of the sea.

• * *

Parker Thomas Moon, author of the third paper in the sym- posium on ‘‘The Coming World Order,"’ is author of A Syllabus on International Relations, The Labor Problem and the Social Catholic Movement in France, A Syllabus of Imperialism and World Politics, Imperialism and World Politics, and co-author of Modern History, Ancient and Medieval History, Ancient His- tory, The United States and the Caribbean, etc.

• * *

Graham H. Stuart, who contributed the second article in the same series, has written French Foreign Policy, Latin Amer- ica and the United States, The Governmental System of Peru, The Tacna-Arica Dispute, and is editor of Stanford Books in World Politics.

372 �[Page 373]A WORLD COMMUNITY

By JOHN HERMAN RANDALL

THs work is a sine qua non for every person attempting at all seriously to understand the problems and also opportunities of the new era. Ic has great usefulness as a text for college classes, or as reading for courses in modern history, sociology, religion or international relations.

Editorial writers, teachers, lecturers and ministers, as well as men and women identified with offices of public trust or responsible move- ments of a progressive character, will find “A World Community” abso- lutely invaluable. The scope of the book is clearly indicated in the following Summary of Contents: —

The New Means of Communication The New Economic Organization

The New Knowledge The Emerging Ideal of World Unity Nationalism \

Economic Imperialism

War and Competitive Armaments

Ignorance and Old Habits of Thinking

The Movement toward Internationalism

The Movement toward World Economic Cooperation A Religion for a World Community

Since its publication in February, 1930, “A World Community” has received powerful endorsement.

“Dr. Randall writes with the knowledge of the scientist and the vision of the prophet.” —Frank H. Hankins, Smith College. “Ie discusses one of the great problems of our time, and does so in a most illuminating fashion.” —Manley O. Hudson, Harvard University. “A real contribution to international understanding and amity.’"—Harry Levi, Temple Israel, Boston. ‘His work has the possibility of greater educational influence than anything of the kind that has been written."”—A. C. Senske, St. Paul News.

“A World Community” is published in the World Unity Library sponsored by this magazine. A copy will be sent postpaid for $2.00. The book and annual sub- scription to WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE, $5.00.

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

4 East 12TH STREET New YorK 373 �[Page 374]

THE TEACHER IN THE PROGRESSIVE SCHOOL The March Issue of

PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION

will be devoted entirely to The Training of Teachers for Progressive Schools

Partial Contents

“WHAT A TEACHER'S PREPARATION SHOULD BE FOR WORK IN A PROGRESSIVE SCHOOL”

Dr. F. G. Bonser, Teachers College, New York City. ae PERSONALITY AND ATTITUDE TOWARD HER

Caroline B. Zachry, Director, Mental Hygiene Institute, Montclair, N. J. “THE MEANING OF FREEDOM IN EDUCATION”

Stuart A. Courtis, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. “TEACHER TRAINING FOR PROGRESSIVE SCHOOLS”

Lucy aoe Mitchell, Bureau of Educational Experiments, New York

i

ty.

“MENTAL HYGIENE FOR THE TEACHER”

Dr. Joseph K. Hart, Contributing Editor, “The Survey,” New York City. “TEACHER TRAINING AT YALE UNIVERSITY”

Dr. F. E. Spalding, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. “THE TEACHER AS AN ALL-ROUND PERSON”

Millicent J. Taylor, Educational Department, “The Christian Science

Monitor.”

“REMAKING THE TEACHER”

Dr. George D. Stoddard, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa. “NERVES AND TENSION”

Dr. Edmund Jacobson, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois. “THE PROMISE OF PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION TO THE TEACHER”

Bess B. Lane, Tower Hill School, Wilmington, Del. “IMPLICATIONS FOR TEACHERS FROM SOCIAL BEHAVIOR STUDIES"

Dr. Lois Hayden Meek, Child Development Institute, New York City “THE TEACHER PROBLEM IN PROGRESSIVE SCHOOLS”

Margaret Pollitzer, The Walden School, New York City. “THE TEACHER AND THE PROGRESSIVE SCHOOL”

Dr. Eugene R. Smith, The Beaver Country Day School, Chestnut Hill,

Mass.

There is no greater problem in education today than the proper training of teachers. PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION bere offers its approach and solution. It is an unusual assembly of significant experience. This issue is of vital interest to officials, normal training schools, teacher's colleges, and teachers.

Single copies, fifty cents. Year’s subscription, three dollars.

PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION ASSOCIATION 10 Jackson Place, Washington, D. C.

374 �[Page 375]NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM

By HERBERT ADAMS GIBBONS

| THIS book, Dr. Gibbons has infused his historical scholarship with a lifetime of personal experience and participation in international affairs. The result is a study accurate enough for the classroom and inter- esting enough for the average reader.

“Nationalism and Internationalism” traces the evolution of political force from its first expression in the movement toward modern nationalism, through the nineteenth century, to its present expression in internationalism as the true outcome of national ideals.

In the course of this balanced survey we see emerging a more human and dramatic conception of the influences making for war and peace. The final analysis includes consideration of the Young Plan. The Summary of Contents follows:—

Nationalism Before 1789

Nationalism Versus Internationalism from 1789 to 1815 Nationalism and Internationalism from 1815 to 1870 Nationalist Movements from 1870 to 1914

Nationalism During the World War and the Peace Conference International Cooperation Since the World War

With the knowledge and insight gained from this book, the meaning of international events reported in the daily press can be thoroughly ap- preciated. A Professor of Sociology writes: “He manages to link the various movements together so as to make not only a very interesting story but a very illuminating one.” From a scholarly Rabbi: “Nationalism and Internationalism tells most interestingly a story with which all of us con- cerned with world well-being should be familiar.”

