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[Page 217]

WORLD UNITY

ir Norman Angell

INTERPRETING THE SPIRIT OF THE AGE

JOHN HERMAN RANDALL, Editor HORACE HOLLEY, Managing Editor

CONTENTS

hese Competitive Economic "Systems" Frontispiece he Message of the World's Teachers Editorial rient and Occident. II. (Continued) Hugh McCurdy Woodward ducation and World Unity Hans Kohn he Path of History Alfred P. James he Novel of the War Years. III. Paul Hinner oward a Modern Culture Evelyn Newman his Praying World Ernst Jonson Why East and West Are Different. III. Grover Clark he Socialization of Agriculture E. B. Dietrich Practical Application of Internationalism Helene Wittmann outh Rebuilding the World Henry H. Stebbins, III ducation for a Social Plan Brent Dow Allinson he American Peace Movement Russell M. Cooper Round Table

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE is published by WORLD UNITY PUBLISHING CORPORA JON, 4 East 12th Street, New York City: MARY RUMSEY MOVIUS, president; JORACE HOLLEY, vice-president; FLORENCE MORTON, treasurer; JOHN HERMAN ANDALL, secretary. Published monthly, 25 cents a copy, $2.50 a year in the Inited States and in all other countries (postage included). THE WORLD UNITY UBLISHING CORPORATION and its editors welcome correspondence on articles lated to the aims and purposes of the magazine. Printed in U. S. A. Contents opyrighted 1932 by WORLD UNITY PUPLISHING CORPORATION. [Page 218]Photo by WALTER SCOTT

SIR NORMAN ANGELL

Apostle of World Unity

(See World Units Magazine for November, 1928, and June and July, 1031) [Page 219]

EDITORIAL

ROM private conversation to public debate, the subject most frequently under discussion at this time is the relative merits of the various economic systems, capitalism, socialism, communism, and something more vague and wistful termed a "Christian order." Individuals are becoming more and more conscious of their membership in, or identification with, a particular economic system just as in previous centuries they felt the lines drawn ever closer about them in terms of sect and creed. The underlying uneasiness and restlessness tends rapidly to make this modern social division a full test of values implicating the whole personality. The pity of the present state of tension is that in the true sense, neither "capitalism" nor "socialism" nor "communism" are economic "systems" at all.

Capitalism, fundamentally, is the right of private ownership. That right has nothing whatever to do with the individual’s disposition of what he owns. He may use his wealth according to the most enlightened social policy, or he may use it for the most selfish of ends. Ownership is too often identified with external possession. Laws may be passed destroying private ownership, but no law can strip a man of his intelligence, his energy, his skill or his genius. Had the factory system emerged from a people bound together by ties of true human fellowship and unity, the Marxian "system" would never have been developed in solemn protest against a custom of private ownership inseparable from a selfish and unsocial use of what was "owned." Marx broke his spear against the results of private ownership, not the institution of ownership itself. Capitalism, in other words, could have developed in any of a dozen [Page 220]different directions. The direction it historically took did not depend upon the institution of private ownership but upon the social consciousness of the mass of owners. The freedom of choice and evolution inherent in capitalism even today—the basic fact that the institution of private ownership is in itself a neutral factor—is clear when we recollect that every "capitalist" who takes the marriage vow contracts to enter a relationship entirely outside the range of the competitive and gainful interests which seem to determine his economic life. He pledges himself, so far as his wife and children are concerned, to act from the motive of love and not the motive of gain. Some "capitalists" have carried this motive farther than their families, to include their employes, their local community, their nation and even the world.

But the mass of owners have not responded to this higher motive. They have accepted the validity of the motive of competition and gain outside the narrow circle of family and friends. The result is that their employes seize every available weapon to overthrow the "capitalist system;" lack of cooperation with other capitalists has produced inter-owner competition which determines the wage rate (and the consumer market); and private ownership, allied to selfishness and absence of social vision, is today regarded as a curse by millions of people. The nemesis of low motive is stupidity.

