World Unity/Volume 8/Issue 2/Text

[Page 77]

WORLD UNITY

INTERPRETING THE SPIRIT OF THE AGE

JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, Editor Horace HO.tey, Managing Editor

CONTENTS

Vol. VIII MAY, 1931 No. 2 International Chamber of Commerce Frontispiece A Brilliant Piece of Diplomatic Strategy Editorial Three Paths to Peace Philip C. Nash Economic World Welfare. II. Amos Stote The Chinese Revolution and Christianity Frank Rawlinson The English-Speaking Union Alfred E. Johns Apostles of World Unity XXVIII. Lord Ponsonby Walter Walsh

Round the World Log of a Sociologist VII. Korea—Land of the Morning Calm Herbert A. Miller

World Peace by Force Charles Stow Leaves of the Greater Bible

X. Prayers of Ancient Egypt William Norman Guthrie The United States and the World Court Bryce Wood Religions of the World John Herman Randall, Jr. Correspondence Viadimir Karapetoff

Round Table (Contents indexed in the International Index to Periodicals)

WorRLD UNity MaGaZINE is published by WorLp UNity PuBLIsHING CorPora- TION, 4 East 12th Street, New York City: Mary Rumsey Movius, president; Horace HOLLEY, vice-president; FLORENCE MORTON, treasurer; JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, secretary. Published monthly, 35 cents a copy, $3.50 a year in the United States and in all other countries (postage included). THE Wortp UNity PUBLISHING CORPORATION and its editors welcome correspondence on articles related to the aims and purposes of the magazine. Printed in U. S. A. Contents copyrighted 1931 by WorLp UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION. �[Page 78]

INTERNATIONAL CHAMBER OF COMMERCE, PARIS The Economic Arm of World Welfare

¢ .

need

Per ¢. Reet

g ' bl

Pr

Pz ’

% “.

5 a

oF P "

“ 2

�[Page 79]A BRILLIANT PIECE OF DIPLOMATIC STRATEGY

Aaa “ED

EDITORIAL

work out a custums union that would abolish for a fixed

period practically all tariff duties between them, has raised

a storm of protest in Europe that is tremendously revealing. It has thrown into sharp relief the fundamental conflict that to- day divides Europe into two antagonistic and mutually suspicious groups of nations. It is a conflict primarily between the aims of the two greatest Continental powers—France and Germany; between France’s military and financial supremacy, on the one hand, and Germany’s aspirations to equality on the other, between the bene- ficiaries and defenders of the existing European order and those who would like to revise the peace treaties, the frontiers and the cconomic arrangements they laid down. This fundamental conflict of interest will be manifest sooner or later in every important issue touching Europe as a whole.

Ever since the war there has been talk of the possibility of an “Anschluss’’—a political merger between Austria and Germany. The arguments for this development are obvious. The chief oppo- sition to it has come from without, and especially from France whose consistent policy it has been to oppose any and every sugges- tion which might strengthen Germany in territory, population or wealth, and thus make her a more dangerous opponent in that “next war’ that France persists in anticipating.

More recently, much has been heard about a Pan-European Union or United States of Europe—a plan for which M. Briand has become the foremost spokesman. Although it would seem that a customs union, with universal free trade within its boundaries, is the very heart of M. Briand’s proposals, the vehement protests

79

T™ announcement that Germany and Austria had agrced to �[Page 80]80 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

called forth in France would seem to indicate that the real purpose -back of the plan for a United States of Europe, at least so far as France is concerned, is to keep Germany economically as weak as possible—to maintain to the utmost extent France's present domin- ating position. When a “tariff truce” was proposed at a recent meeting in Geneva, France and her satellite powers immediately vetoed it.

No sooner was this attempt to pave the way for a custums union proved to be a failure than Germany and Austria announced with dramatic suddenness a plan of their own. They propose to inaugurate the customs union without waiting for anybody else though they warmly invite every other power to join them, now or in the future. It is impossible to believe that this proposal is a prelude to political union unless one assumes that the German and Austrian govern- ments are both lying. By initiating their proposal and inviting all other nations to join them, they have advanced the idea of a United States of Europe ten times as far as all oratory has done.

The interesting thing is that two weeks of bitter polemics are being succeeded by calm consideration of the whole question. Many keen observers are asserting that Germany has now forced Europe to realize that it must choose between dangerous rival groups, or united action, and thus the London comment that in the long run the nations will have to choose between fighting one another or working together, and that they can choose now by expanding the Austro-German accord into a broader European understanding, finds a ready echo in many sections of French opinion.

Count Bethlen, Premier of Hungary, has declared that this development is only a symptom of bigger events to come, and that the manner in which the present situation is handled wil! determine the economic future of Europe. And from Italy there are evidences of support, at least for the principles involved in the German move.

The attitude of M. Briand is now the subject of the widest speculation but it will not be surprising if he does not hit upon the suggestions of a broader pact as the best way out of the present difficulty.

J. H.R. �[Page 81]THREE PATHS TO PEACE by Puitip C. NASH

Divector, League of Nations Association, Inc.

NTERNATIONAL thinking, like national politics, has its right, left and center. The right may be considered as composed of those who be- lieve that the best security for peace and prosperity and justice in the world lies in great armaments and military alliances designed to build up one power or group of powers to such strength that no other nation will dare to attack it. The philosophy of the extreme left is that the present machinery for world cooperation is not pro- perly designed, and cannot possibly perform the task set for it— theretore the only thing to do is to scrap it altogether and form a world state in which the member nations give up a part of their sovereignty (including the right to make war and keep an army and navy) to some central authority responsible to all the people on carth. The center includes those with faith and hope in the present machinery—that is, the League of Nations, the World Court, and the whole method of conference leading to treaties gradually bind- ing the nations together into a world community.

The first of these philosophies had been tacitly accepted by the great majority of mankind for so many generations as to become instinctive. Moreover, in the early days, a tribe or a city or a state or a nation that had a strong military organization was able not only to protect itself from the depredations of others, but also to impose its will and its taxes upon its neighbors.

But conditions change, and people are coming to see that mil- itary conquest is likely to be temporary; that the security found in great armaments is an illusion; that today, twelve years after the greatest war in history, the vanquished nation, Germany, disarmed

81 �[Page 82]82 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

and paying reparations, is about as prosperous and secure and hope. ful as the victorious France and Britain. It is a curious paradox that France, armed to the teeth, is afraid; while Germany, disarmed, is not. Her Reichstag even refuses to appropriate money for the second of the two big cruisers she is allowed to build. The news. paper, the cinema and the wireless are teaching these facts very rapidly, and they are also revealing the interdependence of all na. tions in matters of economic prosperity, health and culture. Thus the conservative policy of the right, holding fast to old traditions, seems to have passed its zenith and will in the future serve merely as a check to prevent too rapid steps in the other direction.

The thinkers on the left feel thac the solution for international problems is the world state. They point out the gradual increase in the size of autonomous units and they envisage one more last step. They point to the failure of the Holy Alliance, to the weakness ot our American Confederation betore the adoption of the United States Constgution, and the slow progress in such problems as dis- armament under the League of Nations, as indications that a loose association of independent nations cannot be effective and that a truc world superstate is essential. According to this view, the indi- vidual nations must cede to the central government some right of taxation, all right to make war, to maintain armaments (except for internal police), to set custom duties, etc. In short, under the world state each of the sixty-odd nations would occupy about the same position as does each one of our states towards the federal govern- ment of the United States. Presumably, the various peoples would elect delegates to the international congress, which would appoint executives, levy taxes, appropriate funds, enact international law, etc. It is assumed that each nation would abide by the rulings of the congress, as do our states. If any nation refused to obey the inter- national congress or decided to secede from the world federation, the thinker on the left is not quite clear as to what should be done. He hates to consider force of any kind exerted against any nation, and yet he remembers our civil war, the necessity of holding the union together, and he very often refuses to settle that point, hoping that the pressure of public opinion would hold the nations in line. �[Page 83]THREE PATHS TO PEACE 83

To all this the people in the center make two very obvious re- plies: first, that however desirable such a program may be it is ab- solutely impossible to achieve in the immediate future; and second, that the present machinery, with the League of Nations at the cen- ter, is gradually making such an organization possible in the more distant future and is protecting peace and justice in the meantime.

The middle-of-the-road philosopher sees the vast disorganiza- tion of China and India, the communistic, anti-capitalistic experi- -ment in Russia, the different point of view between such countries as Spain and Norway in language, religion, culture and geography, and realizes that these various peoples are not yet ready to bind themselves together in a superstate. Undoubtedly future genera- tions will see something, approaching a world superstate—but not until there have been leng years of education and practice among the nations in cooperating as independent units. Just as a League of Nations was impossible until exploration, emigration and-scien- tic progress had set the stage, so is a superstate impossible under present world conditions.

There are two ways in which mankind may be educated to accept a world state. If the League of Nations does not have the suppert of the great mass of people and the constructive criticism of the intellectuals, it may possibly fail to insure peace and justice in the world; it may become inelastic, unable to accommodate itself to changing conditions, a mere instrument to preserve the status quo of the particular governments in power. That inevitably means future world wars, devasting beyond belief, after which the civili- zation that is left in existence may be ready tor a new experiment in world unity. This is a gloomy outlook, and if it is justified means that the generations now alive in the world, through ignorance and tidificrence, are condemning their children’s children to horrors and miseries of warfare not now imagined. The thinkers of the left must undertake an awful responsibility if they adopt this view.

The alternate method of bringing about world unity is not through the failure of the League but through its success. The best possible education towards the giving up of national sovereignty is the technique which is developing under League auspices. �[Page 84]84 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

This technique is somewhat as follows: The Secretariat care- fully investigates some question that is threatening the well-being of the world—let us say, the opium problem. When it seems wise, a conference is called of all the countries interested. Experts from those countries study the question, draw up a treaty that goes as far as possible towards a solution, and submit it to all the nations for ratification. When ratified, the treaty becomes binding, and to that extent each nation gives up some of its freedom of action in favor of the good of all.

In many different spheres this process is going on. Under the mandates system the nations are reporting to the League on the administration of their colonies. Under the minority treaties they have recognized the right of the world as a whole to take an interest in what goes on inside their borders. Under various tariff treatics they are slowly limiting themselves in customs matters. Under the World Court Optional Clause they are agreeing to submit all legal disputes to the Court for settlement. Under the ‘General Act’’ they are hesitatingly but surely agreeing to submit all disputes to some kind of arbitration, and under the Kellogg Pact they renounce war as an instrument of policy.

This is marveious progress towards world unity, thinks the philosopher of the center. is there the slightest prospect that any new machine could do as well as the League is doing? And does it not appear that the League can and will be developed as its oppor- tunities and responsibilities increase?

The League is an entity formed by nations represented by their responsible officials and employing experts to study the innumer- able problems that require solution on an international basis. It is 1 * a static, lifeless thing, but accurately reflects the opinions and desures and aspirations of the prime ministers, who in turn represent the thinking of the common people in the various countries. In the last analysis, it must be this vast, slow-moving public opinion that will determine the evolution of the League. The responsible leaders in each country are usually far ahead of the oraiauary citizen in their international thinking. Most of them well see the absolute necessity of working towards world unity and will move as fast at Geneva as �[Page 85]THREE PATHS "TO PEACE 85

they can get support from the voters at home.

The education of great masses of people to new ideas is a very slow process, especially when these ideas run counter to their in- stincts and habits. Therefore the idealist must not be discouraged to see hesitation, faltering, even flat failures along the road of in- ternational progress.

Not only is the extremist on the left impatient for immediate perfection, he is also apt to avoid or oppose the League because its organization seems to him imperfect. In some cases he wants the delegates to the League elected by the people instead of appointed by the governments, although there is no indication of better run- ning of the machine by such operators. (For instance, it is not at all cectain that our United States Senate has been improved by the direct election of Senators.) Or he will avoid the League because it was founded on the very imperfect Treaty of Versailles, although it seems evident that if ic had not been so founded it could not have existed at all and, moreover, in the short term of ten years, the vanquished nations are finding in the League one of their chief hopes of peace and justice. Or he abhors the League because it has within it an indefinite and little understood “sanctions” clause which he fears might lead towards war instead of away from it. He forgets that the strength of the League is in settling disputes and problems before they become acute, in preventing war rather than in punishing an aggressor nation. Neither soldier nor warship has been called to action to enforce peace by the League. With the most powerful nation in the world crippling the machine by indifference and even hostility, the League has nevertheless performed its task successfully without use of sanctions. If the United States soon be- comes a member of the League, with reservations guardi:.g her most carefully from the petty quarrels of other countries, or even if she does not become a member but commits herself merely to sit with the Council of the League in case of emergency, throwing her cnormous prestige and idealism on the side of justice, does it not seem certain that sanctions of force will never be used? The thinker on the left forgets that the best, perhaps the only way to make sanc- tions unnecessary is to build public opinion, and the machine that �[Page 86]86 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

makes it effective, so strong that no nation wil! dream of breaking its pledges.

And so the League of Nations depends for its support in almost all countries on the center of international thought. The extremist to the right is thinking in terms of our western frontier before the law came in, when a man’s gun was his only protection He must learn that we are living in a different period of civilization, both national and international. The extremist to the left seeks the short-cut to world unity, and there is no short-cut. The steady, middle-of-the-road thinker sees in the League an honest attempt to better conditions in the world in every possible wav, bearing in mind the limitations and practical conditions under which we live.

