World Unity/Volume 8/Issue 3/Text

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WORLD UNITY

INTERPRETING THE SPIRIT OF THE AGE

JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, Editor Horace HOutey, Managing Editor

CONTENTS , VIII JUNE, 1931 | No. 3

Morley Frontispiece ye World’s Economic Dilemma Editorial Challenge of World Unemployment Norman Angell

of World Unity XX IX. John Morley Walter Walsh | World Welfare. III. Amos Stote

Citizenship and Governments Carl A. Ross

VIII. Turkey Herbert A. Miller

fe Problem of Armaments. III. Dexter Perkins

ves of the Greater Bible XI. Prayers of Ancient Greece William Norman Guthrie

lity as Equalizing John Herman Randall, Jr. Round Table

(Contents indexed in the International Index to Periodicals)

RLD UNITY MAGAZINE is published by Wortp UNity PuBLISHING CorPorRa- N, 4 East 12th Street, New York City: Mary Rumsey Mowvius, president; CE HOLLEY, vice-president; FLORENCE MoRTON, treasurer; JOHN HERMAN DALL, secretary. Published monthly, 35 cents a copy, $3.50 a year in the ited States and in all other countries (postage included). THE Worip Unity LISHING CORPORATION and its editors welcome correspondence on articles ted to the aims and purposes of the magazine. Printed in U. S. A. Contents tighted 1931 by Wortp UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORATION. �[Page 150]

Apostle of World Unity �[Page 151]THE WORLD'S ECONOMIC DILEMMA CEN S EDITORIAL

Ne could have thrown into such high relief the malad-

justment that exists between the economic realities of today

and the political theories and practices of the governments

of nations, as did the sessions of the International Chamber of Commerce held in Washington the first week of May. In view of world economic conditions these meetings were most significant. Some forty different countries were represented, with nearly a thousand delegates, including those from this country.

In his brief welcoming address President Hoover saw fit to stress solely the problem of disarmament, thus ignoring all refer- ences to the various other problems to be considered and which affect the policies of the United States. It was a strong, clean-cut statement of the necessity for disarmament, in which the President placed the chief responsibility for world peace upon big business and the pressure it might exert upon governments. But it left the President open to the criticism of side-stepping all other crucial problems in which this country is vitally involved.

Other speakers—notably George Theunis of Belgium, Sir Arthur Salter of England, Jean Parmentier of France, Melvin A. Traylor, banker of Chicago, Hugh Cooper, President of the American-Rus- sian Chamber of Commerce, and Kenkichi Kagami of Japan— while accepting President Hoover's suggestion in principle, went

tar beyond it in analyzing the profound underlying reasons for the present economic crisis, and te measures which they believed would have to be taken to meet ic. Behind the whole discussion was the evident realization that one economic era was passing and that a new one was beginning. The challenge of high tariffs, war

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debts and reparations, markets in undeveloped countries, and of the great economic and social experiment now going on in Russia, was clearly in every speaker's mind.

As Sir Arthur Salter said: “Never has history seen such a tragic demonstration of the fundamental solidarity and interdependence of the world’s interests, and of the imperative need for concerted world effort in research, in consultation, in policy and in action. Happily the world has, as a spur to such efforts, not only the pros. pect of disaster that threatens in its absence, but a rich promise if it succeeds.”

The clear, frank and vigorous statements made by the out- standing speakers as they dealt with the crucial economic problems, were most refreshing and significant, in decided contrast to the resolutions passed by the International Chamber. The resolutions against tariff barriers, on disarmament, on war debts and repara- tions, were weak and colorless. Such an important subject as Russias trade was not touched upon at all.

It is no wonder the New York World-Telegram asks: “Why should one thousand business leaders from some forty countries. meeting in the depths of the world’s worst depression, be as lacking in courage and intelligence as their resolutions indicate?” Is it because, with notable exceptions, business men are not yet “aware of the new relations into which we have come on this planet?” Or is it because these supposedly powerful and free business leaders are not yet brave enough to refuse to act as yes-men to the dictation of their respective partisan governments?

In his recent book, ‘The World’s Economic Dilemma’’ Prot E. M. Patterson of the University of Pennsylvania, lays his finge: on the crux of the present situation when he says: “The dilemm: that confronts all nations today is this: How can a world econ: omically united but politically divided be successful in the busines of making a living?” The real obstacle is the maladjustment be tween the economic realities of today and political theories anc practices that have become obsolete.

J. H.R.

| �[Page 153]THE CHALLENGE OF WORLD UNEMPLOYMENT by

NORMAN ANGELL Member of Parliament, Editor of ‘Foreign Affairs”

THE ECONOMIC BREAKDOWN

T is doubtful whether the peoples of the West have yet realized e significance of this fact: the worst stage of the economic

break in the United States, the stage which meant breadlines,

more unemployed and a fiercer penury for them in America the golden than even in poverty-stricken Britain, was the stage which synchronized with that point in the development of the Russian Experiment which proved that, whatever the fate of the Five Year Plan, Communism had come to stay, was proving itself (especially on the land) materially successful; that it would work.

If Communism steadily improves in its results while Capitalism steadily gets worse; or if the workers of the West get the impression that such is the case, whether it is so or not, the results are likely to have an importance on the life of the West transcending any other single factor whatsoever—‘‘the greatest event since the Cru- sifixion”—as an English statesman (neither Communist, Socialist, nor Labor) said privately the other day.

Assuming that this parallelism of worsening Capitalism and improving Communism continues, Russia will not have to indulge in ‘plots” or propaganda in order to bring about revolutionary disorder over much of the Western world. It will be born naturally out of the demonstrated failure of the present system and the mad- dening sense of impotence which is now beginning to infect the unemployed millions and those racked by the fear of unemployment.

This does nag mean that the inevitable outcome will be Com- munism; it may be varying forms of Fascism; it is far more likely to be just prolonged confusion and chaos. It may well be that the

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thing which so many now hate and fear—an orderly Communism— will come to be regarded as infinitely preferable to the state which the impending upheavals may produce.

The Western proletariat will argue: if the ignorant Russians can bring Communism by' violence and revolution, we can. It will be a false argument—but men are largely guided by false : ‘gu ments. Never was it more necessary than in considering the e!:ect of Russia's development upon the West, to remember that the facts are less important than what the Western proletariat will regard as the facts.

The degree of success which Russian Communism may appear to show will be sufficient to cause the disaffected minorities of, for instance, the Brit':h Labor Party, to become more exasperated at the fact that “nothing happens but talk,” more vocal, and to cause larger sections of the electorate to respond to that exasperation.

To mention Russia raises so many prejudices that a word as to the point of view from which the Communist experiment is regarded in this survey may be necessary.

This present writer regards some of the moral foundations of Russian Communism with something akin to loathing. The denial of intellectual freedom, the normal use of terrorism for intellectual coercion, the reintroduction of the old dogmatic error that absolute truth can be ascertained by a small body of men, whether calling themselves a Church or a party, and laid down for the acceptance and guidance of mankind on penalty of torture and death; the idea that this can be accepted as a fundamental principle of society (even if it is only to be regarded as applying to the first few generations ‘of the new order), must end in steadily worsening human character and intelligence and the capacity for truth. The deliberate cul- tivation of hate and intolerance as a social motive, the deliberate maintenance throughout whole generations in peace time of that mentality which the Western belligerents only displayed during the darkest years of the war—all this surely is dangerous to the last degree, certain in the long run to be morally debasing and certain also, ultimately, to provoke in some future generation another revolution for the reassertion of human freedom. �[Page 155]THE CHALLENGE OF WORLD UNEMPLOYMENT 1§5

That statement has been put in strong terms in order to keep the issues clear. Strong feeling as to certain moral implications, not of Communism, but of Communism as enforced in Russia, should not biind us to the recognition of fact, of a pregnant por- tentous parallel. The feature of the industrialized civilization of the West which shouts at us at this moment is its unmanageability. The machine has got out of control. We accept unemployment and economic disaster as a manifestation of nature, a “blizzard,” the act ot God, and we tell the millions that we can do nothing for them, that man is helpless. The Russians deny that man is helpless, the machine unmanageable. If they can demonstrate that management and direction are possible, that it can be controlled for the benefit of the mass, they will not need to show as high a standard as in the West. The masses would be prepared to accept for a long time a very low standard, if Communism can be shown to work at all;

it indeed it seems to work.

AMERICA : RUSSIA

Consider the parallel just referred to. Nowhere in the world, and never in history, had the Capitalist industrial system been brought to such success as in America. It had all the advantages: 4 new country, virgin soil, a population having undergone in the process of emigration a “natural selection” for energy and enter- prise; freedom from certain social and political disabilities that cursed the old world; remoteness, “insulation.” Added to this were quite fortuitous advantages from the war; the disappearance of its debtor condition, and the exchange for it instead of a creditor one, os the accumulation of vast profits inherent in its position as neutral. Her captains of industry were largely free from the Trade Union restrictions and the costly social legislation of which European cmplovers are so apt to complain. Yet, despite it all, the world blizzard has proved so devastating that widespread bankruptcy, vast nancial losses, hunger, want, anxiety, discontent stalk through the jand.

The claims made, therefore, for the potentially high produc- tivity of the present system leave one cold; the high productivity �[Page 156]156 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

itself may produce want.

Now turn to Russia. Ten years ago that country was being devastated by a famine as great as any in modern European history, following upon defeat in war, revolution, the utter destruction of the older order, civil war, invasion, blockade, chaos—all that hav- ing overtaken a great unorganized conglomeration of over a hun. dred million illiterate peasants.

And that vast mass was made the subject of an entirely new experiment in social and economic organization which might well have appalled the most highly organized and disciplined people in the world. The experiment on the material side is working. This does not mean that the standard of life is higher in Russia than in the West—it is probably a good deal lower. It does mean that in many respects it is far better than the old Russian standards, has prospects of great improvement, and—most important of all—that the great mass of Russians have come to believe in it and support it. A hundred million peasants are seeing that land which never in the past adequately fed, warmed, clothed or sheltered them, sudden rendered, in parts of it at least, enormously more productive; al: ready here and there pouring forth its fruits in a great flood, where originally there was a feeble and intermittent trickle. It may be en: tirely true that Capitalism, organized as in the United States, would have done as much; that today the Russian standard of life comes nowhere near the Western and may not do so for ten or fifteen o: twenty years, or may never; that the material achievement may no: justify the moral cost. But if the optimism, the hope, the passionat: conviction which animates the Russian millions has survived the miseries of the last ten years, there is no reason at all why it shoul not survive the next twenty, and, during that time, achieve a suft cient measure of success to stand in the minds of the suffering un employed of the West—if they continue to sufter—as the vindica tion of the Communist method.

It is precisely this hopefulness, the blazing conviction of salva: tion revealed by the Russian millions, side by side with the pessim ism of the West, which is perhaps the most important feature o! the whole situation. ° �[Page 157]THE CHALLENGE OF WORLD UNEMPLO MENT 157

THE INSTRUMENTS OF CAPITALISM

And the irony of it is that the instruments with which the Russians have done this thing are instruments forged by Capitalism, and that without that characteristic product of Capitalism—mech- anized industrialism—it could never have been done at all; and the further irony that this vast unletteted mass have managed to do what the highly skilled captains of industry of America, Germany, Britain, have not yet been able to do; to prevent this servant, the Machine, becoming the master, making us who created it its slaves by causing high productivity to hecome itself a cause of want. The Russian system does not present the outrageous paradox of the Chicago breadline. Hundreds of thousands of men starving and freezing because America has too much food and too much fuel. If there is abundant food and fuel in Russia it is available for the people, unless there is some physical difficulty of insufficient rail- roads or rolling stock, itself a difficulty to be overcome by more production or improving administration. There is nothing inherent in the system itself which causes plenty to provoke want.

No one can dispute the breakdown in the West any more than we can dispute the weather. The Machine having thus got des- perately out of order and the world having been thrown into chaos, what organic change do the captains of industry in, say America and Britain, propose to make in order to correct the defect and prevent its recurrence?

They don’t propose to correct it by any organic change at all. The assumption is that in due time it will correct itself; that apart trom this “operation of natural forces,” accentuated by the reduc- tion of wages and the standard of life, we are beyond human aid. Just why they say this will be considered in a moment. Let us con- sider for a moment some of the effects of saying it.

EFFECTS ON INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Here are these helpless unemployed millions—if we count the wives and families of the unemployed white world today we are dealing with a mass of something like sixty or seventy million folk, with as many rendered anxious and depressed by the fear they may �[Page 158]158 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

join the vast army of misery tomorrow—standing idly beside the material and the tools which they might use. The dominant mood it sets up is exasperation, intensifying any pre-existing grievance. Its political effects are pronounced. The Nationalist movement in Ger many drew its strength from the economic malaise; the Communist movement in that country from the unemployment.

Although the trouble has largely arisen from economic Nation: alism it stimulates economic Nationalism, as witness the increase of tariffs in Australia, India, the United States, and the resurgence ot Protectionist movements in Britain, with even orthodox economists turning to Protection (though with the growth of Nationalism it would be pretty certain to result in a sort of economic Balkaniza- tion, like the Protection of Scotland or Wales against England and reversion to a fiscal heptarchy). It intensifies the persecution ot minorities (as witness the intensification of anti-Semitism which accompanies these depressions). If the mood of Hitlerism, having so much of its roots in the economic chaos grows, we shall be faced by Nationalist conflicts the outcome of which must, if unchecked. be war. If the last war, before the coming of successful Russian Socialism, meant revolution, what will the next war produce in the way of revolution when it has been proven that Communism can be made to work with everything against it, and when the great So: cialist State of the world possesses one of the greatest armies in the world, and would certainly not stand idly by if civil war were going on in, say, Germanv between bourgeoisie and the proletariat?