“Nationalism and Internationalism” is published in the World Unity Library sponsored by this magazine. A copy of the book will be sent postpaid for $1.50. The book and annual subscription to WorLD UNITY Mac- AZINE, $4.75.

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE 4 EAST 12TH STREET New YORK 375 �[Page 376]SEVEN GREAT BIBLES

By ALFRED W. MARTIN

| publication of this important work places in the hands of the general reader the vital facts about the great historical religions hitherto limited to a few scholars and theologians, or hastily “popular. ized” in forms lacking scientific method as well as the spirit of reverence and insight.

Here, at last, are the essential truths about Hinduism, Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, Confucianism, Taoism, Muhammadanism, Judaism and Christianity that demonstrate the underlying unity and harmony in the texts from which these religions derive—a very history of the soul of man illumined from age to age by inspired teachers pointing the path to brotherhood and peace.

There can be no soundness of culture nor depth of personality in this new age without a firm grasp of religion from the world-view—no useful scheme of social progress which fails to consider the elements of spiritual vision and enduring faith common to the entire race.

Mr. Martin's book is therefore at once a challenge and an opportunity, dealing with a subject of supreme concern at a time when formalized re- ligion threatens to collapse, the old conventions and inhibitions fail, law- lessness threatens and responsible leaders seek a new means of social regeneration.

You need no special preparation to read and enjoy ‘Seven Great Bibles,” because it presents each religion as nearly as possible in the actual words and lives of the Founder himself. Proceeding from chapter to chapter you seem to stand among those who discoursed with the wise Confucius, questioned the illumined Buddha, drew inspiration from Muhammad, resisted the principle of evil with Zoroaster, suffered in the wilderness with Moses and received the Sermon on the Mount from the lips of Jesus.

“Seven Great Bibles” is published in the World Unity Library sponsored by this magazine. A copy will be sent postpaid for $2.00. The book and annual sub- scription to WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE, $5.00.

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE 4 EAST 12TH STREET New YorRK 376 �[Page 377]WHAT WORLD UNITY MEANS

Tue present nationalistic political structure is incapable of making the decisions required to establish a sound basis for progressive, orderly developments in industry and finance.

The present competitive economic structure cannot initiate nor sus- tain a world program of adult education to inculcat= the principles of international cooperation and peace.

The present dependent educational structure is helpless before the task of reconciling the divided authority and responsibility of church and state which darkens the social mind through the conflict between science and religion.

The present sectarian religious structure lacks spiritual power to cuide humanity according to a universal intelligence and will.

Where is world reconstruction to begin?

World reconstruction demands a new and higher scale of human values—the leaven of world-conscious individuals. An organic social order adequate to safeguard humanity can only arise after its nature and scope have been manifested in the experience of pioneer souls.

Under these conditions it is inevitable that a literary medium should have come into being for the sole purpose of sharing the thoughts and views of those who, among the various nations, classes and creeds, are primarily concerned with the victory of world ideals.

World reconstruction begins in the intention of responsible people to identify their highest interests with this new impulse of creative thought.

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE Intcrpreting the Spirit of the Age 4 East 12th Street New York City �[Page 378]REPRINTS AND BOUND VOLUMES

Fo teachers, students, librarians, bookdealers, reading clubs and executives of organizations in the international field, the “Classified Reading List of Current Books on World Unity and International Co- operation,” including titles of works published to July 1, 1930, is an in- valuable guide and reference. More than 400 separate titles. Per single copy, 25 cents; eight copies, $1.00; rate for larger quantities quoted on request.

“Building Up the International Mind,” by H. A. Overstreet, 16-page pamphlet, is a famous psychologist’s summary of principles needed ¥ inculcate the instinctive outlook of peace and cooperation. Limited number of copies available. Per single copy, 10 cents. Rate for lar quantities quoted on request.

Woritp UNITY MAGAZINE, Volume One, October, 1927—Ma 1928. 436 pages. Serials by Kirtley F. Mather and William Shepherd.

Wor_p UNITY MaGAzINE, Volume Two, April, 1928—September 1928. 432 pages. Serials by Mary Hull, Alfred W. Martin an Dexter Perkins.

Woritp UNITY MAGAZINE, Volume Three, October, 1928—Mar 1929. 444 pages. Serials by Frank H. Hankins, E. A. Burtt and Alfr W. Martin (continued).

Wor_p UNITY MAGAZINE, Volume Four, April, 1929—Sept 1929. 452 pages. Serials by Hankins and Burtt (continued).

Worip UNITY MAGAZINE, Volume Five, October, 1929—Marc 1930. 432 pages. Serials by John Herman Randall, Herbert Ad Gibbons, J. Tyssul Davis and Dexter Perkins.

Woritp UNITY MaGaZzINE, Volume Six, April, 1930—Septem 1930. 440 pages. Serials by A. J. Muste, Perkins, Randall and Gib (continued).

Bound Volumes of WoriD UNITy are a cultural index to and interpretation of the international movements of the day. Each volume bound in blue buckram, gold stamped. Per volume, $4.25.

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE 4 East 12TH STREET NEW Yong

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