If the League should fail to develop in the next ten, or even hundred years so that it can successfully meet the problems of the future, it will be to a considerable extent the fault of the idealist ot the left, seeking a pot of gold under a rainbow across the marsh, rather than giving his earnest and extremely valuable efforts to nurturing and helping the tlower which has started so well in our rather ill-kept and unknown garden of international relations, but which may be choked by the weeds of ignerance, superstition aid mistaken tradition, unless all men of intelligence and goodwill combine for its careful cultivation. �[Page 87]ECONOMIC WORLD WELFARE

Il. THE HISTORY OF THE INTERNATIONAL CHAMBER OF COMMERCE by

Amos STOTE

Prybls, 1g? Purvis, Prim r

N October 12, 1919, the United States transport Northern

Pacific nosed into New York Harbor carrving what was

probably the most influential group of men ever landed

in the United States from a single ship. There were sixty of them. They came from France, Great Britain, Belgium and Italy. They were engineers, bankers, manufacturers, merchants, chiefs of rail and water transport organizations. Just eleven months had passed since the signing of the Armistice. Never had these men been more needed in their own countries. Never did their own businesses, their own personal interests, need their personal attention more than at that time when they were landing in New York,

They had answered this call to come to America because they saw that world affairs demanded them more than the greatest de- mands of personal and national affairs.

The forces which led to this trip were not those which have been said to have brought on the War, the lust for commercial conquest, but economic forces which comprehended cooperation among nations.

Back in the year 1905, in September, there had met at historic, and later tragic, Liege, Belgium, the first International Congress of Chambers of Commerce and Industrial and Commercial Organiza- tions. This initial gathering together of many of the commercial lcaders of the world to discuss common interests proved so fruitful that a second meeting was held in Milan in 1906, which led to one at Prague in 1908, another in London in 1910, in Boston in 1912,

87 �[Page 88]88 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

and Paris in 1914. Then came war.

There is evidence that certain men in the United States did not let the memory of those early meetings fade. At any rate in the spring of 1919 Edward A. Filene was to be found in the capital cities of France, Great Britain, Belgium and Italy, where he was soon joined by Thomas W. Lamont and the late A. C. Bedford. Conferences were held with government and commercial leaders in these countries and as a result the Chamber of Cominerce of the United States invited those men who landed from the transport ship six months later to come over and tell our business men the problems of Europe and to discuss their relation to world problems.

On the way over, Filene, who accompanied the European dele- gation, distributed programs outlining the various subjects to be discussed at the Congress which was scheduled to be held at Atlantic City. One item on this agendum came as a surprise to these Euro- peans. Eugene Schneider, Chief of the French Economic Mission, called to his stateroom another member of his group, a professor of economics at the University of Dijon, the man who was later destined to be so powerful an influence in the development of the project unexpectedly included on the program. That was the first Edouard Dolleans knew of the proposal. He and his chief were impressed, for the item read “Permanent Organization.” What could that mean, coming from Americans who had always held so aloof from international economic problems, even as they had evaded the responsibilities of international political problems?

Apparently some of those who were to act as hosts to these delegates from four European countries felt prepared to acknow!- edge the vital necessity for international cooperation and to admit international interdependence. History has it that credit for first proposing the establishment of a Permanent Organization designed to function as headquarters for the economic interests of the world belongs to the late A. C. Bedford.

So, in a sense, the International Chamber of Commerce first gained an international hearing in mid-Atlantic, that greatest of international highways.

Then came the meetings at Atlantic City, followed by later �[Page 89]ECONOMIC WORLD WELFARE 89

conferences in eighteen other cities to which the Foreign Missions were taken as guests of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, and at which world problems were presented to more than a hundred thousand of our business men. Most of these meetings were confined to the commercial leaders of each city but I shall never forget the one in Cleveland where Herrick, the most loved Ambassador we ever sent abroad, stirred a mass meeting with his appeals for world progress and for peace founded on mutual inter- ests and not on munitions.

Yet before the Congress at Atlantic City adjourned the Inter- national Chamber of Commerce had been duly brought to birth. Still nameless, still homeless, stilled tagged as ‘‘Permanent Organ- ization” for want of an official christening, that which was to be the International Chamber of Commerce existed. The existence was composed chiefly of five committees representing the five countries which were party to the Congress.

John H. Fahey presided at the meeting of the American Com- mittee. Under his leadership and through his enthusiasm, the need tor this Permanent Organization was unanimously approved and many activities defined for presentation to the inter-allied confer- ences.

It was at a joint meeting of these committees that the following impressive statement as indicating the broad purpose of the new institution was adopted:

“To facilitate the commercial intercourse of nations, to secure harmony of action on all international questions aftecting commerce and industry, and to promote peace, progress and cordial relations among countries and their citizens by the cooperation of business men and their organizations devoted to the development of com- merce and industry.”

Of course other nations were to be admitted to membership and it was decided to follow the League of Nations in this respect. Nations acceptable to the League would be acceptable to this cconomic institution. Then a Joint Committee on Permanent Or- ganization was appointed to meet the following summer in London or Paris.

�[Page 90]go WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Paris won. This Committee met on several occasions at the Sorbonne, in Paris, in May and June, 1920. On June 23 the general organization meetings began, attended by several hundred delegates from the original five countries. Ideas and ideals which had de- veloped in men’s minds became declarations of principles. The principles were established as standards of practice.

The new organization went into action. It was christened the International Chamber of Commerce, also the Chambre de Com- merce Internationale. \t got a third christening five years later, for at the Brussels Congress in 1925 the request for membership by Germany was voted upon and admittance granted. Then it was given the additional title ©. ‘aternationale iliindeiskammer.

It is significant that although the original rules concerning membership dictated that countries must first be acceptable to the League of Nations, in five years world commercial economics had worked faster than world political economics. The International Chamber of Commerce has reason to be decently proud of the fact that it welcomed Germany to its membership before the League had been able to accomplish that feat.

Much was achieved at that first official meeting. in Paris where scores of national organizations were represented from all of the five countries, where governments had their observers and where were assembled some hundreds of the leading business men of France, Great Britain, Belgium, Italy and the United States. Busi- ness men who got down to business. They learned of each other's countries, and learned to respect them. They set machinery in motion for the building of a practical organization devoted to pre- senting world problems in a manner in which they would be understood and could be acted upon.

The name ‘International Chamber of Commerce” was adopted because it offered the best translation into other languages and fo: comprehension in either its French or English version, as well as being broadly indicative of its functions. The one disadvantage ot the name is that it suggests activities similar to municipal chambers of commerce. As a matter of fact the International Chamber was organized to act as an international observer, a collector of data �[Page 91]ECONOMIC WORLD WELFARE gi

and economic information, a formulater of principles, a proposer of policies. It assembles national economic problems and fits them into a world scheme of procedure which it submits to the nations of the earth through their own commercial organizations.

The International Chamber of Commerce believes in arbitra- tion, which makes for fair treatment for all and an understanding by all parties, but it believes even more in understanding and fair play which does not require arbitration. Preventive efforts should be the first concern and settling efforts, or arbitration, should only be introduced when the preventive efforts have not been able to accomplish their task.

No time was lost in building a working organization for the newly christened institution. Edouard Dolleans, who had been in at its birth was made its General Secretary and under his direction things began to move. The first headquarters of the International Chamber was at 33 rue Jean Goujon, for it was inevitable that the world’s capital should also be the executive headquarters of this new world power in the realm of economics. But it was not long before work increased and the staff enlarged to handle it required room which in turn required moving into the larger quarters it now occupies on the banks of the Seine at 38 Cours Albert Premier.

In eléven years the International Chamber of Commerce has grown from a waif without a home to a position in the affairs of the world which brings it recognition from 120 other international organizations, from governments, from all over the world.

And its basic first principle is peace. �[Page 92]THE EFFECT OF THE CHINESE REVOLUTION UPON CHRISTIANITY

by

FRANK RAWLINSON Editor, the Chinese Recorder, Shanghai

C HINA’S Revolution began about thirty-five years ago as an

und found stream. In 1911 this stream burst thro:::7/1 the

sutfa... It grew in volume and power until during the last

four years it overflowed the country. Five tidal waves marked this flood. (1) The Northern Expedition. (2) March 15, 1927, Hankow. (3) The May 3oth affair, Shanghai. (4) The March 24th emeute, Nanking. (5) The achievement of one National Gov- ernment. These revolutionary tidal waves have swept the destiny of China into the hands of a modern-trained and moderate leadership. This leadership is inspired by new ideals, is framing new programs and is reasserting China's integrity through the writing of new treaties and the securing of a real, if still somewhat circumscribed, tariff autonomy. Thc nation at large, however, is in a state of dis- integration. This appears in the breaking up of traditional political, economic, social and religious institutions. Yet neither the new ideals, new programs nor the disintegration of traditional institu- tions are as yet fully operative everywhere in China. Nevertheless the Revolutionary tidal waves have opened a new channel for China’s life. |

In all the above Christianity shares. The outstanding effect

upon Christianity is that its growth, statistically and geographically. has been noticeably retarded, its relationships changed and its spirit both distracted and stimulated. Most Christians in China have been profoundly affected—even upset!—by the Revolution and its con- comitants of disruption and reconstruction. This general eftect is seen in three types of response made by them to the Revolution. 93 _ 4 �[Page 93]THE CHINESE REVOLUTION AND CHRISTIANITY 93

(1) Aconsiderable proportion shows a tendency to slip back into the old ways. (2) Another proportion shows hesitancy and uncertainty as to its relation to the revolutionary chalienges in its environment. (3) The remainder are attempting to readjust their faith and works to their changing environment. The relative statistical strength of these three groups is not known; the third is, however, probably the smaller. These three groups correlate roughly with the degree of modern training received by each, which has in itself been a promi- nent factor in the Revolution. In this third group is found the progressive Christian leadership which, like that in poiitical life, is in the minority as regards the rank and file both are striving to lead torward.

In short, neither in the Nation nor in Christianity are the tasks either of understanding the ideals of the Revolution or of realizing them anywhere near finished. The Revolutionary Movement has won te primacy but is sti!l only on the threshold of its possibilities. In consequence there are both negative as well as positive effects thereof. The negative effects are evident in the breaking down process which accompanies Revolutions everywhere. The positive ctfects are only just appearing and can only be designated as Le- ginnings.- These latter, however, indicate the direction now set for both the Nation and Christianity.

The Revolution has profoundly affected both the status and rclationships of Christianity, particularly in regard to the Chinese Church and Chinese Christians. These are not, I fear, yet recognized by the rank and file as fully as they might be. As regards the treaties and administrative relationships between Chinese and western churches the old status and relationships still exist, technically speaking. But they are now dead letters—legal and ecclesiastical ghosts; even though still treated by some as realities. The changes concerned have become apparent during the last few years though the roots and causes of some of them antedate considerably the tidal cvents mentioned above.

To the attack on Christian property and possessions must be added the anti-Christian movement and the movement to dissociate cducation from religion, if one would estimate rightly the effect of �[Page 94]94 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

the Revolution upon the diplomatic or treaty status of Christianity. Three groups have participated in these converging movements so far as thev have aftected Christianity. These are the militarists, the Communists and the modern-trained educational leaders. These groupsovcrlap as regards personnel, but are not identical. The eflort to separate religion and education, for instance, is due to a reasoned and widespread conviction not back of the other move- ments to an equal degree. However, these three movements oy" we all helped to reveal that Christianity has practically /ost its tres priv ile; ges. These failed to insure the protection for which they w cre secured. C hristianity suffered like other religious organizations, perhaps a little more because of the existence of these privileges. in any event whatever the status of the missionary may be, the Chinese Church is now, for all practical purposes, free from the incubus of political privileges. The Revolutionaries ignored them and threw them by the roadside! The Lutherans in Hunan, fo: instance, are trving to rouse Chinese Christians to appeal to the Naticnal Government to grant private schools the right to regi rcligious courses and attendance on services if and when the psn of the students deem it wise. But they ere basing their appe eal on the Chinese constitution, not on the old treaty privileges! The Revoiu- tion has freed the Chinese Church from these treaty privileges by showing that they are now worthless and useless. The process was rough: but the result is to the good!

When the Revolution started on its career thirty-five years 2 go Christianity was in the lead in China as regards educational and medical effort and during this generation has initiated certain re forms such as anti-opium effort, agricultural improvement and in: dustrial reform. Now leadership along these lines, so far as the nation is concerned, has passed into the hands of non-church and sometimes non-Christian organizations. To no small extent the National Government also has assumed leadership along the same lines. It is setting up new standards and programs to meet these needs on a nation-wide scale.

The function of Christianity is no longer that of initiating effort along anv of these lines. Leadership therein is becoming �[Page 95]THE CHINESE REVOLUTION AND CHRISTIANITY 95

national and is not exclusively Christian in origin. Christianity is thus called on to assist in furthering reforms now to some extent a part of China’s national life. Modern leadership along such lines runs parallel to or even apart from the Church.

However it should be noted that while the Church or Chris- tianity as such have changed their relationship in this regard many Christians are active along all these lines apart from the organized cfort of either. The Revolution has thus made it necessary, on the one hand, for the Church to compete with indigenous organizations and, on the other hand, has enlarged the opportunity for Christian cooperation with extra-church forces.