Make such discount of the foregoing as any passing ray of sun shine in the gloom may suggest and there must remain a residue ot exasperated helplessness, resentment, resulting in instinctive anc temperamental animosities sufficiently great to give furiously to ponder and to justify this generalization concerning the present unemployment.

The international future depends mainly upon the degree t which some solution is found for this major economic problem o our modern industrialized civilization; the success or failure of th W estern nations in meeting the present economic crisis. �[Page 159]THE CHALLENGE OF WORLD UNEMPLOYMENT 1§9

WHAT IS THE NATURE OF THE DIFFICULTY ?

If one is to discuss the international, or any other implication of this problem, we must have some notion of its nature in the sense of having some clear idea of how it arises.

How does unemployment arise? Voluminous and learned books have beeh written in the attempt to answer the question; yet in its fundamentals it is quite simple.

Unemployment is a result of badly coordinated division of labor. A family on a primitive peasant farm, deriving everything they need directly from the soil, never know unemployment in our sense at all. The weather may prevent them from working, the drought render their work fruitless. But the absurdity of starving because they have produced too much never arises. And it never arises because the producer is also the consumer; the employer the em- ploved; the seller the buyer, which means that the necessary co- ordinations are completely within control. When, however, a vil- lage arises, and one of the peasants becomes a blacksmith, no longer growing his own food, but depending upon getting it in exchange tor bill-hooks or hoes which he makes, then 4e may well face yn- employment. If the peasants have all the hoes they need, he will otter hoes in vain in exchange for potatoes, and may well starve in the midst of plenty.

In that situation two courses, broadly, are open to him. He mv go back to being a peasant, growing his own food and making his own tools. It will mean a low standard of life; the peasants are no longer having their tools made by a specialist. But, at that stan- dard, it will be a more secure life. Or he may remain a blacksmith, out adjust his activities more expertly, make something other than hoes which the peasants do want, and for which they will give food. Hut if he goes on with these elaborations he will soon find the co- ordinations passing altogether outside his control. He will arrive at 4 point where he is making machinery in a factory for some distant country where some war or revolution or drought or bank failure may ruin his business. He has improved his standard of life; he is perhaps rich. But he is at the mercy of events on the other side of the world which he cannot control as he could control things while �[Page 160]160 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

a simple peasant.

And that allegory represents broadly the alternative remedies before us; to go forward to still higher standards of life—to mak- ing, that is, the standards which have heretofore been the standard of a few the standards of all—which will mean increasing con- trol over ever-increasing complexities; or to go back to less efficient production which will be more easily controlled but which wil! give lower standards of life.

The latter course is apt to be the more popular of the two. The Protectionist, finding that the natural advantage of some foreign country makes it possible for that country to produce some com: modity more cheaply than it can be done here, and, faced with the adjustment involved in withdrawing from that form of production, and going into another, prefers instead to sacrifice the advantage which the natural foreign cheapness gives him. Trade Union resis: tance to labor-saving machinery is one of the same general nature. And both may be successful in avoiding unemployment—at the cost of a general lowering of standards. Apply the method with com: plete thoroughness and you will get a complete cure for unemploy- ment. Pass a law forbidding absolutely the importation into this country of anything whatsoever, and you will cure unemployment at one blow, for we should have to set every available man, woman and child to some form of labor (as we did during the war) in order not to starve to death. If a successful blockade, or some catastrophe ot nature, actually achieved this end, there is no doubt whatever (in view of the war experience) that, faced by famine, we should finc means of employing all available idle labor; and the unemployment problem would be solved. But our people would face a coolie standard of life. Which means that our problem is not to cufe un: employment, but to cure unemployment without reducing, or sen: sibly reducing, the standard of life.

It is not a mere coincidence but in the very nature of the case that countries of very high standards of life should show a high unemployment figure, and countries of low standards of life a low one. Countries of the lowest standard—agricultural China, India— have no unemployment at all. One statistician, who more than any �[Page 161]THE CHALLENGE OF WORLD UNEMPLOYMENT 161

other man in England perhaps has studied this question, said re- cently: “If I were to venture an over-simplified and over-sweeping generalization from my studies it might be something like this: As things are in the present system you can have high per capita pro- ductivity, wealth for the community, and unemployment. Or you can have low productivity and low unemployment; you cannot have great wealth, high productivity and no unemployment.”

An illustration, based on what is incidentally a perfectly true story, will clarify still further certain aspects of the problem; and will also throw light on certain much canvassed cure-alls.

(To be continued) �[Page 162]APOSTLES OF WORLD UNITY

XXIX.—JOHN MORLEY by WALTER WALSH

Free Religious Movement, London

OHN Morty. By simple name this distinguished apostle of

world unity lives in the thoughts and affections of those who,

like the present writer, were associated with him personally

in the tumu!tuous forward movements of his day. We hardly recognize him in the lordly robes of ‘The Right Honorable John, Viscount Morley of Blackburn,” with which in his later years he was clothed by a grateful country. His grave, strong countenance looks back upon us—-not through the golden mist of the House ot Lords but—-through the cloudy contests of the House of Commons, and his steady voice repeats his own test of a public man: "What arms did your man carry in the serried conflicts of his time? Did he let them rust, and trust for safety to his shield? What pace did he strive to keep with the rev olving forces of his age? Did unnoticed tributaries force the channels of his life, at this point or that, to run oft into barren sands?” The writer and publicist who proposed that test in introducing his two noble volumes of “Recollections” has in the same book furnished the means of applying it. Here (to quote the spacious words of John Milton) is not merely a “good book but ‘the precious life-blood of a master-spirit embalmed and treas: ured up on purpose to a life beyond life.” Its strong serenity refiects the known character of its author, and sums up the mortal conclu- sions of one of the wisest and sincerest of men in a period not lack- ing men sincere and wise. It displays the manner in which a sane and robust mind looked at the world his workshop, not his piay- ground, faced its evils and hastened its good, and played a manly part among the noblest Romans of them all.

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The personal storv is soon told. In the last week of 1838 John Morlev saw the light at Blackburn, a manufacturing town in Lan- washire. His father was a surgeon of Yerkshire stock, his mother « Northumbrian. His religious training was evangelical without being bigoted, and his parents intended him for the church. But Oxtord, which has been the grave of many a youth's churchman- Sup, shook his foundations: “The force of miracle and myth and

ntervening Will in the interpretation of the world began to give wav before the reign of law,” and he turned away from orthodoxy ty that which is variously described as agnosticism, rationalism, and sulitarianisin, remaining to the end of his life an obstinate dweller in the outer court of the gentiles. He disbelieved religiously; for the writings of no other non-christian contain more of the marrow and fatness of religion than do those of the author of “Compro- mise.” His books on “Voltaire,” “Rousseau,” “Diderot and the I nevclopaedists,” prove how far he was from (for example) the Roman poet Lucretius whom he described as “a pagan without re- ugion or the feeling for religion.” The feeling for religion never cvaporated through all the turmoil of Morlev’s career. After Ox- tord. he felt the influence of George Henry Lewes, George Eliot and Frederick Harrison, and came near to joining their “Church of Humanity,” but was restrained partly by John Stuart Mill (“m cuict master’) and partly by his own antt-sectarian instinct. He never Wholly escaped the influence of Comte, however, and in later vcars averred that if he had to wear a label it would be that of Positivist.”” He was also attracted to Comte’s survey of history, and the restraining hand of Comte is noticeable through the many parts ie plaved im public life.

When he renounced journalism for politics his prospects were naturally prejudiced by the agnosticism which he never disavowed; and when (after two preliminary defeats at Blackburn and West- minster) he stood for Newcastle-on-Tyne, the cry of the bigot could hardly fail to be heard in the land. But the electors preferred in- tcgrity to theology, and retained him as their representative for a dozen strenuous years during which he fought seven severe battles, winning six and losing the seventh (1883-1895). The electors of �[Page 164]164 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

the Montrose Burghs in Scotland immediately invited him to con. test the seat, which he won and retained for another dozen years (1896-1908). Both Newcastle and Montrose were well satistied with the only reference to religion he ever condescended to muke in an electoral address: ‘‘Religion has many dialects, many diverse complexions, but it has one true voice, the voice of human pity, of mercy, of patient justice, and to that voice your candidate, to the best of his knowledge and belief, has always done all he could to listen.”

Religiar des imperceptibly into politics. Lord Acton, speak: ings ta. arf acholic, feared that Morley’s politics, being nor. ther 2. uuigint aioo be non-human; not understanding that ethics aught be as soundedly based on reason, moral sense and social sympathy; or that one who keyed his public life to “half a dozen eternally noble, vibrating, far-sounding words: Right, Justice. Equality, Fraternity, Progress,’ and remained “‘invincibly sure that Progress stands for a working belief that the modern world will never consent to do without,” might be trusted to augment the humanization of politics which went forward with mighty impctus during the Victorian period. To Morley, indeed, Progress was a continuous disintegration of Privilege before Justice as a governing principle: ‘The law of things is that they who tamper with veracity, from whatever motive, are tampering with the vital forces of human progress. The one commanding law is that men shall do right. it the very heavens fall.” A certain inborn stateliness of nature and aloofness of manner dissembled the warmth of his humane svm- pathies, and a certain school of criticism expressed itself in the words of a plain-spoken woman: “You are too haughty. You are not at heart a real democrat.”’ Far from him, in truth, were the arts of the demagogue, yet on great occasions his moral fervor wus immense and inflaming, and he avowed his willingness to be re- proached as “philanthropist” and “agitator,” considering that most of the good work of the world had been done by them. Conserva- tive instincts were deeply rooted in him, without a doubt, and even when he favored a revoluticnary change it was regarded as a means of compassing a conservative end. Like Mill’s his mind equally �[Page 165]JOHN MORLEY 165

abhorred ignorani c:onee and ignorant opposition to change, and ne astonished the Gal!.os of the House of Commons by the tenacity t his belief in the soluticn of political problems and the industry with which he sougl:t to work out such solutions. Sometimes this gave a semblance of opportunism to his activities as if he had no sody of consistent political faith; than which »e:hing could be ‘arther from the truth, though he did not set wr for a model of consistency, and was never too proud to own a change of mind. If «0 spell God with a small "'g” offended Dr. Joseph Parker, he would good-humoredly revert to the capital ‘G" in deference to the .arger expediencies of human intercourse and political unity. He jiagnosed himself as ‘A cautious Whig by temperament, a Liberal by education and training, and a Radical by observation and ex- perience,” and when asked to advise the unlearned what poet they should start with he would recommend Byron—the rebel! But he never seemed to outlive the positivist influence of Comte, to which ne added the practical methods of Edmund Burke, his co-mentor with Mill: “I had only adopted from Burke the doctrine of plain commonsense, that the man who meddles with actioi must consider consequence, balance probabilities, estimate forces, choose the lesser evil, courageously acquiescing in the fact that things in politics are apt to turn out second best. ... The age is not what we all wish, but the only means to check its degeneracy is heartily to concur in what- ever is best in our time.”

The high-minded opportunism of Morley was wide gulfs apart trom the non-human statecraft of Machiavelli, concerning whom, i his book bearing the name of the famous Florentine, he said that ‘ie popular clamor against him was based upon a sound instinct. other would we put him with Gladstone and Campbell-Banner- man in the forefront of Victorian humanists such as Tennyson so happily portrayed:

And statesmen at her council met Who knew the seasons when to take Occasion by the hand, and make The bounds of freedom wider yet. In those years before the League of Nations the word “‘Inter- �[Page 166]166 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

nationalism” had not become the vogue, and though in his “Life o! Richard Cobden” Morley did full justice to Free Trade and +.

Cobden as “the international man” whose ’ ‘bagman’s millennius

superior persons did ill to scorn, he dismissed the idea of practic. cooperation in the common interest of European democracy as . dream: “Alas, like the dream of the international socialists suc! union had far too little common basis against divergent tongues race, tradition, economic interest, spiritual faith.” Happily, he live. long enough to see the “dream” partially materialized in the Leavuc of Nations.

The less hopeful word “Imperialism” was more frequent! heard, and Morley stood out broad-breasted against the "pirate Imperialism which was submerging the world. At a Press conte: ence he called upon his fellow journalists to stand against the "re barbarization” of the nations. Although not “pacifist” in the a cepted sense, he recognized that Militarism and Liberalism could not live in the same world, and lamented that the pulpit was neve: so bad as when war was in the air. He thought it odd that Muham madans should come to 2 Christian government to be taught — 20 the Sermon on the Mount, but-—the noble arts of human slaughter

“That is the worst of war, it ostracises, demoralises, brutalises reason.’ -

The necessity of choosing sides came, as great occasions otter do, without sound of trumpet. The little rift that widened till it split the historic Liberal Party showed itself in connection wit! Gladstone's Home Rule for Ireland policy, announced in 1886. A tiny group of important Liberals announced themselves as ‘Liber. Imperialists,”’ of whom Morley wrote: “Destined as time went on to excrt much influence for good or evil on the fortunes of their coun: try... they had idealisms but were no Utopians ... had the tempe: of 1 men of the world and the temper of business. They had con: science, character, and took their politics to heart.” Conspicuous was Lord Rosebery, author of the ill-omened phrase, “the pre- dominant partner” (England, as distinguished from the smalle: populations of Ireland, Wales and Scotland) ; and Morley particu- larly names Asquith, Grey and Haldane (memorable in after his- �[Page 167]JOHN MORLEY 167

tory as the trio who were in command through the events which culminated in the fatal August, 1914). Liberal Imperialist oppo- sition to Irish Independence could be defended only by appealing to such opinions and feelings as took for granted the concentration of imperial unity in an Imperial Parliament where “the predomi- nant partner” always held the trump card. Hence it grew by what it ted on. Its operative, even if unconfessed, principle was the forcible establishment and maintenance of racial ascendency, first in the Kritish Islands, and then throughout the world. It was in opposition to this principle that our apostle of world unity found his vocation. The spheres in which his policy operated were four in number, and permit of geographical definition—Ireland, India, South Africa, Lurope. We can do little but summarize great occasions.