Then, too, the measure of unification achieved nationally has thrown into relief the still inadequate solidarity of the Christian torces. Once these, compared with national forces, were more ar- ticulate; now they appear less so. Mobilization of ideals and forces has gone further outside the Church than within it. And strangely coough there is much less Christian interest in unity now than a tew scars ago. This seems due, on the one hand, to the emphasis laid on the China-centric and national movement which has led Chinese Christians to center their attention on their local and group devel- opment. This tendency towards self-centeredness retards the move: ment towards unity. It is due, on the other hand, to a realization that such organizations working for Christian Unity, as have de veloped up to date, do not promise to meet the needs of China in tus regard. They have been too fore/gn. There has also been a growth of desire for a more democratic control of national Chris tin organizations with the result that the National Christian Coun cil has reorganized with a view to becoming more directly repre- sentative of the Chinese Church. This will probably bring up the question of Chinese Ciristian solidarity in a new form. This is, at icast, What should happen if the trend of the Revolution is followed in this regard. In any event the Revolution has made it clear that Chinese Christian solidarity cannot be built up around torms im- ported unchanged from the West. The influences now buffeting Christianity in China are China-centric in the main. Chinese Chris- tiuns, therefore, no longer look to the West for either their stand- �[Page 96]96 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

ards or forms. Their eyes are turned upon the challenges in their own environment. Their problem is no longer that of following western churches but that of fitting into and meeting the needs of Chinese life. This change of consciousness and attitude is an im- portant effect of the Revolution.

The Revolution has put Christianity on an equality with other religions in China. Its right to exist therein has been conceded, albeit somewhat grudgingly by some extremists. The preliminary constitutions admit the right of the Chinese tu accept any religion they wish. But, up to the present, Christianity has won equality only. However, to have won this position of equality is a note- worthy achievement. At the same time Christianity in general has sloughed off the extreme iconclastic attitude, and is showing the beginnings of appreciation of the values in other religious systems. With this goes a rising feeling that some of these values—which are not clear!—will have to be built into a reconstructed Chinese Christian and church life. In other words the tolerance shown by Christian sects to each other has now been extended to include, to some extent, non-Christian systems. This is partly due to the fact that all these religions in China have faced a common danger, anti- religious onslaughts, and now seek a common China-centric priv- ilege, that of religious liberty. It is due partly, also to the fact that Chinese Christians are beginning to respond to Christianity in terms of their own experience, which includes some understanding of these extra-Christian religious values. In any event, the Revolution has changed the relation of Christianity to China's religious life : though the outcome is far from being as yet clearly outlined.

Attacks on Christianity and the Church have brought to Chinese Christians a deeper awareness of themselves as a Chinese body, as a religious movement within China. In other words the Chinese Church has entered an adolescent self-awareness. It is trying at one and the same time to realize its distinctiveness as a religious group and its unity with the life of China. Some mental and spiritual unrest is inevitable at such a stage of experience.

The virulence of the anti-Christian attack has sharpened its recognition of itself and its potentialities. With this has gone a

�[Page 97]THE CHINESE REVOLUTION AND CHRISTIANITY 97

rising realization of its own capabilities and responsibilities. These were in part forced into consciousness by the evacuation of the missionaries. Their retreat in that way paid strategically. As a result Chinese Christians have learned to depend more on themselves and to lean less on the missionary. The Revolution has thus done much to reveal the latent leadership in the Chinese Church which helps to offset the numerical loss of leadership mentioned above. The nationalistic desire to reassert the integrity of China helped Chris- tians to see (some of them at least!) that the Chinese Church must prove its integrity as a Chinese movement ere it can wield an effec- tive national influence.

This in turn has deepened the Chinese Christian, sense of theit

own responsibility for the guidance and service of the Church. In consequence the process of merging both into the Chinese Church has begun, though it still has some distance to go ere it is completed. In 1907 missionaries and missions were dominant in the China Christian Movement but with the consummation of the reorganiza- tion of the National Christian Council the situation has been finally reversed. This change the Revolution has greatly speeded up dur- ine recent years. One result is that Christian thought is turning away from economic self-reliance as a test of the spiritual vitality of the Chinese Church to measuring it in terms of indigenous lead- ership and spiritual qualities.

In short, the Revolution has made self-direction in the Chinese Church a reality though it is far from being realized in many cases. In thus becoming China-centric, even if only in part, Christianity in China has entered into a new relationship to the Chinese people. Its privileges rest with them. Its guidance is in their hands. China thus accepts Christianity but is at the same time making it plain that it must fit into her life and be moulded according to her genius. Just what Christians will make of these new relationships, or what the Church may yet be called on to endure is hidden. But it is clear that the future of Christianity in China depends upon living up to its new status, Cooperation with China’s modern leadership and ideals, a wise use of China’s religious values and full and free de- vclopment of Chinese Christian autonomy and responsibility. Those �[Page 98]98 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

who allow themselves to slip back into the old normalcy forget these essentials. There only hope is to pass out with the old order they prefer. But the Church must build its program on its new status and relationships if it would keep step with the new China and win a worthwhile opportunity to serve China.

The chief eftect of the Revolution upon Christians is that, generally speaking, it has given them a changing mind and spirit Statistical and economic losses may be borne with equanimity, for not in either of these is the future of Christianity rooted! Neither is primary, though both are necessary. But it is in the effects of the Revolution upon the Christian mind and spirit that we shall find either a portent of futility or a promise of ability to master its new relationships, challenges and opportunities. The Revolution has pushcd Christianity into bigger opportunities and difficulties. This situation both inspires and makes one cautious. The effects in this connection are also both negative and positive. These taken together show that it is a chin ging mind and spirit we have to consider rather than one finally changed. That its mind is changing rather than changed makes it difficult to prophesy just how Christianity will rise to its changed ‘ough still changing environment. However, since the genius of Christianity is to blast through or move moun: tains we may confidently expect that the positive effects will over: come finally the negative ones.

Then, too, the Chinese Christian mind is awakening to the prob: lem of religious liberty. It is beginning to seek for a definition suited to China. This is a new problem and almost a new value created by the Revolution. Just how the Church will define the issue or achieve it finally yet remains to be seen. But it is a mental and spiritual quest of great significance nevertheless. Again the awakening of labor and the peasants has brought home to the Church the urgent necessity of doing something to meet their problems. Christian in- terest in these problems has grown up with the Revolution. The addition of a secretary for rural work, to the staff of the National Christian Council, and special efforts in connection therewith in the Y.M.C.A. and Y.W.C.A. together with the assumption of special responsibilities to study and deveiop Christian effort therein by �[Page 99]THE CHINESE REVOLUTION AND CHRISTIANITY 99

Shantung Christian University show a new awareness of an old problem with which Christianity has always been in close touch through a large part of its adherents. It is part of a “fundamental redirection of the mission enterprise.” Quite marked, also, has been the effect of the Revolution in speeding up the interest and effort of Christianity in releasing the womanhood of China for a freer and fuller life. It is, among other things, turning their attenticn to the urgent need of an improved home life and their social equality and capacity for social service.

All this, and much more that might be mentioned, is marked by a critical scientific attitude. This is, however, quite different trom the mental confusion and uncertainty referred to above as it eventuates in an experimental mood and approach to all the prob- lems of Christian living and service. This latter is one of the most marked and valuable effects of the Revolution on Christianity.

Second, there is a deepened « pprectition o f spivite al and human dues as over against the economic and ecclesiastical. Missionaries are, for instance, viewed more in terms ef their personalities than ot their economic or professional contributions though this lotter 1s also given preeminence over everything economic. The problem of thes spiritual vitality of t! «Chinese Church is gaining wrecedence over its other aspects. Students in Christian institutions are turning fhore to thoughts of service than preparation for salarv-carning curcers. In Yenching University, Peking, for instance, those who tormerly might have taken special theological training now seem to turn to the social and political-service courses. In any event the economic losses of the Christians have turned their vision, to some extent, from economic consideration to those of a higher value. Kelationships to western Christians are being thought of more in terms of fellowship and sharing and less in terms of economic benefits or control. There is less talk of numbers of missionaries ang more of kinds of personalities and somewhat less said about amounts of money needed from western Christians and more about their cooperation in a common world purpose. The Revolution has thus given greater freedom and prominence to the higher Christian values though it has not resulted in the discarding of the lesser ones. �[Page 100]THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING UNION ° by ALFRED E. JOHNS, Secretary

speaking peoples is the foundation stone of the future of the

world, its peace, security and progress. On that point all classes

and creeds are agreed. Yet the need for an agency actively promoting a closer friendship and understanding between the peoples of the British Commonwealth of Nations and the United States undoubtedly exists. The disruptive influences which are constantly at work can only be defeated by the individual Briton, Canadian, Australian, New Zealander, South African, Newfound- lander, and citizen of the United States getting to know each other's qualities; by emphasizing on every possible occasion their common heritage in language, laws, traditions and ideals, and the great part they have to play in the reconstruction of the world on lines of orderly progress.

It was with these objects—“To draw together in the bond of comradeship the English-speaking peoples of the world”—working through the individual on every side of the seven seas, that the English-Speaking Union was formed in 1918. The society aims at no forma! alliances; it has nothing to do with governments; it is simply an attempt, non-sectarian, non-political, non-partisan, to promote by every means in its powcr, good fellowship between the British and American peoples. Membership is open to citizens of the British Commonwealth of Nations and of the United States of America, and to men and women alike. Since its foundation, the movement has become in a few years a world-wide organization, acting through two main agencies, the English-Speaking Union of

I: is a commonplace that good fellowship between the English-

• The twenty-seventh modern movement presented by Woatp Unity in its department “The World

We Live In.”

195 �[Page 101]THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING UNION® 101

the British Empire and the English-Speaking Union of the United States.

The English-Speaking Union of the British Empire has its headquarters in London at Dartmouth House, 37 Charles Street, Berkeley Square, W.1. Its President is Viscount Grey of Fallodon, and Lord Reading is the Chairman of the Executive Committee. Dartmouth House is the first of the chain of clubhouses round the world which the original founders of the English-Speaking Union visualised. To members in Great Britain it offers most of the facil- ities of a first-class club, with dining rooms, reception rooms and bedrooms, and information and travel bureau. To visiting members {rom overseas it is no less their own—a personal possession. In 1930 over 13,000 members and friends were welcomed at Dartmouth House, and the branches throughout Great Britain were corres- pondingly active.

The English-Speaking Union of the United States is an auton- omous society, parallel and independent, officered by American citizens only, formulating its own policy and conducting its own atfairs under the Presidency of the Hon. John W. Davis, formerly American Ambassador at the Court of St. James. Since the estab- lishment of its headquarters at 19 West 44th Street, New York, the movement has spread right across the continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, until there are now 4o branches in existence, with a total member- ship of nearly 20,000.

The value and influence of personal intercourse in carrying out the aims of the English-Speaking Union was early realized. Believing that a common interest is a natural bond of understanding between two peoples, the organizations on both sides of the Atlantic place visiting members in touch with members interested in the same subject, and offer them special facilities for seeing what is likely to be of most interest to them. Thus, professors and students are helped to obtain access to original documents and material required in the pursuit of their studies. Members of horticultural societies are enabled to visit gardens, sometimes large estates, some- times little cottage gardens. Social workers are placed in touch �[Page 102]102 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

with settlements, juvenile courts and welfare centers. Craft workers are given introductions to members working in embroidery, enam. elling, illuminating, leather work, pottery, etc.

The link between the world-wide membership of the English- Speaking Union is the monthly magazine “The Landmark.” Pub- lished by the British society, it consists of 96 pages and upwards, fully illustrated, and is sent everv month to each subscribing mem- ber of the sister-societies throughout the world.

The success of an organization like the English-Speaking Union very largely depends on the broadness of its base, and more and more attention is being devoted every year to the purely educational aspect of the work of the two organizations. Believing that a teacher is one of the best conductors of knowledge, and so of understanding between two nations, Education Committees in London and New York have set themselves the task of stimulating interest in British- American affairs among all grades of teachers—university, second: ary and elementary—both men and women.

One of the most important activities of the Committees is the arrangement of the interchange of salaried appointments between schoolmasters or schoolmistresses in British and American schools. between teachers in special schools, and between lecturers in Do- mestic Science, Training Colleges, etc. These “exchanges” last for one year, and enable the teachers to gain practical experience of the working of the educational system of the country they are visiting.

The membership in the United States is five dollars per head and includes “The Landmark” and full branch facilities in the United States and Great Britain as well as one month’s use of Dartmouth House when in London. Inquiries should be addressed to the National Secretary, The English-Speaking Union of the United States, 19 West 44th Street, New York City, or to The Secretary, The English-Speaking Union, Dartmouth House, 37 Charles Street, Berkeley Square, London, England. �[Page 103]APOSTLES OF WORLD UNITY

»N\VIPE--ARTHUR AUGUSTUS WILLIAM HARRY PONSONBY (Lord Ponsonby of Shulbrede)

by WALTER WALSH

Free Religious Movement, London

EMOCRATIC leaders have not seldom been, in Gibbon’s | Des ‘born in the purple,” among whom we class the

ubject of this sketch, Arthur Ponsonby, recently created

Lord Ponsonby, the son of a baronet, whose birth in 1871 was followed by education at Eton and Balliol, and attendance as / a page of honor on the person of Queen Victoria.

But Nature has plans of her own. The mother of this favored child was grand-daughter to that Earl Grey who as Prime Minister abolished slavery in t'.e British Colonies and carried the great Re- torm Bill of 1832; acts well becoming one who was an ardent mem- ber of The Society of the Friends of the People. A student of John Stuart Mill, an active worker in the carly days of the women’s move- ment; one of the founders of Girton College for women at Cam- bridge, no wonder if at court Grey’s grand-daug!. -r was held to be rather a dangerous person. Her radicalism has descended to her son, and inasmuch as he is a leading spirit in the British Labor Party which may be regarded as the grown-up equivalent of Earl Grey's Society of the Friends of the People, we may sav that the mantle of the radical Earl has also fallen upon him.

A man’s books reveal the man, and Lord Ponsonby’s writings manifest the culture of Oxford and the democracy of Labor in equal degree. His place as a man of letters is indicated by Mirrors of Human Nature as reflected in English Diaries, More English Di- aries, Scottish and Irish Diaries, British Diarists, and by his recent volume Casual Observations, while his democratic ideas blazon

103 �[Page 104]104 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

themselves in the very titles of The Camel and the Needle’s Eye, The Decline of Aristocracy, Democracy and Diplomacy, Religion in Politics, A Conflict of Opinion (failure of the Church), Wars and Treaties, Falsehood in War-time, Now is the Time, Rebels and Reformers (biographies for young people, in collaboration with his wife, Dorothea, daughter of Sir Hubert Parry).

Thus culturally and ideally equipped, Arthur Ponsonby, like Browning's Paracelsus, went to prove his soul. Through nine years of deepening experience, he engaged in the Diplomatic Service at Constantinople, Copenhagen, and the Foreign Office, and after- wards became private secretary to the Prime Minister of the day, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman. Such antecedents formed a unique preparation for future office in a Labor Government. Girt about with the glamor of a Couft and the class privilege of the Diplomatic Service he might (if he had developed a different sort of mind) have shone with lustre among the classes who enrich and enhalo one another with public emoluments and honors while doing little to advance the nation’s rea] interests or preserve its friendship with the rest of the world. But so far from transforming these adventitious circumstances into a claim for precedence over his Labor colleagues, this pure democrat simply cancels them out. It would probably be a mistake to attribute this equalization of purely human factors to mere modesty or want of ambition. One might rather put it down to plain sense, ignoring the accidental for the sake of the essential. If Lord Ponsonby over-balances at any part of his equable temper it is in his unappeasable disdain of humbug and mere appearance for appearance sake. Sham is more obstructive of reform than is conscious villainy. He expounds but seldom exhorts, talks sense rather than sentiment, prefers logic to denunciation, never loses his temper, and reserves his fine gift of irony for conscious hypocrisy in high places. One can irdly picture him ascending a pulpit or sitting for his portrait. He can be pushed on to a platform, but no human effort will get him to mount a pedestal, and if they erect a statue to his memory his ghost will look on with something between a smile and a frown. They drove him up to the House of Lords, true, but that was his sacrifice for the sake of his Party. It is his belief �[Page 105]ARTHUR AUGUSTUS WILLIAM HARRY PONSONEY 10§

that the peace of the world can be secured only by consent of the common people, whom he prefers to approach in the character of a very ofdinary person. Public opinion may enroll him among the apostles of world unity but he would die rather than jostle for a place in the apostolate.

It was the Boer war which brought him out of the Diplomatic Service into politics under the Liberal banner as upheld by Camp- bell-Bannerman, John Morley, Lloyd George, and others who dis- liked or denounced the war. The death of the former having made a vacancy in the Stirling-Burghs, Arthur Ponsonby contested and won the seat as a Liberal, but his parliamentary colleagues soon had occasion to fear his radical tendencies. During the ten years of his connection with the Liberal Party he advocated such measures as a completely democratic suffrage, democratic control of foreign policy, the replacement of the traditional policy of the balance of power by a system of international cooperation, clipping the wings of the House of Lords, and seeking to introduce a Bill for the aboli- tion of hereditary titles. On every possible occasion he voted with the radicals in calling for a reduction of armaments. A touch of humor attended one of his exploits.

It happened that his accession to the House of Commons syn- chronized with one of the Tzar’s attempts to extinguish the revolu- tionary movement in Russia, and the Government chose that mo- ment to despatch King Edward on a friendly visit to the sanguinary autocrat. Keir Hardie, supported by a few others, including Arthur Ponsonby, moved for a vote of censure on the Government, and the king avenged himself by striking Ponsonby’s name off the garden party list. On examination, however, this proved to be an uncon- stitutional act, construable as an attempt to influence parliamentary votes by social pressure, and his majesty was obliged to bow to Jemocratic principle by inviting the radical aristocrat to Court.

One war had brought Ponsonby into the Liberal Party and another war drove him out. The fatal year 1914 claimed him as one of its parliamentary victims. Not only in Parliament but on public plattorms he opposed the war into which the Liberal leaders had led the country, with the usual consequences of social ostracism and �[Page 106]106 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

mob violence. Nothing soured his good humor. At Leicester (which had turned Ramsav MacDonald down) he was attacked by a soldier who, however, with the best intentions in the world, was too drunk to hit straight. The patriotic electors of Stirling-Burghs naturally considered him a disgrace to their castellated city, and withdrew their support, even his election agents resigning.

It was curing this period that, along with the late E. D. Morel,

and others h: app: iv still with us, he took part in founding the Union “ Democratic Contro!. the official journal of which, Foreien . df. fairs, is now edited by Norman Angell.

Refusing to accept defeat, on the conclusion of the war in tors. he contested the same seat as an Independent Democrat, al- most eusichonlisl with enly a few voluntary helpers, and was reduced to addressing his own envelopes. Naturally, the odds were too heavy, inctudiny as it did the whole weight of official Liberal: ism which now stood with him at the parting of the ways. But Ponsonby had the map, and turned to the group which had opposed _ war more consistently than any other, the Independent Labor

Party. In 1922 he was clected fer the Brightside division of Shet: held, and though his constituents are mostly makers of shells and other armaments.they kee» on returning this uncompromising pac: fst with triumphant matorities. In the Labor Government of 102; he held the office of Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. and in the present one he tills that of Under Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs.

Determine. that no dragon's teeth should grow under his heel. 1925 saw the issue ct that powerful admonition Now as The Tim: which was written to make people realize the necessity of preparing at once to prevent the next war, and was specially directed to thet large indeterminate section of the public which fluctuates between prejudiced militarism on the one hand and convinced pacifism on the other. The book was accompanied by various lectures and ar- ticles bearing on Disarmament by Example, Socialism, Internation- alism, and the Natural Brotherhood of Peoples when they are not inflamed by their governments. That is the theme he returns to again and again. On the heels of Now is The Time followed the �[Page 107]ARTHUR AUGUSTUS WILLIAM HARRY PONSONBY 107

tremendous impeachment of war as the real Father of Lies con- tained in Falsehood in War-tinre which has run through many edi- tions, and, by reference to undeniable diplomatic lies and atrocity tables, establishes the proposition that “international war is a mon- ster born of hypocrisy, fed on falschood, fattened on humbug, kept alive by superstition .... and bringing forth in its travail a hideous brood of strife, coraict and war, more war.” It makes plain the reasons Why Governments not only do not, but canvot tell the truth about a war,

The Peace Letter Campaign (1 926-7) grew out of Now is The lime, The campaign aimed at securing a million signatures to a iccter addressed to the Prime Minister of the day in which every signatory pledged refusal to participate in any way whatever in any ar Whatever and for whatever alleged cause; by this means giving the Government due notice, The originator addressed numberless meetings, held conferences and debates, and proved to his satisfac- ton that the campaign had much educative value, although, owing ty inadequate funds and the confusions of the time (the coal trouble was at its height) his total fell short of the number of signatures aimed at. During the same period also he found it necessary to visit the United States and Germany. Yet, ia such circumstances, to have secured great publicity and 139,000 signatures was a remarkable achievement. If he had had a hundred workers and ten thousand pounds he would doubtless have secured his million. The potential signatories were there just waiting the gospel of reconciliation.

The full significance of the Peace Letter will be realized only it (which God forbid!) there is a “next war’. Based on the funda- mental fact that governments will not and can not tell the truth about anv war, it aimed at developing the instinct which says “No” without knowing the facts, which indeed one can never know how- ever much one may try; based also on the corresponding fact that there is no conceivable kind of international dispute which defies settlement by diplomatic negotiations or international judgment and arbitration. The practical outcome is a new type of conscien- tious objector who does not wait for war and conscription to de- clure himself, but publishes his dissent before the next “enemy’’ is �[Page 108]108 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

chosen and the next “‘cause”’ invented. The new type should marshal his thousand for every hundred of the old type. He is an absolutist who admits of no exception; for the slightest exception means ar- maments invented, manufactured and eventually used; therefore with clear head anu cool v!ood he gives notice to the government of his country that under no circumstances will he consent to take any part or lot in the outrageous, diabolical, mechanical and cowardly massacre of hundreds of thousands of people in their own homes. That is the kind of language held by the originator of the Peacc Letter: “Yes, I am against the next war vow, because I kvow it will be a sham fight, with the strong forces drawn up in conflict against one another, because I know severe punishement will come, not to the culprits, but to the innocent, because I know nothing will be settled by it, and only scoundrels will gain by it.”

It will be seen that Lord Ponsonby—while welcoming inter- national Conferences looking in the direction of disarmament on the ground that they engender a spirit of consultation which is more helpful than formal pacts—roots his faith and hope in a changed mentality both of peoples and governments. That cor _.tes his two-fold way of approach: peoples must be brou ecognize that war and peace are matters not only for governments, while governments must admit the peoples’ legitimate interest. The prep- arations hitherto made for war should be transferred to prepara- tions for peace yet more diligent, and since such transference de-

nds on mental more than on political conditions, a drastic change should be eftected in the ruling mind, and the task of enlightening the people should be undertaken with zest as part and parcel of political propaganda, so that the people may not again be hum- bugged by the hackneyed slogans which in the past have been their undoing. The attack of pacifism should now be directed to the undermining and exposure of the “Great Conspiracy . . . The fixed and sustained determination of Authority to popularize war.” The taking of individual pledges on a mass scale seems the most direct and incisive way of countering Authority by a “fixed and sustained determination” of Democracy to have nothing more to do with the tragic farce. : �[Page 109]ARTHUR AUGUSTUS WILLIAM HARRY PONSONBY 109

The League of Nations, in Lord Ponsonby’s view, would be a more effective deterrent against provocative action if it became a comprehensive League of all Nations; and it must never accede to force as the ultimate sanction: ‘Moral sayction may fail and fail again but it is the only sure basis for eventual success.” The League involves also ‘‘a certain renunciation of absolute national sover- egntv’”’ on the part of the leagued nations.

Irrespective of the League, he holds that governments should tollow the policy of Disarmament by Example, by which he means,

not sudden complete disarmament, but steady reduction without regard to what other nations may do. The rate of reduction will diepend on the pressure brought to bear upon governments by their respective peoples. The parliamentary ideal is disarmament by con- sent between nations, supplemented by efforts to make the League ot Nations all-inclusive and to endue it with moral authority. Steps on the way would be secured by eternal vigilance over military ex- oenditure and foreign policy, in order to prevent entanglements, sectional alliances and obligations involving sides in international disputes. Publicity with regard to foreign policy should be insisted on and made constitutional, necessitating the publication and sanc-

uoning by Parliaments of all treaties, understandings and agree-

ments, not alone because secrecy is dangerous but because public discussion is the best possible means of public education: “If the governments will not play their part by removing the arms, the »cople must be shown how to take the initiative by simply refusing to use them.”

Lord Ponsonby’s hopeful Internationalism is definitely linked up with his Socialism. It is his view that disarmament and peace van be permanently established only on the basis of a Socialist so- city. Socialism is distinctly anti-militarist, and a Socialist who believes in international war is a traitor to his cause: “Just as So- culism depends on peace, so it may equally truly be said, does enduring peace depend in the long run on Socialism.” This opinion aivances with moral fervor to envisage what he calls “the real war’—"the real fight for economic liberation.” International war isa sham fight of rulers, “kept in reserve as a huge superior distrac- �[Page 110]110 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

tion by means of which the real war can be indefinitely postpone: and through which the workers in different countries can be pr: vented from uniting their forces against the real enemy.” But "> means of International Labor Conventions the workers can unite : all countries to improve their conditions, and so make a corporz: attack on the real enemy . .. You cannot fight the real war and x international war simultaneously. You must take your choice. T/ present choice is for International war,” and this wrong choice « the misled and frightened people must be changed by instructio: education and perception of the unvarnished truth.

Like the sensible idealist he is, Lord Ponsonby knows that h: intense personal convictions cannot forthwith be embodied in Ac of Parliament. He works at the conversion of his own Party whi is going in the right direction, while any Party that might supplar it would probably go in the opposite direction. He understanc that parliamentary government is based on compromise and th: greatest common measure of agreement, that any step is better thx no step, and he will move up with his Party to a half- “way hous while continuously urging them to go up higher till the journey : completed. But always he returs to the main business—i.e., in eac country to reach the moral sense of the people themselves.