Ireland. Morley filled the office of Secretary of State for Ire- and twice, in 1886, and again in 1892-5. Up to that point he had hud no administrative experience, yet he was universally regarded

IS the indispensable man for the crisis. He was one of the few vic men who had publicly broken with the church, yet he was received with approbation by the Catholic hierarchy as the only possible ruler of one of the most Catholic nations in Europe. This tormer editor of “The Fortnightly Review” and “The Pall Mall Guzette,” during his brief apprenticeship in the House of Commons was already marked out by his sagacity and knightly chivalry for one of the most important administrative posts in the service of the crown, in a distracted and rebellious land concerning which he juoted a former President of the United States, John Adams: “The Management of so complicated and mighty a machine as the United “tutes, requires the meckness of Moses, the patience of Job, and the »ixtom of Solomon, added to the valor of David.” For the first time in eight terrible centuries of tyranny, rebellion and bloodshed, Wublin Castle was occupied by an Irish Secretary pledged against ocrcion, and committed to a policy of self-government. The Irish wid been called the blockhead nation of Europe, but he thought tistin their government of Jreland the blockhead’s cap was no bad ‘it tor her British Rulers. To resort to the cheap and easy pressure ot exceptional law was for him impossible. He would govern Ire- �[Page 168]168 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

land on the true principles of Liberalism, the principles of sc!t government that sustain the strength and greatness of the empire Like many another apostle he did not immediately gain his end. . score of years passed. A last frantic hurricane of terrorism was " loose by “the predominant partner,” from which emerged an inck pendent Ireland with her own seat at the League of Nations i> Geneva.

India. The year 1905 was a fateful one for two great tern: tories, Russia and India. From 1905 till 1910 John Morley held the post of Secretary of State for India, a gallant exchange of the storms of the Irish Sea for the cyclones of the Bay of Bengal. The wave o! revolutionary unrest w hich today is sweeping over the Indian Empire was already heaving under the influence of Tilak, Ghose. Chandra Pal (boycotter and non-cooperator, forerunner of Gandhi) and others who passed on the watchword: “India tor the Indians. The policy of ‘“Swadeshi” came to birth. “Swaraj” was to come « little later. The crisis had been precipitated by the partition of Ben: gal in accordance with the imperial dictum: “Divide et impor. The disastrous policy was afterwards annulled by royal decree, but political conditions appeared to force the new Indian Secretary into temporary acceptance, to the grief alike of Indians and their British sympathizers. This was characterized at the time as Morley’s mar tvrdom, though it was in truth the martyrdom of India. Ina situs tion cluttered up with contradictions he had to steer a course be- tween loyalty to Britain which decreed that nothing should be conceded that might shake the security of British rule, and justice to India which must not extend to “impossible” independence: “Say what we will, the House of Commons is your master and mine. and we have got to keep terms with it. As Roosevelt said to me: ‘I must try not to quarrel with Congress; if I do, I'm no use. Cleve: land broke with Congress, and it was the ruin of him’.” He recalled having heard a French President speak, and noted that the speech was “marked by the same promise of justice and amelioration that Europe had lived on since 1848.” India too, For there was the Anglo-Indian bureaucracy to be got over and a headstrong militar: ism under Lord Kitchener to be intimidated. Between the British �[Page 169]JOHN MORLEY 169

scvila and the Indian Charybdis this man with the head and heart of a gtcat Roman proconsul was forced into a policy of mingled con- cession and coercion. The most he could promise was that if India would be patient, by and by, and step by step, Great Britain would build up a system in which the natives of India should have a far greater share in the government of their country, and he made his .ontribution by introducing various reforms in the true spirit of Liberalism. But meantime law and order must be maintained, in tc course of which Indian patriots were imprisoned, Indian leaders icported, Indian newspapers gagged. No wonder if the proud ‘cmocrat felt tired and sought some easement of his load by ex- .wnging the turbulence of the House of Commons for the quietude ot f the House of Lords (1908)—though to the dismay of his old radical comrades. He felt that in no other way could he go on with the chivalrous task of liberalizing the government of India. When in 1910 he finally surrendered his portfolio, the greatness of his ciorts toward unity were acknowledged by India’s own trusted icaders.

South Africa. History now goes back to the year 1899 when the Boer War (1899-1902) was frowning over the horizon. John Morley, though he sought for quiet to get on with his huge literary tusk, "The Life of Gladstone,” and though he doubted whether any ir Was unpopular in this country at its start, flung himself into the breach: “You may carry fire and sword into the midst of peace and industry: it will be wrong. A war of the strongest government in the world with untold wealth and inexhaustible reserves against this little republic will bring you no glory: it will be wrong. It may dd a new province to your empire: it will still be wrong.” By word and work he strove to turn the tide of public opinion, and strongly bucked the Peace Crusade organized by his former prodigious henchman on the Pall Mall Gazette, William T. Stead. He endorsed his chief's (Campbell-Bannerman’s) denunciation of ‘methods of barbarism.” When all was over, and Great Britain had torn down the flags of two independent republics, the Transvaal and the Or- ange Free State, he had melancholy confirmation of his non-imper- itl principles: ‘The very word empire is in history and essence �[Page 170]170 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

military; emperor means soldier; all modern history and tradition associate empires with war.” He had forseen that “war inevitably meant incorporation,” but he hastened to the support of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman when that gallant Prime Minister (while Imperialism blasphemed) minimized the injustice by conferring on the conquered provinces the practical equivalent of independence, full Dominion Status.

Three years before the declaration of war, as if he felt the tremors of the yet hidden volcano, he prophesied in the House of Lords, laying his finger on the danger spot, the secret and falsely denied diplomacy of Sir Edward Grey: "1 do not say there is no real conflict of interest between England and Germany. But this I do say: That conflict is not a conflict that could possibly be averted or suppressed or conducted to a hopeful issue either by war or the shock of battle, or by any diplomacy starting from fixed antipiathie: and pre possessions, whether those antipathies and pre possessions are in the mind of the government or in the minds of its agents and im- formants abroad.” At an earlier date he had met Kaiser Wilhelm II and noted “a golden impression he appears to have left in the mind of everybody, namely, that he does really desire and intend Peace.”

The circumstances leading up to and attending that fatal ia? ust, 1914 are clearly set forth in Lord Morley’s Memorandum « Resignation, a post-mortem publication issued by his nephew four. teen years after the outbreak of the war and ten vears after the armistice, and indispensable to a knowledge of the truth. The Memorandum consists of notes of conversations and Cabinet meet: ings made during the ten days that the tremendous issue of War and Peace lay in the scales heavily weighted for war by the vears of secret diplomacy and entente engaged in by the three Liberal Imperialists, Asquith, Grey, and Haldane, now at length, but too late, exposed to the full knowledge of Morley and such of the Campbell-Bannerman school of Liber .sm as still survived. ‘The old Liberalism had done its work, and the time had come for openly exchanging imperial landmarks, and extinguishing beacons that needed new luminants” .. . ‘The war and our action in it led to my retirement from public office.” More pointedly in his Recollections: �[Page 171]JOHN MORLEY I7I

The blunders and precipitancy of folly-smitten rulers let loose a nerce hurricane of destruction and hate that swept quietude out of the world for a long span of time to come.” In brief detail he narrates the process by which the considerable peace group in the Cabinet was worn down by the Premier's (Asquith) persuasions ull it was reduced to four, then two—the two who actually did resign, the two Johns, Burns and Morley. This final appraisement ot the war Cabinet: “I parted from friends without a wound or even a scratch. I could not comprehend them all, and two of them | had no choice but to judge.”

One might be disposed to regret that publication of facts did not follow jmmediately on resignation. The position of those who actively aed the war through all its stages would have been tortified if they had been vouchsafed this flashlight upon the war

Cabinet at work. It would have put them in possession of facts they might surmise but could not prove, and would have enabled a deluded public to learn by what duplicity and incompetence the war was made. Diplomacy had shown itself as able as ever to dupe covernments and governed alike. The published opinion of so wise and trusted a statesman that his country could and should have been kept out of the war might have shortened, if it could not stay, the agony. Yet perhaps, because he was so wise, he judged better. He had fought the Boer war. He fought the European war while there was a ray of hope. He knew that every war was popular at the start, and that after the war had once got under full way argument had little chance. Above all, he plainly felt that the old order was passing, and that he, an old man and tired, must pass with it. He had kept his soul and had not thrown away his shield.

His two noble volumes of “Recollections” conclude with an

I! ilogue where he is seen meditating among the fading heather with Marcus Aurelius in his hand and a little four-footed friend by his side. He is still not sure about many things, about life and man and fate and the future. But he is sure that Bacon was right “when he penned this deep appeal from thought to feeling: “The nobler a soul is, the more objects of compassion it hath.” �[Page 172]DO ~ ee

ECONOMIC WORLD WELFARE

Il. THE INTERNATIONAL CHAMBER OF COMMERCE AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

by AMos STOTE Publicist, Paris, France

tional Chamber of Commerce as a power devoted to world peace and progress comes to it from the League of Nations. Since 1923 the International Chamber has attended, on invi- tation, all League conferences and meetings dealing with questions relating to finance, transport, communications, arbitration and, in

pr the most significant recognition given the Interna.

_ fact, any subject having an economic position to be considered.

And let no one get the idea that the League extends these constant invitations merely as a diplomatic gesture of deference due to the fact that the International Chamber represents most of the business organizations of all countries. The League desires, and receives, the assistance of the International Chamber at these meet-

y_ ings, and secures the great help of the latter body in paeeiy

League findings to business interests, everywhere.

The frequency of these invitations to attend League affairs has brought about the development of a regular course of procedure at the headquarters of the International Chamber of Commerce. The

‘ result being that the representation it has at each meeting is com-

posed of those best qualified to serve the interests of both organiza- tions. In addition to one or more delegates from the particular Committee of the International Chamber dealing with the subject under examination by the League, the active director of the depart- ment covering that subject also attends these gatherings.

The League of Nations recognizes the International Chamber of Commerce as the official spokesman for the business worid. it �[Page 173]LCONOMIC WORLD WELFARE 173

also appreciates the fact that in being able to draw on the organized resources of the Chamber for information, opinion and support it is in no danger of being led astray by biased services unduly influ- enced by any national considerations, or by any undue pressure which could be brought by international interests representing any given branch of commerce, finance or industry.

It is because the International Chamber is the clearing house tor the affairs of every type of organization having to do with any business activity required by our modern social existence; it is be- cause of the commercially limitless representation it provides that the League finds it as valuable and authoritative as it finds it emo- tionally detached from any special pleadings.

The problems of China and the problems of nations which did not exist until a few years ago, problems of the Far East and

problems of the Far West, these must be brought into harmony by the International Chamber of Commerce. For it is an organization

made up of many countries and many flags. An organization which has set its aim at making national barriers over into boundaries, serviceable outlines for the assembling of peoples into convenient working units which offer them the most efficient and enduring means for progress through constructive peace.

So we find it logical that the League of Nations should look to the International Chamber of Commerce for support of many of its activities, and consider it a most powerful ally. That is why trequent exchanges of proposals and suggestions pass between these wroups in the conduct of their regular operations. Informal con- sultations are frequently in progress, and frequently the League requests technical data from the International Chamber.

And even as the International Chamber sends its representatives t League meetings, so the League sends its delegates to the Con- <resses and meetings of the International Chamber. These latter come in their official capacities and address these conventions as oticials of the League, frequently speaking directly for the League.

The first great instance of the close cooperation which exists netween these two institutions relates to the Rome Congress of the international Chamber of Commerce, held in 1923, when that or- �[Page 174]174 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

ganization was but three years old.

At this Congress many of the most important resolutions passed were based upon subjects which had been announced for considera: tion by the Customs Conference organized by the League of Nations and to be held somewhat later that vear. By reason of this advance action on the part of the International Chamber it was possibic to: the League meeting which followed to carry on with the full assur. ance that it had the support of those business interests which wou! be most aftected by the proposals to be offered by the Customs Conference.

The value of such cooperation, value not only to the progress of the two organizations but to the world at large, can hardly be over-emphasized. With the knowledge that hundreds of commercial bodies, and consequently thousands of commercial houses, were pre: pared to support its Customs Conference and findings by bringing pressure to bear upon the governments of many countries natural, gave the League gathering a confidence and a power it could not otherwise have had.

Such instances as this give concrete illustrations of how these two groups are actually working together tor the common cause o! mankind. An even more striking example of such combining ot activities is illustrated by what transpired at the Stockholm Congress of the International Chamber in the summer of 1927, which was attended by five officials of the League as duly accredited delegates

Yet even that fact is not so significant unless one takes into consideration the fact that only a month before the Stockholm Con: gress there had occurred in Geneva a World Economic Conference initiated by the League for the study of the problems of internation- al trade. At that time many of the subjects discussed and much ot the data employed had been provided by the International Chamber with the knowledge that results achieved there would clarify and support the resolutions to be proposed at its own convention.

Consequently the Stockholm Congress was almost a contin. uation of the Geneva Conference, though it carried affairs much farther for the reason that the later meeting was able to provide the sanction of the business world and the active support of business �[Page 175]ECONOMIC WORLD WELFARE 175

organizations throughout many nations. What Geneva proposed, Stockholm initiated. What the League of Nations found desirable in the cause of all men at work the International Chamber of Com- merce, through its member organizations, was able to set in motion. Kusiness men from fifty countries got back of these resolutions. [hey returned to their native lands determined to do their best to bring the world somewhat nearer economic harmony.

Something of the spirit which animates the International (hamber of Commerce and which has, consequently, brought it into intimate relations with the League of Nations, is suggested by a statement printed in the introduction to the official report of the Stockholm Congress. This statement reads:

“Trade is not an end in itself. It is only a means to an end. The general economic welfare is its goal. It is in such a sense, and with a view to the welfare of all sections of the community in all countries, that the Congress desires its conclusions to be interpreted.”

It is no wonder the League of Nations finds an able ally in the International Chamber of Commerce, when the latter functions according to that presentation of aims. But this relationship, this collaboration which must exist between these two bodies if each is ty do its full service in the cause of world peace and progress, was emphasized at the Stockholm Congress in the address made by that ‘istinguished official of the League of Nations, Sir Arthur Salter, when he said:

‘The League, as an official organization, responsible to the sovernments ... has a direct and official entry into the counsels of covernments and the action of departments... The International ( hamber on the other hand, as an association of the great business organizations which are directly concerned in their daily work with the impediments we are trying to remove, have at once a special -nowledge of their nature, and a special interest in their removal; «tule at the same time your collective influence upon governments, ' external, is not necessarily for that reason less powerful. .. The ‘recdom of action open to you and not to the official, gives you a ‘aving power which we without you can not possess. If the | cague can offer the machinery for achieving administrative reform, �[Page 176]176 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

it must look to you for much of the motive force. ..

“With your wholehearted aid, but scarcely I think without it, we may hope for the realization of what the members of the Conference declared to be their unanimous desire, and that we shal! now see ‘the beginning of a new era, during which international commerce will successively overcome all obstacles in its path that unduly hamper it, and resume that general upward movement which is at once a sign of the world’s economic health and the necessary condition for the development of civilization.’”

There one finds, in that statement of a League official, the necessity for united effort if both the League of Nations and the International Chamber of Commerce are to serve the world to the best of their abilities. �[Page 177]WORLD CITIZENSHIP AND GOVERNMENTS

by CarL A. Ross

Attorney

been through governments. It was surely conventional that

the war should end with a peace dictated by the victorious

governments. Here was a given state of facts, of past occur- rences, from which certain results would follow by the application of the ancient rules of the game of war; a certain status of peace would result, the armed status quo would be replaced by the prior peace status. However, 1918 faced a new problem resulting from the new industrialism and the new economic and political condi- tions, which were among the underlying causes of the war, but were not settled by the war. Mass production, fast transportation, instantaneous communication, in short our new industrialism, was given an impetus by the war rather than conquered or solved. Po- litical unrest in the form of labor problems and communism were among the underlying causes of the war, but instead of solving any political problems the war created new ones, Sovietism and Fascism and the unrest of the East. Consequently when the govern- ments at the Peace Conference attempted to go farther and dictate a peace that could be projected into the future, a peace involving the new industrialism, a peace involving the new political unrest; in short, a peace that could be securely controlled only by a power to meet the new economic and political conditions as they might arise under the new industrialism (thc very antithesis of a peace based on known facts) it can readily be seen that the governments encountered a task vastly more difficult, involving radically differ- ent and more extended powers than the task of merely ending belligerency. We maintain that the governments at Versailles were

177

‘| approach to world peace ever since the Armistice has �[Page 178]178 WORTR UNITY MAGAZINE

wholly unfitted for this task before them. We admit they were competent to end belligerency, but they lacked the inherent power to establish the new peace. They were organized for the agricul- tural age and so far as power machinery and our new industrialism is concerned they might as well have been organized in Nebach- adnezzer's time as in the latter part of the eighteenth century. Take the so-called “big-five” governments at Versailles; the United States, France, Great Britain, Italy and Japan, the governments that have led since then in the promulgation of our peace plans; in 1918 how modern were their governments in form, what basic change had any of them developed over the status of our government in 1789? Japan, Italy and France all have governments of later date than the United States, but they have developed no more modern way of handling exterritorial questions than the United States has under our 1789 constitution. This constitution has been amended numerous times, but none of these amendments has established any new way of handling exterritorial questions. In fact, between 1789 and 1918 no amendment of any constitution of any government and no new constitution of any republic had been made that affected exterritoriality to such an extent as has the development of our Monroe Doctrine since 1823. But does the Monroe Doctrine make the problem of the New Peace easier, does it help solve exterritorial questions? Does it not rather lead to our 1931 imperialism and antagonize the establishment of the New Peace? It is true that since 1918 (and some claim as a result of the blunders at Versailles) two new forms of government have arisen which attempt in their own way to solve this question of exterritoriality. We refer to Sovietism and Fascism. One of the grave charges made against both these new forins of government is that they lack a capacity to cooperate with other governments in establishing the New Peace. Neither of these governments has developed any new system that meets the approval of pacifists. Their armaments and alliances point to the old policy of force, balances of power and the closed sea. Without arguing further the merits of their respective schemes of govern- ment, it is sufficient for our purpose to point out that the success of either would mean that all other governments would have to �[Page 179]WORLD CITIZENSHIP AND GOVERNMENTS 179

conform to Sovictism or Fascism respectively, in order for either of these forms to have a fair trial at establishing world peace. In other words, Sovietism and Fascism are but our 1931 imperialism personified. In the form of these governments surely, we can see no hope of establishing the New Peace any more than in the demo- cratic or monarchical republics of the 1789 type.

To get a better perspective of the economic and industrial conditions of 1789, as contrasted with the conditions of today, one has only to read “A World Community” by John Herman Randall, recently published in World Unity. We wish here to quote some of Mr. Randalls’ conclusions.

"From the economic viewpoint the world has changed to a greater extent within the last four generations than in the twenty centuries that have elapsed since the beginning of the Christian era. In the whole range of our economic life, as nations and peoples, we are today living in a world that has already become internation- alized; it is only on the political side of the life of nations that we are still trying to live as if we were independent, self-supporting and sovereign entities; and the simple fact is that there is no such nation in the world today. What science has done, and that in the short space of a century, has been to bring us all together into one physical neighborhood; we are living today on this planet in what amounts to one geographic community.”

Thus we see that in 1789 we had no world community, we did not have our forty-eight States, the government consisted of only thirteen States scattered along the Atlantic seaboard; and it was particularly for the needs of these thirteen original States, with their crude and limited commerce and industry, that our govern- ment was formed. It was designed to establish cooperation in no larger community, in no community more advanced in industrialism.

Let us now look particularly at the problem of government for these thirteen States in 1789. What was the fundamental underlying tact that made Union possible? Was it not that the thirteen States tuken as a whole had the characteristics of a community, even though in an industrial sense it was larger community to operate than the cntire world today? The thirteen States had certain common interests �[Page 180]180 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

of paramount importance; namely, the interstate or exterritorial prob- lems of each individual State. The aggregate of these exterritoriai interests bulked large and the associations between this community of States was so intimate that these exterritorial matters could no longer be adequately handled through diplomatic channels between the sovereign States. In effect they said, we are a community, we will no longer treat each other as foreign nations; since we arc a domestic neighborhood, we will recognize the fact and form a domestic government and hereafter handle our interstate intercourse on a domestic basis. How was it done? How expressed in govern- ment or constitutional form? They created an American citizenship co-extensive with the American community, just as we now advocate creating a world citizenship* co-extensive with the world commun- ity of today to handle the international or exterritorial matters of the nations on a domestic basis. Citizenship is the principal thing lacking in all our present day peace plans; it would “implement” the Peace Pact, the World Court and the League itself. All our present peace plans fail to establish any citizenship co-extensive with the community interests they seek to control. Rather in organiz- ing these peace institutions, by recognizing the national sovereignty of each nation, they intensify national citizenship in each nation till it seeks to expand to embrace the world community. This constitutes 1931 imperialism, the attempt of nations to extend their domestic citizenship to embrace world citizenship. This national imperial: ism tends to competition rather than to cooperation. Imperialistic nations agree in one thing only, they agree in that, one and all, they want or covet the same thing, a world citizenship for themselves. Thus we see that world citizenship is the prize all nations are strug- gling for today. The League is thus in the position of a referee ot a race between our 1931 imperialistic nations, the prize being the extension of national citizenship till it is co-extensive with the world community, and "the devil take the hindermost.” Is it surprising that clashes occur and are now threatening between these nations budding imperialism? Is it surprising that the League, the Peace Pact and the World Court are powerless? Is it surprising that thc

• See “World Citizenship” by Carl A. Ross in World Unity, April, 1929

�[Page 181]WORLD CITIZENSHIP AND GOVERNMENTS 181

lover of peace feels the need of “implementing” one and all these tentative peace institutions? In view of the fact that all governments now in the League are seeking to usurp the world citizenship that belongs, inherently, to the League, who can contend that these governments are the proper agencies out of which our peace insti- tutions should be formed? Are they not inherently disqualified for the task of establishing international cooperation and peace?

This has been said in another way and from another viewpoint, bv Henry Brailsford. “Britain and France are not nations; they are empires. Italy would fain imitate them. Japan has her subject alien territories of Korea and Formosa and her virtual protectorate over Manchuria: even Belgium and Holland have their little overseas empires, and Poland, Czecho-Slovakia and Roumania, reconstituted and aggrandized by the war, are military powers of the second rank, which must constrain large alien populations to an unwilling iovalty.”

As soon as these imperialistic tendencies of our 1931 govern- ments are thus disclosed as competative with world citizenship, the reaction of the liberals is that the case for world citizenship is rendered desperate, world citizenship cannot contend with such violent tendencies, world citizenship is hopeless, visionary. But did the thirteen original States have no imperialistic tendencies, was there no territory outside the recognized limits of the thirteen States, that the separate States sought to “constrain to an unwilling loyal- t./" Ultimately did not Massachusetts seek to extend Massachusetts citizenship over western New York, did she not claim a “mandate” over important parts of Michigan, Illinois and Wisconsin; did not Connecticut also claim other western lands just south of those claimed by Massachusetts; did not both claim by a title from Charles I, King of England, all lands not occupied to the Mississippi River, «nd was there no contestant for this western empire? Did not Virginia have an equal paper claim to these tracts claimed by Massachusetts and Connecticut and to other western lands? Did not the Carolinas and Georgia likewise lay claim to the Mississippi Kiver, and it was a goodly heritage, a Garden of Eden. Surely national imperialism was rampant in America at the close of the �[Page 182]182 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Revolutionary War. What conquered and subdued these imperial desires and plans of the thirteen sovereign States but citizenship in a community that embraced not only these original conflicting and quarreling nations, but also the backwards territory these sovercign States were seeking to acquire? Did it ultimately or temporarily work any great hardship on Massachusetts, Connecticut, or Virginia that they “lost” these western empires? They were possibly lost to the political entities of the States, but not to the citizens, the whole citizenship still owned them as much as they ever did. Rather did not their citizenship under our constitution open the door so that the people in all those rock-ribbed coastal States were able to take advantage of opportunities anywhere in this western empire without fighting each other for it? As we read the history.of the West, the Union disturbed no man’s title to lands or other property whether he hailed from one State or from another; rather, the Union was so beneficial to those western pioneers that thcir lands increased in value, their investments were secure and inventories of personal properties were soon written up. Besides, did not the rapid and peaceful development of this western empire greatly enrich the original States? Would the United States today, would Massachusetts, Connecticut or Virginia have attained their present prosperity without our federal citizenship, and was not this citizenship the effective cure for the imperialism of that day? What would today tend more to dissipate our national jealousies and our world-wide depression, than opening the door to world markets by establishing world citizenship?

We believe we can cite exceptional authority for our con- tention. James Bryce did not write of world citizenship, but he discussed American citizenship, its counterpart, although he called it “The Federal System” or ‘‘Federalism.”

“Federalism furnishes the means of uniting commonwealths into one nation under one national government without extinguish- ing their separate administrations, legislatures, and local patriot- isms. As the Americans of 1787 would probably have preferred complete State independence to the fusion of their States into a unified government, Federalism was the only recourse. So when the �[Page 183]WORLD CITIZENSHIP AND GOVERNMENTS 183

new Germanic Empire, which is really a Federation, was established in 1871, Bavaria and Wurtenberg could not have been brought under a national government save by a Federal scheme.

“Federalism supplies the best means of developing a new and vast country. It permits an expansion whose extent, and whose rate and manner of progress, cannot be foreseen, to proceed with more variety“of method, more adaptation of laws and administration to the circumstances of each part of the territory, and altogether in a more truly natural and spontaneous way, than can be expected under a centralized government, which is disposed to apply its scttled system through all its dominions. Thus the special needs of a new region are met by the inhabitants in the way they find best; its special evils are cured by special remedies, perhaps more drastic than an old country demands, perhaps more lax than an old country would tolerate; while at the same time the spirit of self-reliance among those who build up these new communities is stimulated and respected.