This is the kind of man to keep one’s eye on. Great purpose: may lie unnoticed within a modest Under Secretaryship of Stu: (without Cabinet rank). But in this unobstrusive aristocrat an 0° servant onlooker may suspect the existence of latent powers whic! as history abundantly shows, are apt, when occasion calls, to dis close themselves in leadership far from pleasing to the god-c: things-as-they-are. The time brings the man. �[Page 111]KOREA — LAND OF THE MORNING CALM "Round the World Log of a Sociologist—VII

by

HERBERT A. MILLER Department of Socwivyy, Ohio State University

HINT at the fact that Korea is a problem is indicated by the A lice examination as one takes the ship from Shimono- seki to Fusan, the Korean port. I had taken it for granted, while in Japan, that the police were informed about me, but they were neyer in evidence. It was much less obvious than in France. We had no sooner arrived on the boat than the police agent came up and began asking questions. Certain ones, such as my age and occupation, were in the regulations, but he was so inquisitive that I could not tell whether it was in part personal interest or official requirement. The agent and I became such good friends that he gave me a cigarette instead of vice versa, as would have been the more usual way. He acted as though he thought I was as important as General Wood and Secretary Stimson, whom he had also inter- viewed. It is exasperating to be so meticulously investigated, but they are so polite about it that you get over your first impulse to tell them where to go.

We had a very smooth passage over water that is generally rough. We were near the place where the Japanese destroyed the Russian fleet in 1905, and it is over these waters that war and cul- ture have been passing for two thousand years. Until recently the culture was going from Korea to Japan. Now it is going in the other direction, willy nilly, so far as the Koreans are concerned.

To the reader of Terry's guide book, the Koreans have no vir- tues. For Japan, Terry is good, except that he is verbose, but ap- parently he felt that he would win favor with the Japanese if he justified their dominion in Korea, and he out-Japaneses the Jap- �[Page 112]m2 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

anese in constant and gratuitous contempt. He even finds something objectionable in the fact that as the train passes you see cattle graz- ing. In more than a thousand miles of daylight travel in Japan I did not see a single head of cattle grazing, and it was a relief to see them somewhere. All the Japanese give full credit to the fact that their most important cultural qualities came to them from Korea, though Korea had them from China. Terry tries to slur this over.

It is true that Korea has fallen into decay, and in comparison with Japan lacks many qualities. The problem of Korea is the problem of a dominated people, and in many respects is identical with that of the Irish, Czechs and Poles, though there are local and historical factors that will affect the development in the future. The four oldest continuous cultural groups in the world in the order of their age are, probably, the Chinese, Koreans, Jews and Japanese. Of course, there is a great deal of myth connected with the earlier years of each, but the continuity and age are unquestioned.

It was a full generation after the opening of Japan, that Korea admitted foreigners and ceased to be the Hermit Kingdom which it had jealously tried to be for centuries, though the Japanese, and an occasional representative of other nations, gained some foothold.

The missionaries came in immediately after the opening of Korea, just after 1880, and have had an influence greater than in any other country to which Protestant missionaries have carried Christianity. Japan has sixty million people, and two hundred thousanu Chiistians. Out of a population of eighteen million in Korea there are almost three hundred thousand Christians, and the standing and influence of the missionaries has been, and still is, an accepted and potent fact.

Although Buddhism went to Japan by way of Korea, it had been in disfavor for five hundred years. It had played politics with the preceding dynasty, and when the Yi dynasty came in, Buddhism was put under the ban. The missionaries tell me that when they came to Seoul the Buddhist priests could only peek into the city through the gates. There was a deep undercurrent of Confucianism, but Korea, so far as I know, was the only country in the world that could be said to have no accepted religion. This does not mean that �[Page 113]KOREA~LAND OF THE MORNING CALM 113

the people were not religious, but that there was no state religion. This, of course, meant that there was no organization that could resist or compete with Christianity. Its influence is much greater than its numbers would indicate.

One reason for this is that the implication of Christian teach- ing is democratic, so that even in the days before the Japanese took control the degenerate monarchy was so bad that an idea of an alternative was easily influential. After the Chino-Japanese war, the old idea of education represented by the Chinese lost out and was followed in Korea by a reform movement which sought to sub- stitute modern preparation for government service for examination in Chinese classics. The mission schools were the only places where this preparation could be secured, so they occupied a most impor- tant position at a crucial time.

Most of the Mission Boards opened work here so that Presby- terians, Methodists, North and South, Anglicans and the Salvation Army, are here. They have divided the work and apparently get on without much conflict. It does sound odd to hear a Korean say that he belongs to the Methodist Church, South.

The Japanese annexed Korea in 1910 after having had a pro- tectorate since the close of the war with Russia in 1905, but there were many machinations before that. The reasons for the annexa- tion might be classed as three—military, economic and benevolent. Imperialistic benevolence must always be regarded with suspicion. Fngland-and the United States are the best examples of benevolent talk with economical and political advantage. The Japanese know the arguments of their models. Unfortunately, however, their mil- itary model at that time was Germany and the methods applied were harsh and domineering.

The military reasons are fairly obvious. Russia and China had bec playing for advantage with the weak old government, Russia being particularly aggressive, and China had exacted tribute, off and on, for ages. Japan had beaten them both in war, and, under the custom of conquest, entered into their heritages. Then, the geo- gtaphical position of Korea is such that if it were under the control of a hostile power, it would be dangerous to Japan. Probably at the �[Page 114]114 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

present time, however, the strategic advantage, which seems always imperative, actually. figures less than the economic.

There has been a good deal of talk about the overpopulation of Japan, and overpopulation seems to be related to food supply. Personally, I do not think that Japan is overpopulated from a food point of view. There may be undernourishment, but the human race has always suftered from that. What troubles the Japanese is not lack of bread, but lack of jam on the bread. They need more surplys to get the modern amenities of life. They thought that control of an area rich in resources would help that; it has helped, and has created a condition which is very serious from the Korean point of view—as serious as that which comes from American investments in Haiti, Porto Rico, and Nicaragua. Korea produces a surplus of rice und can be made to produce much more. It is not used as an area for disposing of surplus population.

On the benevolent side much can be said. Japan is in some re- spects an advanced country, and in some respects Korea is very backward. It has not succeeded in modern self-government, though it has not been given a chance to try; its education is backward; its sanitation and economic conditions are primitive. The same justifi- cation that is always given when a country wants territory could be given by Japan. I have often heard it with regard to the responsi- bility of the United States for the civilization of Mexico.

There is probably no problem of greater practical difficulty than to know what is the duty cf an advanced nation with regard to a backward one. The obvious thing is probably not the true one; we must get back to a psychological analysis. A people may lose more self-respect by being ruled than by being hungry arid ragged. The other question which imperialist governments find it difficult to understand, and which tourists and business men utterly ignore, is what the ultimate result will be. There is also the question of the immediate practical affairs. Capital is invested, but an explosion may destroy it. Practical reason tries to hold the present and let the future take care of itself.

On March 1, 1919, there was a remarkable revolution through- out Korea. It had been organized secretly and effectively. The �[Page 115]KOREA~-LAND OF THE MORNING CALM 11§

whole people were in it, including the students of the mission schools. None of their teachers knew anything about it. It was a demonstration without violence on the Korean side, but it was met by vicious reprisals. They were so bad that they made Japan ashamed, especially as there was so much news about it in America, and it is interesting to note that in August of that same year many reforms were introduced. The ruthless military governor was re- called and Admiral Saito appointed. He ameliorated conditions fundamentally and was greatly appreciated by the missionaries. He was succeeded a year and a half ago by another military man ap- pointed for his political affiliations. While I was in Japan there was great effort by the new government to get him to resign, but he retused. He did resign the day we arrived in Korea and Viscount Saito was immediately appointed. He is to arrive next week and will continue a liberal policy. The Koreans are indifferent as to the Governor General. So long as the policy of Japan continues, nothing makes much difference. They want independence.

Tiat the Japanese are anxious to give an impression of their uberality is indicated by their annual report on Korea which was sent to. me on the day of my arrival. In fact, the desire to give a good impression is almost exaggerated. We had hardly got off the train when a man approached me from the Governor General's ottice, took us in his automobile to see the city and was in every w.iv as cordial and helpful as one could wish. It was clear that my tk with the police at Shimonoseki had indicated that I was a person of sufficient importance to be treated with consideration. I telt that my reception was sincere, but I was anxious to avoid being involved at the beginning with the Japanese side, and this anxiety was respected. I had Koreans lunch with me at the hotel and went about the city with them quite unmolested, but, I am sure, not ne ibserved.

My conclusion from talking with Koreans is that though there ‘sno thought of an outbreak as in 1919, nevertheless, there is a con- ‘tantly growing nationalist feeling. It has begun to reach the psy- chopathic stage. They acquiesce but they cooperate unwillingly. This is so impractical that it creates impatience in outsiders. I think �[Page 116]116 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

it is inevitable. I told some Koreans that they were being dis ciplined for their past sins of political inefficiency and that the: would have to learn national solidarity before they could get any. thing else; also that this experience would accelerate the process.

The Japanese have hoped to assimilate them into Japanese, bur it is absolutely impossible. It might have been relatively possible i: the Japanese had adopted some superhuman policy in the begin: ning, but now it is too late. The Koreans are now reverting to bot: history and myth to symbolize Korean nationality. Everyone know: that they are older than the Japanese, that they have had an honor. able history, and that their language is highly developed. In m: opinion this creates a situation which will offer unlimited resistance to the Japanese purpose, and will make the contributions which the Japanese are ma..ing to them instruments which will eventually be turned against them. — :

The Japanese policy of nurturing Korean culture in spots 1s more enlightened than has generally prevailed, but it will delay. not stop, the efforts against them. For one thing, the Japanese are almost Anglo-Saxon in their manner of superiority. It is true that high officials, like Viscount Saito, have great respect for them, but the middle class and police are haughty. They have despised the Koreans and have not be able, even if they had tried, to conceal it

Then, the benevolent policy has become inextricably entangled with the economic. Capital has been invested, and it was accom: panied by political power with the result that there has been some exploitation, how much I cannot say. The Koreans probably claim more than has been the case. There is much Korean poverty. There is also much Japanese poverty, although in Korea only those Jap- anese are found who have something to do, and they thus have an advantage over the Koreans. Since they have furnished the capital, they have a natural capitalistic sense of responsibility for it. This gives them a running start in comparison with the Koreans who are struggling to get ahead, and the latter resent it.

In this matter the Korean problem is part and parcel of the world problem which has not yet arrived at its climax. History is going to record an interesting period of the growth of capitalism

�[Page 117]KOREA~LAND OF THE MORNING CALM 117

and whatever succeeds it. I don’t know what that will be but it is clear that the concentration of power with a larger and larger ex- cluded class cannot go on forever. Missionaries who have lived here for thirty years or more do not feel that the Koreans are ac- tually, on the average, any better off economically than they were before the Japanese came—not because they are Japanese, but be- cause the capitalistic system works that way.

In Japan the political movement against capitalism is stronger than is generally admitted. Many responsible Japanese feel con- vinced that a real revolution, perhaps with violence, is not far re-. moved. If it comes, it will have its repercussions in Korea. The Soviet system is almost next door, and there are hundreds of thou- sands of Koreans across the border from some of whom the com- munistic influence seeps to this side as well as from Russia itself. There is government prohibition to the spread of “dangerous thoughts,” but they cannot really be stopped any more than the blowing of the wind. Social movements are psychological, not rational, and they are resisted as though they were rational. A peculiar thing about them is that the more force used, the more they are aroused.

There ate two million Koreans more or less in Manchuria. Some of them occasionally make raids into Korea. These are classed as bandit raids, but since they often touch nothing except police stations, they really are political. I am told by Koreaus that these are quite frequent, but that the news about them is often suppressed.

The government claims to have established freedom of the press, but the two largest Korean papers which I visited told me that they were each suppressed between fifteen and twenty times last vear. This is considerably less than formerly. The Koreans may not hold political meetings without police surveillance. This, of course, is a constant stimulus to nationalistic conversation, and probably plotting, though I have heard nothing about any of that. They are ~ot conscripted into the army.

I am told that every peasant has a nationalist feeling. This may arise, in part, from the fact that the agricultural situation is as hard here as elsewhere throughout the world, and because the Japanese �[Page 118]118 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

are getting increased control of the land. It is said that since the Japanese came the agricultural area has been doubled, but that there is a smaller proportion of Korean peasant owners than before. The method of lending money, though illegal, is not stopped by the gov- ernment and squeezes the peasant out of his land.

One sign that the Japanese are not having a successful influence in their plan for assimilation is in the lack of imitation of Japanese dress. When assimilation does take place this is always the very first form of imitation. We see it among our immigrants; and in Japan it shows in the adoption of foreign clothes. Although the Japanese are said to have received their style of clothes from the Koreans, they are now quite different and the Korean style is very old and altogether unique. Both men and women wear white all the time. Terry thinks it is terrible because the style puts the woman's waist under the arm. The clothes must be vastly more comfortable than those of the Japanese women which they all admit to be un- comfortable. Some of the persistence in the wearing of the national costume must be nationalistic, for I find that even those who have lived long in America, and who, in Japan, would always wear foreign clothes, here wear the Korean style. It is partly due to the uniformity and age of the costume. In Japan there is considerable variety. Herc, to my undiscriminating eye, there is very slight variation.

Much as one may dislike a police system, it gives one a sense of safety which we shall very much miss when we get to China. This the Japanese have brought to Korea. The old Korean govern: ment had no police system, though old residents say that it was not lawless, but undisciplined. It is one of the unsolved pedagogical problems how discipline can be taught, and I do not know what the Koreans will learn from it, but it makes it possible for the political and economic system to develop because of a confidence in the continuity of order.