“Federalism prevents the rise of a despotic central government, absorbing other powers, and menacing the private liberties of the citizen. This may now seem to have been an idle fear, so far as America was concerned. It was, however, a very real fear among the great-grandfathers of the present Americans, and nearly led to the rejection even of so undespotic an instrument as the Federal Constitution of 1789.”

If Bryce’s Federalism or world citizenship inaugurated not by governments but by the peoples allows nations of differing charac- teristics to unite and become a peaceful community, while retaining “their separate administrations, legislatures and local patriotisms,”’ is it an unwarranted inference to draw that the individual govern- ments were unfitted for this task that Federalism or citizenship casily accomplished? If Federalism or American citizenship was needed in the colonies to settle and develop the West, how much more is it needed today to develop the backward countries of the world which require so much more the latitude in self-expression that Federalism allowed our western pioneer States? Surely had not Federalism intervened the conflicting national imperialisms of �[Page 184]184 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Virginia and the other States would have been left in much the same position in which we find ourselves today under the League and Mandates respecting the development of backward countries and the successful termina- tion of this development could have transpired only by the rise of someone among the thirteen States, extending its citizenship as “a despotic central government, absorbing other powers, and men- acing the private liberties of the citizens.”

Our governments are only what we people have made them and we people have fabricated them by means of the citizenship of our own persons. There is no other thought-substance or material substance to use in constructing governments, since patriotism, loy- alty, sovercignty, ctc., are only phases of citizenship. The corollary of this is plain: that where governments need changing or remodcl- ing, «s where they have not grown and expanded from the agricul- tura. age to meet new industrial and political conditions, or where exterritoriality has outgrown them, or where the community has outgrown them, under these conditions, only we, the people, can do the remodeling through some appropriate combination or division of these, two elements, “the persons of the citizens—the only proper object of government,” and citizenship; new combinations or groupings of the people and new divisions of citizenship, the new groupings to conform to the limits of the new community and the new divisions of citizenship to be such as to permit the old groupings, the old communities, our national governments, to retain their separate administrations, legislatures and local patriotisms.” The power that creates is the only power that can peacefully revise or remodel, as “The Federalist” shows.

“As the people are the only legitimate fountain of power, and it is from them that the constitutional charter is derived, it seems strictly consonant to the republican theory, to recur to the same original authority whenever it may be necessary to enlarge, diminish or ncw-model the powers of the government.” Madison also politely reminds the stronger of the thirteen States that they cannot, under the Union, develop imperially. “The federal and State governments arc in fact but different agents and trustces of the people, constituted �[Page 185]WORLD CITIZENSHIP AND GOVERNMENTS 185

with different powers, and designed for different purposes. The adversaries of the Constitution seem to have lost sight of the people altogether in their reasonings on this subject; and to have viewed these different establishments, not only as mutual rivals and enemies, but as uncontrolled by any common superior in their efforts to usurp the authorities of each other. These gentlemen must here be reminded of their error. They must be told that the ultimate au- thority, wherever the derivative may be found, resides in the people alone, and that it will not depend merely on the comparative am- bition or address of the different governments, whether either, or which of them, will be able to enlarge its sphere of jurisdiction at the expense of the other.”

Will anyone today contend that the thirteen States, as govern- ments, could have accomplished our salvation a century and a half ago? Were the State governments fitted for the task? Are our national governments any better fitted for our task today? Are they not beset with the same problem of exterritoriality, the same problem of mandates, interwoven into the same problem of im- perialism ? Can anyone point to any government today, so organized that it can cope with our new industrialism, with the new questions arising from the birth of our new world community; can any of our 1931 governments, or any group of them in the League, the Kellogg Pact or elsewhere, or all of our governments together, so grow as to register and meet the needs of our world community and at the same time permit these same nations, widely differing in characteristics, to retain “their separate administrations, legislatures and local patriotisms?"’ Can they proceed except as a “centralized government—disposed to apply its settled system through all its dominions,” irrespective of the local peculiarities of these new peoples and their special needs? If certain League advocates or certain advocates of the World Court or of the Kellogg Pact, be- lieve that either one or more or all of our peace institutions can peacefully accomplish such a desired end, we would ask them to point to some historical parallel supporting their contention and quote from some authority equal to James Bryce.

As a result of our dawning world consciousness, the public is �[Page 186]186 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

inclining to some sort of World Union and it is clear that this Union must function as a government; but what is a government without citizens; as well have an ocean without water! The League system of peace institutions is laboring to create a government with- out citizens. The League's ocean of government has other govern- ments, its nation members, in the place of the water of citizenship. This constitutes the imperium in imperio we have talked about and all must agree that governments masquerading as citizens are a failure. If we eliminate the League system of peace institution, we have left National Imperialism and World Citizenship, both of these systems strong because both are based on citizenship. Few champion National Imperialism, except the ruling obligarchy of Sovietism and Fascism respectively, more would champion “implementing” the League institutions. However, when the liberals read “The Federalist” and “American Commonwealth” aright, they will real- ize that the League and its allied institutions can be “implemented” only by adopting world citizenship. None of our governments, weak or strong, can do without citizens and when the League has citizens we shall have World Citizenship—and World Peace.

The seventh contribution to a symposium on “The Coming World Order,” edited by Archie M. Palmer �[Page 187]TURKEY Round the World Log of a Sociologist—VII by

HERBERT A. MILLER Department of Sociology, Ohio State University

OT so long ago a visit to Constantinople gave one a real IN ene to Turkey, or rather the Turkish Empire, but

now the interest is limited to the city itself. Its unparalleled

location and its significance in both local and world history can never be taken from it, nor can Angora ever get the political importance which it has taken from Constantinople, for Turkey is after all now only a peasant state of some fifteen million inhabitants with a capital in the interior.

But Turkey is more important than its numbers. It is the relic of a great and important empire which deserved its bad reputation, and the new Turkey knows that it must over-compensate for this reputation; that fact needs to be understood in an analysis of many exaggerations which prevail.

The Turks and Constantinople were for centuries the very symbol of Islam. Now manifestations of a religion are probably as hard to find here as in Russia. The dilemma of Islam is that its center has slipped out and disappeared. Since all Moslems had the habit of looking in this direction they will continue to do so, and what Turkey does will have a wide influence, though, for the present, it is somewhat in abeyance. Our Moslem guide in a ruin near Agra, in India, questioned me a good deal about Turkey and we figured out together to see if he had money enough to come here. Turkey means something to him and he felt in regard to its rcligious tendencies as a child whose parent has done some unex- plainable thing, but still is his parent.

There has been no anti-religious legislation in the sense of that 187 �[Page 188]18S WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

attributed to Russia, but first all influence of religion in secular matters was ruled out, and then in the substitution of nationalism for religion, any manifestation of religion is “Old Turk,” which is the bitterest form of opprobrium. The people will say that they are still Moslems, but they are like the majority of our prison population which is “Christian.”

Their greatest problem comes from the fact that having lost their empire and their religion, there is nothing left that is Turkish except the people themselves—certainly the land is not. The arche- ology, history and art are Hittite, Assyrian, Greek and Roman, their handicraft Greek and Armenian, and their commerce also, though it was first developed by the Venetians and Genoese. Their political significance in the recent past came from the accident of location and was created, not by the Turks, but by the competition of the Russians, Germans, English and French. When I said something like this to a leading Turk in Angora he started to flare up, but quickly admitted that while the Turks had a history, it was not primarily related to Turkey.

The only part that the Turks played in the old Turkey was that of soldiers, Now with the idea of imperialism given up, and a certain discredit to the military life which is characteristic of our time, the only military emphasis they can make is the glory of having driven out the Greeks and defied Europe. That I think is where they begin.

Their present leadership is entirely in the hands of those trained as soldiers, because under the old régime, the only people who could study outside Turkey without arousing suspicion were those who went to German military schools. The result is that Pashas, or Generals, hold all the leading positions. This accounts for some ot the cnergy and efficiency as well as some of the bureaucracy and absurdities,

Some people call the Turks dreadful—and there is a basis for this--but they are also polite and likeable. Their ‘“dreadfulness” comes from the suddenness with which they have taken up the un- tumtliar toy of self-direction, with nothing brought from the past to guide them. Since they have never acted for themselves, they now �[Page 189]TURKEY 189

without question follow a leader. There is probably no other country except Japan in which there is such acquiescent unity as in Turkey. The result is stability, energy and hope. I was asked in Angora what | thought was the greatest change in the four and a half years since I was there and I replied that I thought it was increase in confi- dence. I was expected to say that it is the remarkable increase in construction.

Angora, or Ankara, as it is now officially named, is a remark- able city, and a symbol of the new Turkey. The original city is very old. The old temple ruin was first Hittite, then Greek, and finally a mosque, and most of it has been a ruin for many hundreds of vears. When Angora was selected for the capital it was customary to poke fun at it as a mud village, in comparison with the glory and splendor of Constantinople, but it was a most logical choice. Con- stantinople was altogether too grand to be the capital of such a peasant state as the new Turkey, and there were many other things against it. The whole history had been one of political intrigue, both internal and foreign. Its population was peculiarly interna- tional, and there would have been no possibility of cutting loose from the traditional corruption.

Ankara was deliberately chosen to escape this and to have a location not too accessible. It is fourteen hours away on an express train. When I was there four years ago it reminded me of our new military camps during the War with its rush and crudeness. Crim- inals were still hanged in the streets for moral effect. I saw one left on the busiest corner until the middle of the day, but it must have been the last one, for the custom has long been discontinued. At that time the people who had to live there accepted it with what fortitude they could, but they showed that it required fortitude. Now they have enthusiasm and speak with disdain of Constanti- nople. Ankara is really a modern city with several suburbs. Formerly I stayed at the worst hotel I have ever been in except a Chinese inn; this time we were in a thoroughly modern hotel—even swanky. Of course there is some “swank” about a good deal of Angora and Turkey, but what can you expect of generals! You get none of the impression of extravagance that you get at New Delhi, though �[Page 190]190 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

there is some waste. The residences that were built in large number. were mostly from plans taken from the Ladies’ Home Journ.!, | was informed, and they look it. Practical houses with no sign o: oriental architecture.

The great fact in Turkey is “The Ghazi.” He looks very muc like Mussolini, but to my surprise he is blonde. He was nots: Ankara, so I could not even trv to see him, but I did have long tulks with two of the five men who have most influence in the affairs « the Republic. Mustapha Kemal is the dictator, though he is actual! president and must be re-elected by parliament each year, but n one forgets that he is the savior of the country and the promotor o: all the new things foe stich there is so sich enthusiasm. He per mits a large number ot statues of himself to decorate the counts: but the presidential residence is a small and simple house. Muc:: has been written about him and I will not add anything except th. he is the dynamo. If he should drop out there is no personality tv take his place, but the program is so well established that 1 think there would be no danger of a change or demoralization.

Turkey is a Repubiic, but there is only one political party. Su! frage for the election of members to this seems to be universal fo: men, and women will soon be admitted. It is now felt that cond: tions are on such a firm basis that a few representatives of the oppo sition will be elected in the tall. While the reputation of the “Ole Turk” for corruptness was very bad, people, whose opinion I con sider sound, say that now in high places there is no corruption, anc the officials work very hard at their jobs. As one foreign diplomat said, there are ten thousand seople in Turkey who have the new ideas, and all the rest are exactiy the same as they have always been

The Ghazi is a social reformer, whether largely for the sake o: reform or for the success of Turkey, I do not know. Four years ago Angora was full of beggars, now there are none; probably the oni city in oriental history without them, but the Ghazi let it be knows that he thought they were bad for the reputation of the city.

The first spectacular racicai :cform was the removal of the te: which had become the worid wide symbol of a Moslem. This was done five years ago, a few weeks before we were here previously �[Page 191]TURKEY 191

!: was done to make the Turks look like other people so that they ould not be handicapped by their appearance. It was easier to torce because it was easy to show that the fez had been adopted ‘som the Greeks, but after the order had been issued, wearing a fez occume a sign of counter revolution, and a considerable number of «on contormists were hanged and the fez disappeared. The discard- ag ot veils by women was not introduced so drastically, but was cist suggested on the ground that the women’s faces were too pretty ty keep covered, and finally the veils were prohibited. I have not «cnone since I came into Turkey though I have seen several women partly covering their faces. After the depressing black veils of Syria cus has been a great relief.

The next drastic radical reform was the changing of the al- shabet to Roman letters. This was relatively easy, as said by Presi- icnt Gates of Robert College in the June Current History, because there Was such a large proportion of illiterates who did not know the old alphabet. When the order was issued it was carried out sith dispatch. A time limit was set for learning the new alphabet, and every sign has been changed. I have not seen a single relic of a old sign in Arabic letters since I have been here. Now everyone between 16 and 45 who cannot show evidence of ability to read must go to school an hour a day for two years, and this applies to somen as well as men.

In my opinion more important than illiteracy in making the sunge easy is the fact that there was no Turkish literature; all their

assics Were Arabic, and their alphabet was merely the adoption of tse Arabic alphabet into a language that diftered radically from the vighly developed literary language of the Arabs.

Translations, or rather transliterations, are being printed as ‘ipidly as possible. There are already textbooks for all the schools. lor the present all the older students can read the o!d alphabet so they can read those things that have not yet been reprinted. it is ».tnned to introduce into the advanced classes in a few years a course in Arabic writing so that access to old sources may be possible.

The order has been issued for a new dictionary which shall be the basis of the new language. This is being made very carefully �[Page 192]192 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

and will probably take ten years. There is a deficiency in Turkish for modern terms and an elastic expression which comes with an old and literary language. French is being used as a model because it is a language which has great flexibility of expression. Again, since unlike the Arabic, French is not an old literary language, there is no objection to taking the accepted Greek roots of scientific words and making them Turkish. The Arabic movement does this as |itt!c as possible.

These are spectacular reforms, but there are a multitude ot other for-reaching ones. Under the old régime the poor peasant was fearft — exploited by taxes, but now his taxes are hiyntened and uniforiuly assessed, but the city people who used often to escape are now very heavily taxed, and their bitterness is vocal.

The financial condition of Turkev is very bad, because it has no industry, and the Greeks and Armenians who had a monopols on commerce and such industry as there was have been driven out The Government is undertaking vast enterprises which it has to pay for by internal taxes, but it always balances its budget and has no foreign loans, because it is afraid of getting under the control ot a creditor power. This fear is constantly with them because of the difficulty under which they live from the necessity of meeting their payments on the pre-war Ottoman debts. They are determined to take no chances of getting into another fix of the same sort.

Probably the most fundamental reform was the complete shelving of the Islamic law, which was all they had, and the sub- stitution of systems lifted complete from Europe. The civil lav from Switzerland, the commercial from Germany, and the penal from Italy. I had the good fortune to have lunch with the dean ot the national law school, who himself had to learn the system new. but who is very enthusiastic about it. I asked if the back commu- nities did not settle their difficulties by the old system and he said that the national law applied without exception.

! Part of the “dreadfulness’ of the Turks to which I referred above is due to the methods in the application of the new law. I am reminded of high school youngsters who have started a debating society and been introduced to Roberts Rules of Order. I have often �[Page 193]TURKEY 193

wen them entirely forget what the order was for in their insistence onthe rales, No one here dares to use the common sense method when the rule is stated. There was a missionary last year who was being transferred from Greece to Turkey. He was entitled to bring in his souschold goods free. He brought them to Constantinople and left them in the custom house and then went to America for his fur- ough; the week before he returned a law was passed that goods ould come free if the owner accompanied them. He has been

nable to get them out of the customs house but he can get them in ‘rec by taking them back to Greece and coming back with them. lhis he is going to do in order to save six hundred dollars. Nothing nut time and experience can ameliorate such absurdities as that, of which T have heard of many.

Foreigners are under suspicion, as is quite proper after the »:storical experience of Constantinople. The French and the En- ish are the most unpopular, the Germans would be in the same ass if they were not quite different from the pre-war Germans. (corge Young, an Englishman who must have been in the diplo- matic service here, has written an excellent book entitled “Con- suntinople.” In it he says something that I have suggested a num- ce of times this year: “Our British aloofness is no doubt a help in governing Eastern subject races; but only so long as they ren ain subrect.

The peculiar fact is that there is no objection to adopting what- cvcr is felt to be advantageous from the West. This, as I have sug- cested, is because they have nothing of their own to go back to, and » long as they can make a religion of nationalism and keep out of te toils of creditors, there is no loss of self-respect in the attempt ‘ become westernized.

The great instrument in this new process is assumed to be edu- vition and there is a very ambitious educational program which 1s ‘ctarded in part by lack of money and people who have training to bc teachers; also from the fact that, since all the commercial places tormerly held by Greeks and Armenians have to be filled by Turks, t! ¢ call of business offers more opportunity than teaching. It is not ‘ct possible for much teaching to be done by women though there �[Page 194]194 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

are several normal schools for girls, as the old idea still prevails thu: girls should marry young.

This latter fact, however, is in harmony with the government policy to have a rapid increase in population. Turkey is unde: populated because of its continuous wars, but fecundity is hich and it is a goal set to have the present population of 14,000.00 increased to 40,000,000, without immigration, in twenty-five veurs which, if it occurs, will be the most rapid natural increase that has ever taken place. There is a National Child Welfare Association which employs two Americans to frame a policy that is expected to provide the proper conditions for the new population to grow up in

This Turkish experiment has in it elements that are new. When Japan decided to become modernized it had something old to stan from and return to, but Turkey had nothing but ill repute to sta with and is setting itself to the task of springing full fledged into the community of modern nations. I think she will succeed. �[Page 195]THE UNITY HISTORY SCHOOLS Under the direction of PF. S. Marvin, M.A., F.R.HLS.

Ht idea of these schools, which have been held nearly every vear since 1915, Was first mooted at a gathering of the London Adult School Union on the first of August, 1914. It was the day on which war was declared between Germany sod Russia and the world was on the eve of the greatest cataclysm i tory. Then was the time to turn one’s thoughts to those greater ood more permanent forces which have built up the world com- wuty of the present, imperfect as it is, but growing, as we hope, conger in unity in spite of the most terrible shock which could ..¢ been imagined. Mr. Marvin undertook to consider a plan for storical studies on the lines of Unity and Progress, and the first itv History School was held in August, 1915, at Woodbrooke, tie social and educational settlement of the Society of Friends, . Birmingham. The subject was “The Unity of Western Civilization” and it ve name and color to all which have succeeded it. The common ‘oundations and the essentially identical spirit of the Western civ- stion which sprang from Greece and Rome were exhibited in .¢ various aspects. The audience of the first year were eager to vontnue, and in the second course, in August, 1916, the conception vid the fact of “Progress” were studied, being the dynamic aspect ot the static conditions of “Unity” which was the subject of the ‘ist School.

From the Unity History Schools has come a notable series of volumes under Mr. Marvin's editorship, perpetuating the valuable pipers presented at the successive Schools. The Unity Series, pub- ished by Oxford University Press, have met with cordial response both in England and America, and can be profitably rcad and stu-

195 �[Page 196]156 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

died by any who wish to grasp the large outlines of European thought struggling with the vital problem of peace. More even than the scholarly thought, perhaps, is the underlying spirit «: peace which is encountered in these books. Some of the titles ar “The Uniiy of Western Civilization;” “Progress and History, “The Evolution of World Peace; “Science and Civilization,

“Western Races and the World.”

During August, 1931, the Tenth Unity History School wiil bx conducted in the city of Stockholm. Among the lecturers are: ‘The Swedish delegate to the League of Nations, Mr. Unden; Dr. \. than Soderblom, Noble Peace Prize, 1931; Professor Herbert Lin gle, Imperial College of Science; Mr. Hartley Withers; Mr. I. » Marvin, and special lecturers on architecture. The subject for con sideration this vear is “The World at Peace.” Information may be obtained from the Honorable Secretary, Mrs. K. E. Innes, B.A High Oaks pail Welwyn Garden City, Herts., Engtand.

The twenty ccighth modern movement presented by Worto Usity in its department °T) We Live i �[Page 197]THE QUEST OF WORLD PEACE

THE PROBLEM OF ARMAMENTS. III. by DEXTER PERKINS

Department of History and Government, University of Rochester

land armaments. Before beginning an analysis of this subject, however, I wish to call my readers’ attention to the unhappy sequence of events with regard to the naval question since my ast contribution to World Unity two months ago. At that time it »peared that an understanding had been reached between the lrench and Italian governments with regard to this important vutter. Today, the outlook is far different. The hoped-for accord roves to lie in the future; and the tone of the two foreign offices s Not appear to be a very hopeful one. Indeed, there has been a -crceptible worsening of the relations of France and Italy, and perhaps of France and Great Britain. To both London and Rome, ‘ce present French stand seems a retreat from the position assumed _the optimistic discussions of two months ago; and the attitude of ‘oc British and Italian governments towards the Austro-German customs union has been far from satisfactory to the government in Poris. The meeting of the Council of the League, which impends _s | write, may materially alter this situation; but one can hardly be tremely optimistic with regard to the immediate future. A candid ‘cing of the facts does not give us a very pleasant picture.

The same thing must be said, I fear, with regard to the prob- not limiting or reducing land armaments. The way to such re- ction is going to be long and arduous; no Pollyanna-like assump-

tions of inevitable success can be justified; it is only by facing the ‘oblem realistically, and with a full sense of its difficulties, that -touress can be made. I make no apologies, therefore, for devoting 19°

[: THIS article, I shall be chiefly concerned with the question of �[Page 198]198 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

the major part of this discussion to the obstacles that lie ahead.

The peace treaties which followed the Great War provided for the limitation of the land armaments of the vanquished states, “in order to render possible the general! limitation of the armed forces of all nations,” The military forces of Germany were reduced to 100,000 men, recruited on a basis of long-time service; conserip tion was abolished; and restrictions on the manufacture of arm. ments, and on the possession of certain types of material were alw incorporated in the terms of the agreement. Similar provision were written into the compacts with Austria, Hungary and Ku! garia. These various limitations were to be part of a general process, and the Council of the League, by Article 8 of the Covenant. was charged with the preparation of plans for general reduction. Thus the peace treaties held out the fairest hopes for the future.

For some time thereafter, however, verv little was done. It i to be suspected that the powers which emerged from the Great W ur with their national interest and aspirations fairly well satisticd arc not particularly anxious to surrender the great practical advantages whicltygeame © om the limitation of German, Austrian, Hungarian and Palgarian armaments, while their own forces are subjected to no restrictions whatsoever; at any rate this is the view of substantial elements in France, in Poland, and in other of the so-called Succes: sion States. But it could also be argued with some plausibility, in the period immediately following the peace treaties, that the way to reduction of armaments was through the establishment of security, and the major efforts of the forward-looking statesmen of Western Europe during the period from 1920 to 1925 were directed to the attainment of this end. There was, as my readers may remember, the draft treaty of 1923; there was the abortive Geneva protocol ot 1924; there was the series of treaties signed at Locarno in 1925. The emphasis of this early period was on sctting up a system of guaran- tees which would make the reduction of armaments more prac- ticable.

I do not think that it can be denied that there was much to be said for the view herein represented. There are still those who be- lieve that no really important progress can be made with regard to �[Page 199]THE PROBLEM OF ARMAMENTS 199

arid armaments in Europe until there exists a really powerful in- ternational authority; and whether or not this be true, it was cer- runly the part of wisdom to seek to remove suspicions and allay international tension before attempting to deal with such a thorny roblem as that of armaments. It is not strange, therefore, that the mament question began to be intensively studied only in 1925. It was at the end of that year that there was constituted the Preparatory Disarmament Commission. This body was composed, not only of representatives of the principal European members of © League, but also of representatives of the United States and (Germany, and, after December, 1927, of Soviet Russia. It has held . number of sessions extending over a period of five years, and at the end of last year produced the draft convention to which I have iready alluded.

The long delays incident to the drafting of this convention are not difficult to understand. Both land and naval armaments, and cver air armaments, were brought under discussion. The immense number of technical questions involved afforded ample opportunity tor the forces of Sstruction to operate, and the reliance often placed upon the views of the technical experts increased the difh- culties of agreement. On the naval side, the tension in Anglo- American relations during 1927 and 1928 was undoubtedly a factor ot importance. In questions of land armament, the unwillingness t. surrender a position of special advantage on the part of France and her allies undoubtedly prolonged the discussions. With so ey clements of tension still to be taken account of in the relations

‘Continental European states, the wonder is that any convention st all could be agreed upon, even in a tentative, fragmentary, and mpertect form.

It must be conceded at the outset that the draft convention of ist December may rightfu'ly have applied to it all the adjectives «hich I have just employed. There is hardly any important decision reached in the convention which is not subject to qualification or ‘cservation by some important state; and it must be understood also “at the:critical and central problem of writing definite figures into

xc agreement was entirely postponed. A basis for discussion has �[Page 200]200 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

been provided; the elements of a general plan have been suggested: but a great variety of matters remain to be definitely treated by the General Disarmament Conference which, as matters stand today, will meet on February 2, 1932.

The first important question with which the draft convention deals is the limitation of personnel. That the number of men ac. tually employed in the armed forces of the state on land, on sea and in the air was from the beginning not difficult to agree upon. But a difficulty arose immediately in the effort to define such persons accurately. Some countries have armies recruited by voluntary en listment; others have armies raised by conscription. In the latte: case, should those who have passed through the colors be counted, or should only those actually under arms be included in any sched: ule of military strength? This question was long a subject of warm discussion in the sessions of the Preparatory Commission. The coun: tries which have conscript armies were anxious to exclude reserves from the calculation of effectives; the countries with a voluntan system took the contrary view. Finally, more with an eye to regis: tering some advance toward a convention, than because of an change of opinion, Great Britain and the United States, which had at first demanded that reserves be counted, reversed their attitude. Over the protests of Germany, supported by Soviet Russia and some of the smaller European countries, the convention finally provided for the limitation only of those on active service. Some concession to the contrary viewpoint, however, is to be seen in a provision thy: ing a maximum term of service, which no country is to be permitted to exceed. The length of this term of service is, however, not indi. cated, but will have to be determined by the General Conterence.

The next important question covered in the convention ts that of the limitation of material. Here again a sharp divergence ot viewpoint was manifest from an early period in the deliberations of the Commission. Two methods of limitation were advocated, direct limitation, and budgetary limitation. When the question was examined in all its complexity, a good case could be made out for either of these methods, or perhaps it would be better to s. that the difficulties in the way of either were almost equally numer: �[Page 201]THE PROBLEM OF ARMAMENTS 201

ous. It is no less perplexing to seek to equate one type of tank with another, for example, than one monetary unit with another. In cither case, there are a host of practical problems that cannot be nored. The final decision of the Commission was in favor of budgetary limitation of material used in war on land. In the upshot ot the matter only one country, the United States, opposed this ssstem entirely; although Germany, Italy and Soviet Russia advo- vated combining it with direct limitation. Mr. Gibson, the repre- sentative of the United States, has stated in behalf of his govern- ment that on this point no concession can be made; but he added that this country would accept direct limitation for itself if other ountries could agree upon the application of the budgetary prin- ciple. While this assurance has a certain air of generosity, it may be that the reluctance of the American government to accept bud- xetary limitation will adversely affect the attitude of other states at tie forthcoming conference. This seems to be particularly true with regard to Japan.