The Japanese have done a good deal for education—vastly more than the British have done for the Indians. Korean is taught in the lower schools, but in the high school most of the instruction is in Japanese. It is, of course, useful for the Koreans to know �[Page 119]KOREA~LAND OF THE MORNING CALM 11g

Japanese, and though they may resist it sometimes as an effort to take away their birthright, they should remember that though the Irish had adopted English as a native language they did not love the English any more on that account.

There are four hundred thousand Japanese in Korea and about the same number of Koreans in Japan, so that as an area for the draining off of surplus population, it is unimportant.

If the Koreans were not suffering from the oppression psycho- sis, they would devote themselves to commercial and agricultural education rather than to political bickering, but, as I have said, we are dealing with a psychological situation which is running true to type as I have observed it in many parts of the world.

There is, however, a growing interest in both of these matters. In the Chosen Christian college the commercial department has an increasing number of students, and the interest in scientific agricul- ture has become very strong recently. The son of Baron Yun is a graduate of the agricultural college of Ohio State University, and onc of the American Y. M. C. A. men is going to return to America for a year’s study of animal husbandry. Other Y. M. C. A. men, and several missionaries, devote themselves to agriculture. The Japanese are doing a good deal for Korean agriculture, but the people are suspicious and turn to the missionaries, whom they are following with eagerness in this field. �[Page 120]WORLD PEACE BY FORCE by

CHARLES STOWE Author of ‘Armed World Peace"

HE world is war-sick and needs a physician. War is a world

] problem. As soon as it is solved, and world peace and pro- tection are assured, the world will take on new life and progress.

In their diagnosis and prescription the one remedy which seems to have been overlooked by world diplomats is force. The same force of arms that makes wars must be used to prevent wars. When there is assurance that superior force will be brought to bear against a militant or recalcitrant power, war will be impossible and lasting peace will be attained.

World peace may be accomplished through the bringing into existence, through a covenant with authority, of an international body empowered to make and adopt international laws and agree: ments, and of a world court in which international disagreements and litigations can be settled peaceably.

This plan for world peace is the foundation, upon which world peace rests. It includes an association of nations geographically distributed over the face of the earth and brought together under a covenant through the representatives of the different governments which constitute its membership, meeting and fraternizing in an international body or international congress.

This international congress which is the central business body of the association of nations, would be empowered by the covenant to make and adopt international laws and agreements for the association of nations.

In form and construction this plan for world peace is on the same general lines that are used by most governments in governing

120 �[Page 121]WORLD PEACE BY FORCE I2zI

and protecting themselves. There would be a constitution (or covenant) upon which all international laws and agreements are based, legislative bodies or international congresses organized to make and adopt international laws and agreements, and military and naval forces to keep law and order and enforce international iaws and agreements, and world court edicts, and protect the asso- ciation of nations against attack and invasion, or internal revolution.

For conducting international business and settling disagree- ments and litigations between governments this plan for world peace provides an international congress and a world court.

A plan for world peace must be stable, so that once established it will endure through ages for the use of future generations.

This plan for world peace is not against any people or institu- ton, but is against war: it is to prevent wars, the enemy of all mankind,

Any plan for world peace must be feasible, practicable and always equitable; otherwise it would never be adopted.

In formulating a world peace plan, all needs appertaining to torms of government, treaties, laws, courts of justice, laws and usages and parliamentary practice must be complied with in order to make the plan fully practicable.

A plan for world peace must give a guarantee against war, and offer inducements, help and advantages to governments, so that they will be anxious to join the association of nations and retain their membership.

The guarantee against war, and offers of inducements, help und advantages, should be strong enough to hold the association of nations together without entanglements.

Furthermore, each government belonging to the association of nations must be left free to govern its own state and its possessions without interfetence from the association of nations; all of which must be embodied in the covenant of the world peace plan.

No authority can be established without force. No law can be enforced without power behind it.

For these reasons it will be ultimately necessary for all govern-

ments to unite their army and navy forces into one world power to �[Page 122]122 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

back up the association of nations and international congress an: world court, so as to be able to enforce their agreements, laws an: edicts. :

Otherwise their agreements, laws and edicts could not bx carried out, but might be ignored by one or more powers with ; large army and navy force behind them.

The formation of the League of Nations at Geneva has bee: an invaluable educational instrument. The chief emphasis made :: the present proposal is that international, like national governmen: must have power to carry out its laws and apply its constitution: rights and authority. It has already been pointed out by the histo: ian Ferrero that the fatal weakness of an organization like th: present League is that it cannot control the forces making fo: revolution inside its member states.

With the association of nations, the international congress an. the world court always having a superior army and navy fore behind them no power or powers would dare to break world peac: and start hostilities.

The system of mobilizing and handling world forces is a que tion for the international congress to act upon, decide and arrang: according to the agreements of the association of nations.

In all likelihood, world forces would never be required to m bilize for action, as their presence as a world power would be sut! cient to enforce the laws, agreements and edicts of the internation: congress and world court.

World forces should be handled about the same as nation: forces, except that units should be drawn from all governments, bu’ principally from governments nearest the seat of eruption as th: circumstances might demand.

For example, should a war cloud appear between two Sout: American countries, other South American governments nearest t them should mobilize their forces and be reinforced by the Unite. States and small detachments from the European government sufficient to make it a world power, and intervene and check ar: hostilities.

The same system would be employed in Europe.

�[Page 123]WORLD PEACE BY FORCE 123

Should France become hostile to Switzerland and threaten to invade her, then Italy, Great Britain, Germany, Russia, Poland and the Balkan States could mobilize, and with small units from the United States and South American governments, sufficient to make it a world power, and intervene and protect Switzerland from at- tack and invasion.

No armies would be forced into action, as France would realize that to attack Switzerland would result in her defeat and that France would have to pay all indemnities imposed.

Consequently, all governments in like manner would be pro- tected against attack and invasion, through forces being united into a world power, which would keep world peace and make wars impossible.

When we take human nature into consideration, and find our- sclves confronted with crime problems in our midst which can only be checked by force we can not hope for world peace under any other method but force.

Human nature is weak and our animal instincts strong within us, and it takes but little to release the animal instincts in action.

This is shown by crimes committed daily.

Everywhere there is dissension, even among our religious organ- izations, and force has to be used to keep peace between individuals.

Force must be used to keep world peace; lawful force is the only thing that can control unlawful force.

Law breakers must be punished, whether they are individuals or nations.

Nations must obey international laws and pay indemnities, or their possessions must be seized and held until reprisals are satis- t.uctorily made.

And this can only be done through army and navy forces.

As individuals and combines have to obey the laws of their country, so should governments have to obey international laws.

International laws should be made by an internationa! con- gress and be decided by a world court, and be enforced by the combined army and navy forces of the association of nations.

It is essential that any plan for world peace to be made practi- �[Page 124]124 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

cable must be systematized to accomplish its purpose and attain its object—lasting world peace.

This plan for world peace covers three separate and distinct ‘bodies, namely, the association of nations, the international con- gtess and the world court.

The association of nations is a body composed of different governments united together by a covenant for tis purpose of keep- ing lasting world peace and making wars impossible, by force.

The international congress is the functioning body of the asso- ciation of nations.

The world court is the judicial body for settling the differences and litigations that may arise between the members of the associa- tion of nations.

This system is similar to those used by the different world governments in conducting their legal business and keeping law and order.

Laws and measures (agreements) introduced into legislative bodies of governments by its members usually are originated by the members introducing them, whereas international laws and agrec- ments introduced by a member of the international congress will originate in the legislative body of that member's government.

Laws and agreements (treaties) made by legislative bodies for governments become valid upon being signed by the heads of gov- ernments; whereas laws and agreements made by the international congress to become valid, must be signed by the head of each gov- ernment that is a member of the association of nations.

Under this system, the legislative body of each government, that belongs to the association of nations, is an upper legislative body to the international congress, because all laws and agreements made by the international congress, must be acted upon and passed by the legislative body of each government belonging to the asso- ciation of nations and must be signed by each government official before they become valid.

In other words, one government, through its representatives. introduces a law or agreement into the international congress, which passed, must be ratified by the governments belonging to �[Page 125]WORLD PEACE BY FORCE 12§

the association of nations before it becomes valid.

The international congress is a law and agreement clearing house for the association of nations, and the world court is an inter- national judicial body to give justice in disagreements and litiga- tions arising between members of the association of nations, settle their differences and thereby avoid wars.

The united army and navy forces, or world power is to prevent wars and keep lasting world peace.

The peace covenant must provide for all this, as it is the foundation upon which world peace must rest.

This system is to accomplish through the abstract that which is done by concrete force.

In the laws of nature we find the weak fleeing from the strong to avoid danger.

Army and navy commanders’ calculations are based upon the strength of their forces against that of their enemies, and when they know that they are confronted by an overwhelming force against which they have no reasonable chance for victory, they would retreat instead of going into'action, to meet with defeat and disaster.

By organizing the forces of the association of nations into a world power for world peace, there would be established a force which no government or alliance could overcome and defeat.

With the knowledge that to start hostilities against this estab- lished force or world power, would result in sure defeat, no govern- ment or alliance would be foolhardy enough to start a war.

With international laws and agreements to abide by, and a world court to settle international differences and litigations, world peace would be assured.

The object of the association of nations is to establish and keep lasting world peace and make wars impossible by authority, and to protect life and property, protect and preserve the family and home, promote friendship between peoples, extend succor, relieve distress, stop plagues, improve conditions and give charity to all humanity regardless of race, creed or color.

The representatives of the association of nations shall frame ind adopt its own covenar* at its first convention. �[Page 126]126 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Each government that signs the covenant of the association o: nations, thereby becomes a member in good standing, until the; resign or are unaffiliated.

The covenant, or twelve point agreement of the association of nations might read as follows: Article 1.—We, the undersigned rulers of separate sovereign anc independent governments of the world, agree by authority, that all men are created free and equal, and that all governments org. ized, set up, established and maintained by men, shall have equa. rights, regardless of race, creed or color. For the purpose of keep ing lasting world peace between governments, and making war impossible, we enter into the following and binding agreements. Article 2—We agree, by authority, to keep world peace betweer governments, protect life and property, protect and preserve the family and home, promote friendship between peoples, extend succor, relieve distress, stop plagues, improve conditions, and give charity to all humanity regardless of race, creed or color. Article 3.—We agree, by authority, to help organize and become part of a body to ‘be known and recognized hereafter, as the asso ciation of nations. Article 4.—We agree, by authority, to send our representative to place, and at a time agreed upon, for the purpose of organizing establishing, and taking part in an international law and agreement making body, to be known and recognized hereafter as the inter- national congress. Article 5.—We agree, by authority, that our representative, to- gether with the representatives of other governments, in the inter: national congress, when in session, be empowered to make and adopt international laws and agreements. Said laws and agreement to be ratified by our government before they become valid. Article 6.—We agree, by autlfority, not to allow our representative. in the international congress, to be a party to making or adopting any law or agreement that is not strictly international, or that in terferes with or deprives any government of its lawful rights. Not will we ratify such a law or agreement when proposed, passes ot adopted by any other representatives in the internationa! poner

/ �[Page 127]WORLD PEACE BY FORCE t27

Article 7.—We agree, by authority, that our representative, together with the representatives of other governments in the international congress, when in sessien, be empowered to organize and take part in a separate international judicial body, to be known and recog- nized hereafter as the world court. Said court to be ratified by our government, before it becomes an official body empowered to work. Article 8.—We agree, by authority, to submit all our international ditterences and litigations, that cannot be settled satisfactorily be- tween the other parties and ourselves, to the world court; and to peaceably abide by the decisions of the world court, when strictly in accordance with the laws and agreements made and adopted by tie international congress. rele o.—We agree, by authority, to abide by the international iws and agreements made and adopted by the international con- gress, and to the edicts of the world court, and to assist in forcibly carrying out said laws, agreements and edicts with our army and navy forces, under authority, when necessary. Jrticle 10.—We agree, by authority, to keep world peace, and help t muintain and restore peace, law and order, between all govern- ments in the association of nations. Article 11.—We agree, by authority, to have our army and navy torces become a part of an authorized world power for the purpose of keeping lasting world peace, keeping and restoring peace, law and order between all governments that are members of the asso- ciition of nations. Article 12.—We agree, by authority, to have our army and navy torces placed under a command, designated by agreement, and to cooperate with other army and navy forces authorized to keep last- ing peace, and to keep and restore peace, law and order, between all governments belonging to the asscciation of nations, and to protect them against attack and invasion.

The international congress shal! be composed of one repre- sentative from each and every government in the association of Nations.

Each government in the association of nations shall be allowed one representative and three alternate representatives to the inter- �[Page 128]128 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

national congress.

The business of the international congress shall be to make and adopt international laws and agreements in accordance with the covenant of the association of nations.

It shall be the duty of the international! congress to organize and have a part in a separate international judicial body consti. tuting the world court.

The power and authority of the representatives of the inter. national congress shall be fourfold: (1) represent their government in all international business; (2) make agreements for their govern: ment with other governments that are ratified by the association of nations; (3) have a part in making and adopting international laws and agreements; and, (4) have a part in organizing and conducting the world court.

The world court would be organized by the international con- gress. When organized it would become a separate and independent international judicial body, with authority. In form it would be like a high court, with one judge and a jury of twelve, and would have a reserved tribunal composed of one judge from each govern: ment represented in the international congress.