In the matter of naval armaments, matters proved more simple. Here direct limitation was applied in the decisions of the London conterence. But the obstacles to extending this method farther, to cover France and Italy, as well as the United States, Great Britain and Japan, have not yet been surmounted. The negotiations between Paris and Rome have not, at the moment of writing, actually been broken off, but an agreement between the French and the Italian governments is rather an event to be ardently desired, than one to ne expected, at the present time. Here, too, the way is by no means witdE,

As to air armament, a practicable method of limitation was verv hard to discover. It is extremely difficult to differentiate be- tween civil and military aviation. In finally deciding to limit only tie latter, the Preparatory Commission found itself obliged to draw up an article defining what military aircraft actually are. How satis- tactory this definition will prove to be, and how effective, is a matter on which serious doubt must be expressed. Military air- planes, however, as defined in the draft convention, are limited , both by numbers and horse-power, as are also dirigibles. �[Page 202]202 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Finally, in the field of budgetary limitation, a limitation o: total expenditures was agreed upon. To this, as to budgetary limita tion of land armaments, the United States objected. Germany, also. reserved decision. On this point, too, therefore, there is still roo for debate at the General Conference.

There are other aspects of this draft convention which deserve to be examined. In particular the great question of enforcement ot any measures of limitation actually agreed upon must be considered But these matters, together with a general evalu..ion of the con. vention, I shall postpone to another article. The matters alread; discussed will serve to illustrate the very many practical problem: which stand in the way of limitation of armaments. The politica. situation of the moment in Europe is*not particularly favorable. | shall, perhaps, wish to say something on this subject in my next discussion. �[Page 203]LEAVES OF THE GREATER BIBLE

Compiled and Edited by WILLIAM NORMAN GUTHRIE

Rector, St. Mark's tn-the-Boureerse, New Yor’

PART XI PRAYERS OF ANCIENT GREECE

INVOCATION To Dionysos

In springtime, O Dionysos,

lo thy holy temple come,

lo Elis with thy Charities, Kushing with thy bull’s foot, come () Noble Bull, O Noble Bull!

PINDAR’S DITHYRAMS

Look upon the dance, O Olympians, send us the grace of victory, ve Gods! ho come to the heart of our city

\W here many feet are treading

\nd incense ariseth (in clouds)!

in sacred Athens, come

lo the market place enriched

i, every art, and blessed of name! lake your portion of pansy twined (irlands, of libations poured

from the culling of spring,

\nd look upon me as I start Hhevinning with Zeus my song of rejoicing! (ome hither to the god ivy-bound Nromios, we mortals name him

And him of the mighty voice!

| come to dance and to sing �[Page 204]204 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

Child of a high-born father

And a woman of Cadmus’ race.

The clear signs of fulfillment

Are not hidden whensoever the chamber

Of the purple robed hours is opened,

And nectarous flowers lead the fragrant spring Then are flung over immortal earth

The lovely petals of pansies

And the roses are decked in our hair

And the voices of song are loud

With the pipes, and the dancing floors are loud With the calling of Semele crowned!

ECHOES OF PRIMITIVE GREEK LiTURGIES, IN AN AESCHYLEAN CHorts O, all ye gods and goddesses,

Fend from us the on-rushing evil. . .

Who is there to rescue,

Who will assist us,

Of all the gods or goddesses?

To the images of which of their god-heads Shall I, a suppliant, kneel ?

O, ye blessed beings,

Firmly seated on your thrones,

(In this city of Thebes)

It is full time we should gather and

Cling to your effigies!

Why do we delay so?

Is it through too exceeding grief?

Hear ye, O hear ye not, the clash of shields?

When, if not now, shall we engage in supplications Bearing in procession the holy veils for your images, And the wool-tufted living boughs? .. .

What wilt thou do, O Ares?

Abandon thine own land,

Thou ancient patron of our country? �[Page 205]PRAYERS OF ANCIENT GREECE 205

(od of the golden helmet

Look on thy city, yea, look with favor upon her,, Ihe city well-beloved of thee.

‘ce gods, protectors of the land,

(ome ve, come ye all!

And behold a suppliant band of maidens Praying to be saved

from bondage foul. . .

©. do thou, great Zeus, almighty Father,

\\ ard off our capture by the foe. . .

Kut do thou especially,

Power that delightest in war,

Very daughter of Zeus,

Kecome our saviour now,

The saviour of our city, O Pallas! .. .

And thou who curbest the steed,

Lord of the se€a,

Armed with the three-pronged fish speak

O, Poseidon, grant, O grant us,

\ respite from our fears!

Thou, too, O Ares,

Have pity on our fate!

Guard the city that bears the name of Cadmus old, ‘Low thy love of it

Interfering visibly on its behalf,

O Kvypris, who art the ancient mother of our race, Ward off these ills,

For are not we the issue of thy blood?

Thee, thee, therefore, we approach

Raising our voices in heaven-moving petitions! And, O thou Lychean king, thou wolf-slayer, Kecome wolfish unto our hated foes,

In answer to our wailing cries!

And O thou virgin daughter of Latona, Artemis! Hold thy bow in readiness. . .

() (Queen Hera! O beloved Artemis. . . �[Page 206]206 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

O Apollo, divine friend. . .

O Zeus, from thee alone

Can come the righteous issue of this contest Which shall put an end unto this war!

And chou also, blessed Queen Pallas,

Our own, enthroned upon our fastness,

Deliver thy seven-gated sacred seat!

O ye dieties, all powerful to save,

Ye mighty guardians of the towers of this land, Ye gods, ye goddesses,

Surrender not to an alien host,

Speaking a strange tongue,

Your city hard-pressed now by the foe!

Hearken to the virgins, hearken,

As in divine duty bound,

The prayers they ofter with out-stretched hands, O ye gods, our friends,

And by closing round our city

As a ring of great deliverers,

Prove, O prove, that ye love your land and people! Remember our puBlic votive offerings,

And, as ye remember, help!

Be mindful, we pray you, of the solemn rites And sacrifices performed at the altars of your city.

THANKSGIVING FOR RESTORED SANITY OF A BELOVED TRIBAL LEADER I thrill with eager desires, I leap for gladness of heart, Io, Io, O Pan! | O Pan! O Pan! O Pan! Pan that walketh the waves, come from the snow-beaten heights from Kyllene’s mountainous ridge! Come, O my King, that leadest the dance of the Gods, that thou with me may’st thread the dance of windings wild, Nysian, or Knossian, named; For now I needs must dance for very joy. �[Page 207]PRAYERS OF ANCIENT GREECE 207

And King Apollo, o'er Icarian waves, coming, the Delian God,

in presence manifest,

mav He be with me, gracious evermore!

And Ares, too, hath loosed the dark calamitous spell trom off these eyes of ours: Io, and Io still! Once more, and yet once more! And now, O Zeus, again « dav clear, cloudless, fair, may dawn vpon our swift-speeding o’er the waves lor Aias rests from grief, And now with awe profound, Duly worships the Gods With meekest sacrifice. Time, with great changes, bringeth all things low, And never shall the word “impossible” Pass from my lips, since now As from wrath hath turned, And the hot mood that ‘gainst the Atreidae raged.

PRAYER OF SOCRATES TO PAN ©, well-beloved Pan— And whoso else beside be in this place Divine— Grant me the boon for the inner man, of growth in soul unto beauty! And for the outer man, that whatso I possess be friendly unto mine inmost Self!

May I ever deem the wise man the only rich, And of wealth grant me such plenty But no more— as a man of self-control can bear to have, yet play his man’s part well!” �[Page 208]

208 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

So have we—for my part—prayed

in due form

and measure due— —And, for that friends have all things common, Let me also share this prayer with you.

EpictETUS HYMN OF PRAISE If we had any understanding Ought we not, both in public and private, Incessantly to sing and praise the Deity And rehearse His benefits? Whether we dig or plough or eat Ought we not to sing this hymn to God? For what else can I do— A lame old man— But sing my hymns to God? Were | a nightingale Should I not play the part of the nightingale? Were I a swan, Should I not play the part of a swan? Then seeing that I am a rational being Is it not my duty to praise God? This assuredly is my express business, And this thing, therefore, I do! Nor will I ever desert my post So long as I am allowed to keep it. And I call on you my friends meanwhile To join me in the same song of praise. �[Page 209]EQUALITY AS EQUALIZING

by JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, Jr. Department of Phisosophy, Columbia University

ideals of the revolutionary social movement of a century ago scem to many thoughtful minds to have lost their relevance and ae Liberty, equality, and fraternity meant for our fore- hers a definite political program: the abolition of restrictions ‘on free business enterprise, the destruction of legal and political srivilege, and the breaking down of the barriers to the growth of . unified national feeling. That negative liberation having been argely achieved in Western civilization, those ideals of a past «uggle have remained our heritage, more as the consecration of uur present state of blessedness than as aims to be worked for. But notoriously the achievement of the program of political Liberalism ct loose a flood of new economic energies that have in their turn transformed our world. Although the ideals of that historic creed remain to this day the social aims that still awaken widest response, ‘hey scem to multitudes to have grown hopelessly inadequate to the demands of an industrialized life. Whole nations have turned to other gods, while even where they are most loudly proclaimed the oid spirit of hope and promise has left them, and they are most often uscd as an apologetic for a situation that has grown intolerable.

It is of course possible to abandon to the historical museum the ‘ogans of other days, to forge a new set of weapons with which to wage our own battles. But in England and in America at least, there still resides in our heritage of past ideals a fund of emotional loy- aity and attachment that makes it worth while to ask whether what has meant so much cannot be reinterpreted to express the aspira- tions of the new industrial day. Whatever their historic function,

209

oUR world of modern industrial interdependence, the great

�[Page 210]210 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

liberty and equality and fraternity cannot for us mean merely neva. tive political states, the absence of certain traditional legal re. straints. In the dynamic world of modern industry, in the condition of economic interdependence into which we have been hurried, they must be active processes of social adjustment, problems to be worked at unceasingly in the sweat and dust of detailed realitics. Much effort has been expended to reinterpret liberty as a process ot liberalizing the conditions of social life through collective contro! and planning, and fraternity as the process of achieving world-wide brotherhood through the fostering of intelligent cooperation. As yet equality has been somewhat neglected by those to whom the Eighteenth Century notion of the equality of man seemed totally inapplicable in the diversified life of modern industrialism.

R. H. Tawney has endeavored to undertake for this past idea! the sare kind of reconstruction that others have accorded its tel- lows.* May not equality likewise be regarded, not as an empty ab: straction, not as a political and legal axiom, but as a challenge to creative social action? Granted that it has come to mean that rich and poor alike are forbidden to steal a loaf of bread, that wise statesman and barbarous gangster have an equal voice at the polls. Might it not mean a process of equalizing, as means and oppor- tunity allow, the externals of life, in the interests of further liber: ating human energies and fostering the functional unity of indus: trial society ?

Mr. Tawney has long been known as one deeply concerned with creating a genuinely religious aim in the working of modern economic life. His volume was first delivered as lectures upon a foundation devoted to “research towards the Christian ideal in all social life.” A truly religious passion runs through his attack upon the present “‘religion of inequality.” Yet for him equality means something very practical and concrete, a definite objective to be attained by patient experimentation in social action. “Equality is an arithmetical metaphor for a relation between human beings, and the interpretation to be placed on it varies from age to age, since it depends on the practical realities of the economic environment.

• R. H. Tawney, Equality. Harcourt Brace. xii, 288 pp.

�[Page 211]i

—

EQUALITY AS EQUALIZING 211

It was the glory of the liberal movement, at least in France, to have poured its doctrines into the mould of a universal creed, so that the truths which it propounded were framed, not for Frenchmen, nor tor the age of Louis XVI, but for men. But, if its vision embraced the whole world of human effort, its feet were planted on the solid

ground of its own generation. The privilege which it attacked was no vague epitome of human injustices, but concrete and specific; the equality which it demanded was not a shadowy abstraction, but definite and precise.” Just so must the equalizing upon which modern society must embark be based, ‘‘not on any doctrinaire en- thusiasm for an abstract principle, but on the desire to mitigate grave practical evils.”

With such realistic vision Mr. Tawney devotes himself to the persistent class distinctions and class feeling of England, and there is about his book the peculiar aroma of the best traditions of English thought. Much that he has to say is applicable only to a country like England, where the inequalities produced by industrialism so often express themselves in the pattcrn of the still older feudal inequali- tics which happier lands, like France and America, have escaped. And much in his program of equalizing, like the free provision of equal educational opportunities for all, does not strike at the most pressing difficulties of the American situation. Yet his fundamental reinterpretation of the ideal of equality, and his magnificent de- tence of it against its latterday detractors, is framed, like the ideas of the Eighteenth Century philosophes, for all men. It would be casy to apply his general principles to the relations between still larger groups of men, between nations, religions, and entire civili- zations. “A high degree of practical equality,” he remarks, “is necessary because a community requires unity as well as diversity, and because, important as it is to discriminate between different powers, it is even more important to provide for common needs. Social well-being does not depend upon intelligent leadership; it also depends upon cohesion and solidarity. It implies the existence, not merely of opportunities to ascend, but of a high level of general culture, and a strong sense of common interests, and the diffusion throughout society of a conviction that civilization is not the busi- �[Page 212]212 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

ness of an elite alone, but a common enterprise which is the concern of all.” Substitute the world community for the particular com munity of which Tawney is talking, and would not his statement apply just as well to the relations between, say, England and India, or the United States and Central America?

The method used to bring the light of reason to bear upon the

“dear respectable absurdities” of class feeling and discrimination is the barbed shaft of irony and ridicule. Where argument is of no avail in assailing deeprooted prejudice, a witty revelation of its pre posterous inconsistencies will penctrate the armor of the victim. It would be a delight to cull a long series of the best of Mr. Tawney’s sallies. As social satire his work ranks with that of Veblen, with whom he shares the habit of quiet understatement broken here and there by the flash of the rapier. He is at his best in playing with those so injudicious as to venture a defense of existing inequalitics, like Sir Ernest Benn or Clive Bell.

The equality tor which Mr. Tawney pleads, needless to say, is not founded on “the romantic illusion that men are equal in charac- ter and intelligence,” on the assumption of similarity between men. It asserts rather ‘that while men differ profoundly as individuals u. capacity and character, they are equally entitled as human beings to consideration and respect, and that the well-being of a socicty 1s likely to be increased if it so plans its organization that, whether their powers are great or small, all its members may be equally en- abled to make the best of such powers as they possess.” Nor did the past apostles of equality, even though their psychology tailed to emphasize individual differences as ours does, really rest thei: case on so shallow a basis. “The equality which all these thinkers emphasize as desirable is not equality of capacity or attainment, but of circumstances, and institutions, and manner of life. The in- equality which they deplore is not inequality of personal gifts, but of the social and economic environment. They are concerned, not with a biological phenomenon, but with a spiritual reiation and the conduct to be based upon it.” And since equality is a spiritual re- lation, demanding equal care for differing needs of diverse men, the facts of biology or psychology no more undermine it than the: �[Page 213]EQUALITY AS EQUALIZING 213

undermine the equality before the law so painfully achieved. We have inherited such a tradition of legal equality, but we must create a tradition of economic equality. It is class distinctions in particular that must be overcome. It was by softening or obliterating, not in- dividual differences, but class gradations, that past protests against inequality gained their ends. “A society which values equality will attach a high degree of significance to differences of character and intelligence between different individuals, and a low degree of significance to economic and social differences between different groups.”

There is detailed analysis of the class feeling and the inequal- ities both in economic power and standard of living, as determined by income, which make the modern pretense at offering equal op- portunity to all pretty much of a mockery—the statistics are effec- tively marshalled, and the irony is withering. Equal opportunity must be secured, not by offering a few prizes, but by social pro- vision for minimum standards of health, education, and security. Inequality of economic power, if it be based on function performed and not on extraneous wealth, even inequality of income above certain minimum limits, Mr. Tawney does not reject. “The phe- nomenon which provokes exasperation is not power and equality, but capricious inequality and irresponsible power. Gradatiors of authority and income derived from differences of office and func- tion promote social ends; distinctions based, not on objective facts, but on personal claims—on birth, or wealth, or social position— impede them. What is repulsive is not that one man should earn more than others, for where community of environment, and a common education and habit of life, have bred a common tradition of respect and consideration, these details of the counting-house are forgotten or excluded. It is that some classes should be excluded from the heritage of civilization which others enjoy, and that the fact of human fellowship, which is ultimate and profound, should be obscured by economic contrasts, which are trivial and arene What is important is not that all men should receive the same cuniary income. It is that the surplus resources of society should be so husbanded and applied that it is a matter of minor significance �[Page 214]214 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE

whether they receive it or not.”

"Mr. Tawney’s strategy of equality follows the general lines made plain by the program of the British Labor Party. He records the advances already made in communal provision of the essentials of life, and emphasizes how much more efficiently the same income can be collectively expended in raising the standard of living through the extension of social services than if merely distributed in increased wages to individuals. It will not always be so. “When the conditions of health, education, and economic security—not to mention beauty of environment—have been made a common pos. session, the time may have come to use the surplus that remains to provide a free income which the individual can spend at his own discretion.” The “lion in the path’—the danger that the funds raised by taxation to effect this equalizing of conditions of living may impair the capital needed to cxtend industry—is slain with despatch. The problem is one of apportioning the national income, to reduce expenditure which neither raises the quality of individual life nor promotes social efficiency, and to augment expenditure which heightens them. The provision of such capital, should it ever come to a choice between starving industry or starving workcrs, must be regulated by the State. In any event, the present is hardly a time to worry unduly about the lack of productive power!

Finally, Mr. Tawney fits this process of equalizing the condi- tions of life into the broader scheme of the functional society he has elsewhere so persuasively expounded, that society wherein free- dom is achieved through diversity of function combined with equality of status. And his emphasis here is upon the extent to which socialism of industry has already occurred, and the painless process by which it might be hastened. Nationalization can proceed by many paths, of which expropriation is but one, and various forms of State-guided “rationalization” more seductive. England will doubtless muddle through with it piecemeal. But she will use demo- cratic machinery, convinced that men can order their own destiny. The economic predestinarianism of both conservative economists and radical Marxians Tawney brushes aside. “May not the future ot human society depend somewhat less than these stern apostles ot �[Page 215]EQUALITY AS EQUALIZING 215

necessity would have us believe on the majestic, ineluctable opera- tions of impersonal forces, and somewhat more on the heads and hearts of human beings? Men have given one stamp to their insti- tutions; they can give another. They have idealized money and power; they can ‘choose’ equality. Though the ideal of an equa! distribution of material wealth may continue to elude us, it is neces- sary, nevertheless, to make haste towards it, not because such wealth is the most important of man’s treasures, but to prove that it is not. It is possible that the ultimate goods of human life, which belong to the realm where to divide is not to take away, may more easily be attained, when its instruments and means are less greedily grasped and more freely shared.”

Equality of material conditions Tawney proclaims as a neces- sirv prelude to a spiritual ideal, the establishment of a functionally unified society. The equality that once awakened men’s aspirations, the protest against patent inequalities that violate common man- hood, he has transformed into an active and continuous process of social readjustment, seeking unceasingly to bend collective eftort to the undoing of the prejudices and discriminations social organiza- tron has itself fostered, and to the provision of more equal oppor- tunities for men to realize their diverse latent powers in cooperative union with their fellows. �[Page 216]ROUND TABLE

“The Challenge of World Unemployment” by Norman Angel! (reprinted by courtesy of “Foreign Affairs,” London) no doubt re. flects more directly the conditions existing in Great Britain than in other countries, but even discounting this fact his views develop a middle ground between compulsory State action and uncontrolled individualism which deserves careful consideration.

While America is Europe's future in many practical matters, Europe anticipates America in the realm of social theory. England today is perhaps a half-decade nearer feeling the full effects of the Soviet experiment than this country, and from this point of view the English author's analysis and proposed solution may have more influence here later on than now.

The tragedy of the individualistic point of view which resists too long the pressure of cooperative planning and social respon- sibility is that when it actually fails to work, it rushes to the extreme of State authority.

Many readers will probably feel that the most important point raised by Mr. Angell is the question, when will economic catas- trophe be considered a ‘National emergency” as real as war?

From time to time it is pointed out by readers that World Unity does not give sufficient consideration to the subject of inter- national language. This criticism is justified, but the failure has not been due to oversight but to lack of the proper material.

The editors are happy to announce that an article has been received on Dr. Zamenhof, founder of Esperanto, written by his daughter, Lidja Zamenhof, the one surely best qualified to describe him as an “Apostle of World Unity.”

With this article will be published another entitled ‘‘Interna- tional Language” by Helen S. Eaton, Assistant Executive Secretary, International Auxiliary Language Association.

216 �[Page 217]ROUND TABLE 217

In “World Citizenship and Governments” we have the polit- cal theories developed by the founders of the United States re-

~xamined and applied to the larger problem of international asso- ciation. In the person of Carl A. Ross, the shades of Hamilton and jctterson return to debate the question of what constitutional basis ‘s most suitable to link together in effective unity the now sovereign and independent States of America, Europe, Africa and the East. Shull the peoples of the world continue to be separated by nearly seventy sovereign jurisdictions nearly all surrounded by armed trontiers, or shall they be united in one supreme sovereignty which shall delegate to the present national governments only that relative sovercignty required for the control of their respective domestic altars?

Midway between these alternatives, as Philip C. Nash pointed out in World Unity for May, stands the League of Nations to which many sovereign States delegate a certain degree of jurisdiction, while retaining full political control over their own citizens.

The question may be discussed endlessly on its legal merits, but will finally be resolved from the point of view of sheer useful- ness. If the present system of “independent” sovereignties, plus the | cague, can solve the fundamental problems of war, unemployment, and competitive religions, the project of World Government will remain merely a theory. If it cannot solve these or such new prob- lems as may arise in future, a World Government is inevitable.

Meanwhile it must be remarked that the founders of the United States of America accomplished their task so thoroughly that their Jescendants are the most jealous in asserting the truth of a principle which logically turns against them in this question of federating the peoples of the world.

Far-off Korea, that forgotten land which had its heroic hour of political aspiration under the influence of Woodrow Wilson, has quickened again in American thought through the appeal of ‘The Grass Roof” by Younghill Kang. The name of Younghill Kang, with that of Lidja Zamenhof, appears this month for the first time in the list of those who sponsor the aims of World Unity. �[Page 218]BOOKS FOR WORLD UNITY READERS A WORLD COMMUNITY, by John Herman Randall

HE book for those who seek to grasp the world movement as a whole with the inter-relations of economic, political, industrial and socia! factors, and a careful analysis of the trends making for internationa! organization. It has been included in the reading list issued by the National Commit:ce on the Cause and Cure of War.

NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM by Herbert Adams Gibbons

N THIS book, Dr. Gibbons has infused his historical scholarship with «

lifetime of personal experience and participation in international affairs The result is a study accurate enough for the classroom and interestin: enough for the average reader.

“Nationalism and Internationalism”™ traces the evolution of political force from its first expression in the movement toward modern nationalism through the nineteenth century, to its present expression in internation! ism as the true outcome of national ideals.

SEVEN GREAT BIBLES, by Alfred W’. Martin

ERE, at last, are the essential truths about Hinduism, Buddhism Zorastrianism, Confucianism, Taoism, Muhammadanism, Judaism and Christianity that demonstrate the underlying unity and harmony in the texts from which these religions derive—a very history of the soul o! man illumined from age to age by inspired teachers pointing the path ¢ brotherhood and peace. These three books have been published in the World Unity Library initiated and sponsored by this magazine. Per copy, $2.00. Any one title, with annual subscription to World Unity Magazine, $5.00; subscription and two books, $6.75; subscription and all three books, $8.50.

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE 4 East 12TH STREET NEW YorRK �[Page 219]THE INTERNATIONAL NOTE IN CONTEMPORARY DRAMA

The first scholarly presentation of the emergence of the peace ideal in the thought of Europe and America as ex- pressed in the works of leading contemporary playwrights.

By iNELYN NeEwMAN, PH.D.

His VOLUME is an interesting and important contribution to the culture T ot the new age. Dr. Newman has made a careful study of more than cventy contemporary dramatists who have deale with the theme of war J peace, and her book records the emerging “international note” as it has cn dramatized on the siage in England, France, Germany and America.

iris a work of extreme interest not merely for the student of drama, ‘or those who carefully follow the development of peace literature, but oso tor the general reader primarily concerned with human values and

POU TIONS.

Quoting from the author's Introduction: “It is an effort to exhibit, in

cvicw of contemporary drama of the three greatest belligerent nations

« the World War, a common attitude of revolt against war.” The final prer is on America’s Contribution.

Dr. Newman's gift of narrative and power of insight is already known ccaders of World Unity, through her article on "The International Note Pre-War Novels” published in December, 1930 and January, 1931.

Order through your bookseller, or from the publisher, Price, including postage, $2.10.

THE KINGSLAND PRESS

WEST 34TH STREET New York City 219 �[Page 220]SEVEN REVOLUTIONS ARE TRANSFORMING HUMAN LIFE THROUGHOUT THE WORLD

I. Political Revolution The failure of self-centered national governments to solve the new i national problems of the twentieth century; the universal destructiv: of war; the inevitable development of a World State.

Ul. Industrial Revolution Superpower and production equipment which demands active internat: markets and coordination on a world scale; machines create leisure.

Il. Financial Revolution Transfer of economic power from European politics to American busit markets based on wages rather than wealth; stock ownership bridging between capital and labor: international bank.

IV. Scientific Revolution Man's victory over nature; an authority challenging religious practice tradition ; source of new type of human character; apparently inexhaus supply of new inventions and appliances.

V’. Religious Revolution Historic creeds and dogmas unable to rclate men creatively to the new incrcascd contact between the great racial faiths; need of a religiou perience to overcome racial, national and class prejudice and incu spirit of cooperation.

VI. Social Revolution Decay of small local communities; individualism versus society; ris submerged groups; slumbering Oriente awakes; universal education ; ci of social gravity moves from agriculture to industry; lack of adjusu between political and economic forces; new common denominator in | and movies; influence of aeroplane; Soviet Russia’s challenge.

Vil. Psychological Revolution The individual uncontrolled by traditional group ideals and discip! mental and emotional break with the past; acccleration of life requires balance between inner and outer being: the search for fulfillment satisfying faith.

ONLY AN INTERNATIONAL GROUP OF SCHOLARS CAN GIVE YOU THE KEY TO THESE WORLD-SHAKING EVENTS

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