It would be the duty of the world court to settle all inter- national disagreements and litigations submitted to them justly, ac- cording to the laws and agreements made and adopted by the inter- national congress, when said disagreements and litigations can not be settled satisfactorily between the governments involved.

In cases where justice has been miscarried, an appeal can be made to the international congress for a new trial with a different judge and jury, and can be so ordered by that body.

Law and order are the foundations of civilization, and must be established between governments to assure world peace.

But there is a lack of law and order between the various gov- ernments of the world, owing to the absence of international laws.

Through international laws and a world court to settle litiga: tions between governments and force to carry out the court's edicts you insure world peace.

The sixth contribution to a symposium on “The Coming World Order,” edited by Archie M. Palme: �[Page 129]LEAVES OF THE GREATER BIBLE

Compiled and Edited by WILLIAM NORMAN GUTHRIE

Rector, St. Mark's in-the-Bouwerie. New York

PART X PRAYERS OF ANCIENT EGYPT

HYMN OF ADORATION To AMUN Pa

I

Hail to thee, Amun Ra, Lord of the thrones of the earth,

Ancient of Days, Lord of the Ages, Upstayer of all things that are,

Foremost of the gods, Lord of truth and righteousness. Begetter of the gods,

Maker of men and beasts and herbs—

Fashioner of all things above and below,—

2

Deliverer of the suffering and oppressed,

Renderer of justice to the poor,

Lord of wisdom, Lord of mercy—

Most loving Revealer, Opener of every eye— Well-spring of joy,

In whose goodness and beauty the very Gods rejoice—

3 Thou whose holiest Name is hidden from the knowledge of all: O Thou, the one Origin of all that is, the One, the only One; Creator of Gods and men, Giver of food unto all living— Hail, hail, to thee—who sleepest not when all that beside thee are aslee Ail homage and worship be unto thee! �[Page 130]130 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

‘i Thine, the adoration of all creatures from every land, Yea, from the height of heaven to the deep of the sea. Hark, the spirits thou hast begotten shout thy praises!

Hail, hail, Father of the Fathers of the Holy Ones: All we do adore thy spirit which dwelleth in us.

SECTION OF HysN To ATON

I

Hail to thee, Beautiful God of every day! Beautiful is thine arising in the horizon of the sky. Beautiful is thine arising, O living Aton,

Orb of Light, O first beginning of life!

When thou arisest in the eastern horizon,

Thou fillest every land with thy beauty.

2

Thou art beautiful to behold, great, glistering high above the whole earth.

Thy rays do enfold the lands, even all that thou hast made.

Thy love is great and mighty,

Thy rays do beam into every uplifted countenance,

Thou art Ra, the Sun God, and thou carriest all away captive;

Thou bindest them fast with thy love.

3 O God, who thyself didst fashion thyself, None is like unto thee in aught, journeying through eternity. Though thou be afar off, yet thy rays do reach down unto the earth; The while thou dwellest on high, in thy footsteps followeth the day.

4

Thou art the Mother and the Father of all that thou hast made, All the creatures are drunken for joy in thy sight.

How excellent, yea, twice blessed are thy ways, O Lord of eternity’ And lo, Thou dwellest also in mine inmost heart! �[Page 131]PRAYERS OF ANCIENT EGYPT 131

CONFESSION OF FAITH IN THE ONLY Gop God is One and only, and none other existeth beside Him; God is the One, even the One who hath made all things. God is a spirit, a hidden spirit, the spirit of spirits; the great spirit of the Egyptians, the divine spirit. God is from the beginning, and He hath been from the beginning; He hath existed from of old, and was when nothing else had being; He existed when nothing else existed, and what existeth, He created after He had come into being; Yea, He is the Father of all beginnings. God is the eternal One; Hc is eternal and infinite, and endureth for ever and aye. (sod is hidden and no man knoweth His form; No man hath been able to seek out His likeness. He is hidden to gods and men, and He is a mystery unto His creatures; No man knoweth how He might be known. His name remaineth hidden; His name is a mystery unto His children; His names are innumerable, they are manifold, and none knoweth even their number. God is Truth, He liveth by Truth, He feedeth thereon; He is the King of Truth, and He Kath established the earth thereupon. God is life, and through Him only man liveth; He giveth lite to man, He breatheth the breath of life into his nostrils; God is father and mother, the father of fathers and the mother of mothers; He begettcth, but was never begotten, He produceth, but was never produced. He begat Himself and produced Himself, He createth, but was never created; He is the maker of His own form, and the fashioner of His

own body. �[Page 132]132 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

God Himself is existence, He endureth without increase or diminution; | He multiplieth Himself millions of times, He is manifold in forms and in members. God hath made the universe, and He hath created all that therein is: He is the Creator ot what is in this world, and of what was, and of what shall be. He is the Creator of the heavens, and the earth, and of the deep, and of the water, and of the mountains; God hath stretched out the heavens and founded the earth. Whatso His heart conceived straightway it came to pass; When He hath spoken it cometh to pass and endureth for ever. God is the father of the Gods; He fashioneth man and formeth the gods. God is merciful unto those who do Him reverence, and He hearcth him that calleth upon Him; God knoweth the man that hath knowledge of Him. Yea, He rewardeth him that serveth Him, and He protectcth him that followeth only after Him.

PRAYER OF THE DYING FROM THE BOOK OF THE DEAD

I

O thou divine Youth, self-renewing heir of everlastingness, Thine own Father, Thine own Mother, God of Life, Lord of Love, Nut, the starry heaven, doeth thee homage,

Maat, Truth and Right, embrace thee evermore,

Thou who livest by thy very Beauty. . .

2

May I never cease to go forward

As thou never ceasest, nay, not for a moment.

Grant that I may come unto the heaven which is from Everlasting, And unto the mountain where they dwell whom thou dost favor. �[Page 133]PRAYERS OF ANCIENT EGYPT 133

3 Mav 1 be joined unto those Shining Ones, Holy and perfect, in the underworld; Mav I come forth with them to behold thy beauties When thou shinest at eventide, And goest to thy Mother, Nut, the starry Heaven.

4 Yca, I have given my heart to thee unwavering; Make me, therefore, glorious through words of power. . . . Put my faults behind thee, and grant that I be one of thy loyal servants, And be joined in the end with the souls of the blessed forevermore. �[Page 134]THE UNITED STATES AND THE WORLD COURT

by Bryct. Woop

Reed Collese

Court of International Justice, which embodies the principles of the Root formula for American adherence, is at present awaiting consideration by the Senate.

The Senate in January 1926, passed a resolution providing for the adherence of the United States to the World Court with five reservations, the most important of which was the fifth; providing. in part, that the Court should not entertain a request for an advisory opinion concerning which the United States has or claims an in- terest, without the consent of the United States.

The United States desired to pass on the subject matter of advisory opinions because it feared that some political question or domestic matter which concerned the United States might be considered by the Court, and a precedent set which might be harmful to interests of the United States.

A conference of Powers Members of the Court called in Sep- tember, 1926, could not accept this reservation because it would give to the United States a privileged position with respect to the other States.

The proposal now before the Senate provides that the United States shall be informed of a request for an advisory opinion which has been laid before the Court, and time shall be given in which it may present its attitude. If the United States claims an interest in the question, further time shall be allowed for an exchange of views between the United States and the League. If no agreement is here reached and the United States will not forego its objection, it may withdraw from membership in the Court. The United States 134

Te Protocol of Accession to the Statute of the Permanent �[Page 135]THE U.S. AND THE WORLD COURT 135

is placed upon a basis of equality with the Members of the League in respect to advisory opinions.

In a letter to the President, dated November 26, 1929, Sccretary Stimson said of the new Protocol:

“the dangers which seemed to inhere in the rendering of ad-

visory opinions by the court . . . in 1926 have now been entirely

removed both by the action of the Court itself and by the provisions of these new protocols. The objections which caused the Senate reservations have been met.”

With possible agreement on the details of the problem in sight, objections to the acceptance of the Protocol are yet made by those who consider that the cause of peace may be most effectively fur- thered if the United States retains its freedom of action unimpaired by foreign “alliances.” These “isolationists” apparently overlook the existence of the political, economic and social interdependence of the nations of the world. The experience of the last war indicated that, due to interdependence, future wars would very likely embroil the entire world. Certainly, the United States with its world-wide interests, could only with difficulty remain neutral in a future struggle. In consideration of this strong probability of our being involved, and assuming that the United States sincerely desires peace, it would seem that eftorts should be seriously directed to- ward the setting up of effective means of preventing a future war.

The Briand-Kellogg Pact marked a step in this direction, but it provided for no definite institutions to carry out its general principles.

Established procedures for the peaceful settlement of inter- national disputes constitute a vital element in any attempt to prevent War as a means of solving differences between nations.

The World Court provides procedures for the judicial settle- ment of certain types of questions; it offers a method, which, at present, seems to meet the Senate reservations of 1926, by which international disputes may be amicably settled and a recourse to arms avoided. On that basis alone the United States might well accept the Protocol. be

For another reason which is particularly pressing at the present �[Page 136]136 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

time, the signature of the United States should be affixed to the Protocol.

The United States, despite its participation in disarmament conferences, its acceptance of the Four Power Pact of the Pacific, its large share in the framing of the Briand-Kellogg Pact, and the large number of expressions of sympathy with the cause of peace which its leaders have uttered, has not officially entered, to any considerable extent, the institutionalized forms of existing inter- national organization. While willing to incur “moral obligations,” and to give lip-service to peace, it has not evinced a marked tendency to accept definitive legal agreements. This attitude has not aroused in the minds of other nations a feeling of complete confidence in its support of the cause of peace.

The World Court Protocol is before the United States as a challenge to give the material evidence of the good faith of earlier assertions, notably that in the Briand-Kellogg Pact, and as an opportunity to prove to the world that it is willing to cooperate in the work toward peace.

The Prize Editorial in the National Intercollegiate World Court Editorial Contest held by the National Student Federation of America. �[Page 137]RELIGIONS OF THE WORLD

by JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, JR. Department of Philosophy, Columbia University

Ws: has been called the study of ‘Comparative Relig- ion,” and sometimes even dignified with the name of science, has passed through several stages. Originally the interest of Westerners in non-Christian “faiths”

was largely apologetic in character: these mistaken ways of salvation were studied that the truth of the Gospel might shine more glor- iously. Knowledge of them was derived chiefly from the accounts of missionaries and other scarcely unbiased travelers. Its fruits, aside from cultivating Christian complacency, were the strengthen- ing of proselytizing zeal. When in the late 19th century social scientists turned their attention to religion as one of the most im- portant manifestations of the civilizations of different peoples, it was usually with the idea of the evolutionary sociologists, that a uniform development could be traced in every social institution. Christianity still represented the summit of religious evolution. Consequently the task of comparative religion was to show how beneath all surface differences the other great world religions had really been approaching liberal Protestantism in their development. When this notion was combined with the typically Protestant idea that the founders of religions proclaimed a message remarkable for its moral purity and adequacy, into which later crept the worldli- ness of time-serving priestcraft, the way was open to show that all religions were at bottom and in essence one. Attention was focussed on the ethical teachings of the founders, and on those common aspects of piety and spirituality which could be discovered per- sisting among their followers. When mention was made of what those followers had done to teachings and founders, in the creation 137 �[Page 138]138 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

of a living body of religious life, it was to deprecate the superstitious practices into which, alas, even good Protestants were only too wont to fall.

Slowly, however, a more disinterested knowledge was gained, by trained observers and scholars, of the actual functioning of the religious life of various peoples. Men content to record what they found, and concerned to find neither infeiiority to Christianity nor true Christian principles in disguise, began to regard the religions they were studying as great cultural achievements, the expression of the entire round of activities of entire civilizations. Without minimizing the importance of prophets and teachers, they gave equal attention to the artistic expression of religious life, to the living symbols men had created for themselves, and to the whole cultural setting of which that symbolic art was the outgrowth. The methods of the archaeologist were applied to the reconstruction of the past, and proved fruitful where written documents were lack- ing. Often unrealized channels of influence were brought to light: symbols had been borrowed, forms of worship carried from one land to another. Here was another type of similarity, combine, however, with a creative originality in the use made of appropriated materials.

Out of this investigation has come a new appreciation of the rich diversity between religions, and between the living civiliza- tions out of which they have sprung. The religion of a people has come to be regarded as the key to the understanding of its cultura! life, the way to its very soul. Men have come to value, not onl those universal traits which attest to the common humanity of man, but likewise those distinctive characteristics which reveal how cir: cumstances have moulded different groups of men into unique expressions of that common humanity. And it is in this spirit ot entering sympathetically into the minds and lives of cultures not like our own that the best students of comparative religion are today working.

Probably more intellectual energy has gone into this task in Germany than elsewhere. It is therefore gratifying that an example of the best German scholarship has just been made available in �[Page 139]RELIGIONS OF THE WORLD 139

Fnglish.* Professor Carl Clemen, of the University of Bonn, has gathered eleven other scholars together to summarize the results of roodern investigation on the leading religions of the world. Each chapter aims to be objective and impartial in its analysis; there is no attempt made to draw any general lessons, or to construct a shulosophy of religion binding them together into a forced unity. The volume appeals to those who want to make the acquaintance ot the religious life of the major peoples of the world in all its diversity, not to those with a sentimental desire to find a universal religion. Yet just because its emphasis is throughout on the actual tunctioning of religious institutions, it provides an admirable ve- hicle for sympathetic understanding. Although the treatment is in general historical, considerable place is given to current tendencies; one is impressed that all the world religions are facing common problems in our modern age, and reacting to them in much the sume characteristic ways.

There is naturally much difference in handling among so many contributors, a difference emphasized by the contrast between an- cent feligions for which the evidence is largely archeological or ctymological and living religions whose working can be studied Jirectly. So far as possible, the emphasis is on concrete materials; the volume is admirably illustrated with many photographs of rcligious art and ceremonies. The lives of religious leaders are subordinated to a social analysis, and an attempt is made to show the diversities, both temporal and geographical, within each relig- ion. Where a religion now dead is reconstructed, the evidence for the reconstruction is presented as a means of checking inference— 4 necessary precaution in the chapters on prehistoric and primitive religion, in which Professor Clemen seems to have decided theories to advance.

The two religions presented by protagonists, Judaism and Christianity, are markedly different in treatment from the others. Kubbi Baeck presents a philosophical interpretation of what the Hebrew religion means to a Jew, and his account is both illumin- sting and moving. Professor Erich Seeberg contributes what is

• ehigione of the World, ed. by Carl Clemen. Hatcourt Brace and Co, xiv, 482 pp.

�[Page 140]140 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

mainly a record of the philosophical theology of the Christian tra- dition, with an especial emphasis on mystical doctrines. His at. tention, in both modern Catholicism and Protestantism, is almost exclusively focussed upon Germany, and he manages to perpetrate a good many amusing Teutonisms. Nevertheless his analysis of the contemporary German situation is full of interest just because it differs so much from the judgment of present-day Christianity that an outsider would make. More serious is the fact that in a two page detailed bibliography he cites only German works, a nationalistic bias fortunately not followed by his collaborators. It is a pity, however, that the bibliographies were taken over bodily from the German edition and not adapted somewhat to the English reader. Although the book as a whole is not precisely the type of “outline of religion” to which publishing enterprise has recently accustomed us, it is not overladen with the burden of scholarship, and the general reader will find it lucid and interesting. As an expression of modern attitudes and emphasis in the study of religion it has no serious rival in English. It should prove of great value to those who believe that a knowledge of the religious expression of human societies is of cardinal importance in fostering an under- standing of their unique contributions to the life of mankind. �[Page 141]CORRESPONDENCE

The Influence of Engineering and Industry

To THE Epiror, WorLD UNITY

Dear Sir:

I have been reading with interest the series of articles on Elements of a World Culture, and 1 wish to add a few words about the influence of the art of engineering and of the industries, both as elements of world culture and as contributing to world unity.

An Englishman discovered the law of electro-magnetic induc- tion, a Frenchman and an Italian built the first experimental ma- chines based on this principle, a German made them more practical, and a few Americans started building them in large quantities, making the use of electric light and power possible. Even now, more than fifty years after the first machines were built, European and American engineers are closely cooperating in further improve- ments in electric machines by means of interchange of drawings and patents, numerous articles in the technical press, and through various international gatherings which take place practically every vear. If you speak to an engineer of any prominence or breadth of vi.w, you will hear him quote foreign structures, foreign methods, and his European confréres before long. In fact, most of us in our professional work constantly think in international terms.

Of course, there is some difference between an industry and its engineering features, in the sense that engineers simply apply laws of nature to human needs and can only cooperate, whereas the industries in their commercial aspects compete with each other. Vortunately, the era of disorganized competition is being rapidly replaced by competition of a few large groups, and it will not be ‘ong before even these industrial groups will reach some agreement.

146! �[Page 142]142 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

In this way the material needs of humanity will be supplied more and more in a cooperative manner, bringing further understanding among nations.

It is true that commercial rivalry has been a potent factor in international friction in the past, and that some of the best enginecrs have been devoting their genius to devising instruments of destruc- tion. However, neither the industries nor the engineers are to be blamed for this condition, but only humanity as a whole, whose servants they are. The same means and the same products can equally serve the purpose of world unity and international good. will, as soon as an appreciable portion of humans become inculcated with these ideals.

The point which I wish to bring out is that those who cater to our necessities of life and material comforts have to keep posted on the scientific, engineering, and industrial developments throughout the world. In this manner they become internationally-minded in their daily duties; moreover, intrinsically they are not interested in rivalry or destruction, having learned the b!ssings of cooperation within their own organizations. Therefore, these groups of popula- tion may be counted upon as easy converts to any reasonable doctrine of international cooperation and goodwill.

VLADIMIR KARAPETOFF Ithaca, New York. �[Page 143]ROUND TABLE

Death removes two names from the list of Contributing Edi- tors this month: Ng Poon Chew and Kahlil Gibran. Both were among the first to endorse the aims and purposes of WorLD UNITY when announced to a few internationally-minded leaders early in 1927.

Ng Poon Chew founded the first daily paper for Chinese in America. Placed by his parents to prepare for the Taoist priesthood, he was converted to Christianity and entered the ministry at San Irancisco, resigning to establish the “Chung Sai Yat Po” in 1899.

Kahlil Gibran, author of ‘The Prophet’ and other works, was

isidered by Arabic-speaking peoples as their greatest genius. The

‘lege has been granted by his publishers to reproduce in WorLD

Y some of the illustrations he had drawn for his latest book.

hese two personalities—representing such different Oriental ti as, but both fulfilled in America—the profound depths of the svement toward world order and peace are re ealed. Person- lly unknown to each other, they met morally and intellectually in tuith in “humanity arising at last to assert its organic oneness, the toundation on which it stands.”

The world movement is also indicated in the persons of the two authors added this month to our Contributing Editors: Grover Clark and Robert Merrill Bartlett, who represent the cultural West mingling with, and enriched by, the mind and temper of the East.

Every student of international relations recognizes that the next ten or twelve months will determine the crucial issues of peace of war, cooperation or revolution in Europe and hence for the world. It is in the light of this fact that one should read “Three Paths to Peace” by Philip C. Nash, “World Peace by Force” by Charles Stow, and “The United States and the World Court” by Bryce Wood.

In ‘The Effect of the Chinese Revolution Upon Christianity” 4 paper prepared for a Y. W. C. A. Secretarial Conference at

143 �[Page 144]144 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Shanghai is made available to Western readers. While some of the matters treated by Frank Rawlinson may seem technically religious to the average layman, the quality of sound statesmanship i in this article reveals how far t 1e mission spirit has traveled from its naive beginning at Williams <ollege in 1807.

The boundaries ot religion today, like those of business and politics, extend to the one world problem. Little more than pro- fessional terminology now separates the conclusions of enlightened ministers from those of enlightened economists.

It is gratifying to announce a series on “China's Changing Culture” by Dr. Rawlinson to begin in the September issue.

Two other series of articles will also begin in the present volume: “International Cooperation” by Manley O. Hudson, and “World Citizenship” by Carl A. Ross.

The leading article next month will be “The Challenge of World Unemployment” by Norman Angell, reproduced by kind permission from ‘Foreign Affairs (London) for March, the mag- azine founded by E. D. Morel, now edited by Mr. Angell, and according to an announcement just received—to appear henceforth as a supplement to “Time and Tide.” Both Morel and Angell, incidentally, have been described in “Apostles of World Unity” the twenty-eighth contribution to which is published this month.

“The Challenge of World Unemployment” is commended to every reader of World Unity. ts central idea carries the truest balance between the conflicting systems of apn and Socialism that has ever come to our attention.

From the current News Bulletin of The National Council for the Prevention of War we are happy to note that The American Friends Service Committee will conduct two ‘Institutes of Inter- national Relations’ at Haverford College. Details may be obtained from the Committee at 20 South fwelfth Street, Philadelphia. �[Page 145]

—————

HOW MUCH DO YOU CARE

about Schools and Children?

The Progressive Education Association translates vour interest into service for your child, for your school, for your community.

No matter what helpful service other organizations render, it is the ONE which asks and answers these questions:

What IS real education? How can it be secured for the children of today and tomorrow?

PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION, the monthly organ of the Association, interprets this movement in education to the public.

You DO care about schools and children— can you afford to keep out of the current of this movement?

Membership in the Progressive Education Asso- ciation, with its many personal services, and an annual subscription to PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION, means only $3.00 in money... but a great deal in personal satisfaction both to you and to us. Will you come along? Note the SPECIAL OFFER in the attached coupon.

PROGRESSIVE Epccatios Association

Pl Jackson Place

Washington, D.C. Date :

ease enroll me as a subseribing-member of the PROGRESSIVE

EDUCATION ASSOCIATION, my subscription to expire October,

1932. Enelosed is my check for $3.00. It is understood that I am to

receive the May, 1931, issue, and one previous issue free of charge.

NAME

ADDRESS ...

�[Page 146]Publishers: G. E. STECHERT CO., New York—DAVID NUTT, London— FELIX ALCAN, Paris-AKAD. VERLAGSGESELLSCHAFT, Leipzig—NICOLA ZAN} CHELLI, = Boloynn—RUIZ HERMANOS, Madrid—LIVRARIA MACHADO Portto—THE MARUZEN COMPANY, Tokyo.

“SCIENTIA”

INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF SCIENTIFIC SYNTHESIS

Published every month (each number containing 100 to 120 pages)

cOMTORS F. Poe.:2zi G. Beuni F. Enriques

Former ©ditor, Er genio Rignano, deceased

IS THE ONLY REVIEW he ccatributors to which are really international IS THE ONLY REVIEW that has a really world-wide circulation. 1S THE ONLY REVIEW of scientific synthesis and unification that deals wit

the fundamental questions of all sciences: the history of the sciences, mathe matics, astronomy, geology, physics, chemistry, biology, psychology anc sociology.

1S THE ONLY REVIEW that by means of enquiries among the most eminen: scientists and authors of all countrics (On the philosophical principles of the ravious sconces; On the most fundamental astronomical and physical question of current interest; On the contribution that the different countries have giver io the development of tatious branches uf knowledge; On the move importan bivlogical quedions; On the great econciiical and soctologtcal internations gaestions), studies cll the main problems discussed in intellectual circles

over the world, and represents at the same time the first attempt at an inte: national organization of philosophical and scientitic progress.

IS THE ONLY REVIEW that among its contributors can boast of the mov illustrious men oi science in the whole world.

The articles are published in the language of their authors, and every number has j supplement coniaming the French ivanslation of all the articles that ave n: French, The review ts thus completely accessible to those who know oni French. (Write jor a free copy to the General Secretary of “Scientia,” Milan sending 12 cents in stamps of your country, merely to cover packing an:

postage.)

SUBSCRIPTION: $10.00, Post free. Office: Via A. De Togni 12, Milan (116) General Secretary: PAOLO BONETTI.

oe ee ee

�[Page 147]WORLD UNITY

A SUPREME ACT OF Farry

ee Back of every great venture of mankind there must lie a supreme «tof faith. In the world of human relationships certain things will be -ond true only if men believe them true from the beginning and are oepared to make every sacrifice to make them so."—George S. Counts.

World Unity Magazine has been presented as a new ‘ntel/ectual value che effort of an international group of scholars to create the world out- .k on current trends.

It could as well be described as a new spiritual value—a profound ‘ach that the nature of man can produce a social order comparable to the rler already established in terms of the single institution.

Approximately ten thousand people in America—a body no larger ‘han Xenophon’s famous army of Greeks—are deeply and sincerely con- ened with international affairs. These people £vow the consequences of tailure to meet such issues as the World Court, international economic cooperation, disarmament, and the rising tide of self-determination in the Onent. They realize the tragic need of a new type of public education, to sustain the burden of civilization in this revolutionary era.

World Unity Magazine came into being three vears ago to meet the seeds of the small, advanced group of world-minded people. Its articles are an invaluable reinforcement to the adult man or woman who realizes that knowledge is lifeless without social application and result.

Annual subscription $3.50; to Libraries, $2.50. Sample copies sent tree on request. Introductory subscription, four months for 7c.

WORLD UMITY MAGAZINE

Interpreting the Spirit of the Ave

4 EAST 12TH STREET New York �[Page 148]BOOKS FOR WORLD UNITY READE A WORLD COMMUNITY, by John Herman Raidal!

HE book for those who seek to grasp the world movement as . wh with the inter-relations of economic, political, industrial and sx factors, and a careful analysis of the trends making for internati organization. It has been included in the reading list issued by the National Comm: on the Cause and Cure of War.

NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM by Herbert Adans Gibbons

N THIS book, Dr. Gibbons has infused his historical scholarship wi

lifetime of personal experience and participation in international aff The result is a study accurate enough for the classroom and interes enough for the average reader.

“Nationalism and Internationalism” traces the evolution of poli force from its first expression in the movement toward modern national through the nineteenth century, to its present expression in internatic ism as the true outcome of national ideals.

SEVEN GREAT BIBLES, by Alfred W. Martin

ERE, at last, are the essential truths about Hinduism, Buddh Zorastrianism, Confucianism, Taoism, Muhammadanism, Jud. and Christianity that demonstrate the underlying unity and harmon the texts from which these religions derive—a very history of the sor man illumined from age to age by inspired teachers pointing the pat brotherhood and peace. These three books have been published in the World Unity Library initiated and sponsored by this magazine. Per copy, $2.00. Any one title, with annual subscription to World Unity Magazine, $5.00; subscription and two books, $6.75; subscription and all three books, $8.50.

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE 4 EAST 12TH STREET New Y �