These millions, in any emergency, can out-vote the "capitalists." Socialism and communism are legal and not economic systems. The inherent fact of inequality of intelligence, energy, skill and genius serves to transform communism and socialism, when completely applied, back into "capitalist" systems, because national statutes, as we see in the case of prohibition, are no substitute for human will. A true "economic system" must and will include a new scale of human values, as well as the function of planning on a world basis. The real question at issue today is the spiritual one of how to relate the individual to society, and society to the individual so as to safeguard personality and yet promote the race. Ownership on a large scale, is becoming so crushing a burden that the world undoubtedly faces a new era of socialization.

H. H. [Page 221]

THE TWENTIETH CENTURY AND THE MESSAGE

by HUGH MCCURDY WOODWARD Department of Philosophy of Education, Brigham Young University

Chapter 1

THERE have been ages of moral and social disintegration and ages of social and moral reconstruction, ages of doubt and skepticism, and ages of faith and affirmation. This is an age of all these combined, an age when everything from the concept of an atom to that of God has been subject to the impartial questioning of the scientific method; when most of the moral standards, religious codes, and established systems tremble under the vigorous scrutiny of man's dispassionate search for the deeper truths and realities of life. In such a period of cross currents and diverse opinions, it is natural for the mind to seek a philosophy capable of coordinating and systematizing the whole.

It is just this necessity of meeting and explaining a world of moral conflict and a desire to discover underlying principles capable of bringing order out of chaos that has inspired the author in this study and presentation. In fact, the world of the twentieth century is the occasion for this book. Only the particular kind of world in which we live could call forth the material here presented. It is a world trying to understand all parts of itself, where every part has been brought into contact with almost every other part. These parts represent different civilizations and different philosophies. The work of science has made the earth so small that the major systems of thought have been brought face to face with one another. We are just emerging out of a period when each part of [Page 222]the world thought of itself as the most important part—thought of itself as representing what it has been pleased to term, "the most advanced civilization."

During the last half century many things have happened to disturb these egotistical notions of self-sufficiency. China finds herself torn from center to circumference with forces she had not known before. India’s pride is hurt. She is humiliated because she must bow to the yoke of British imperialism. England herself is just now suffering a severe shock—a reaction from the so-called civilization which she has forced upon the world. The great kultur of Germany has been halted. Those who control in the United States, the last stronghold of capitalism, are not free from a fear that some unseen force, not previously reckoned with, will break the beams of their economic structure, and cause it to tumble down upon them. The fate of Russia hangs in the balance. Some of the best minds of Japan are not sure whether it is worth the expense and effort which that nation is now expending to hold her present "place in the sun." France, living largely on the achievements of the past suffers under a constant fear complex.

It is within the last quarter of a century, in fact, since the World War, that these nations have become definitely aware of the nature of one another. Their emerging into the consciousness of the masses is like so many boys in a pool, where each thinks of himself as the only one present, but where all come up at once. To many, the surprise is shocking. The claims to supremacy are vigorous. The fact is, these nations, like the boys, are all in a common pool facing the stern reality that somehow they must get along together. But the philosophies are different, economic systems clash, prides are wounded and great invested interests hesitate to acknowledge their responsibilities to an enlarged social order.

Strange figures emerge as the nations of the world face one another. Imperialism meets its match in the spirit of self-determination. Special privileges and vested rights tremble as they look upon the face of social justice. Greed and ambition for wealth and power, backed by the armies and navies of the world, show their ugly teeth at every benevolent and altruistic figure they encounter. [Page 223]

THE TWENTIETH CENTURY AND THE MESSAGE

Capitalism and the rights of labor clash. Selfishness and altruistic services stand staring at each other. Lust and sense gratification shy at the twin sisters of temperance and self-control. Self-effort meets inherited greatness with a challenge. Great centralization of power, coupled with scientific knowledge, threatens the very foundations of democracy.

Nations in haste ponder feverishly many questions. Is there any way to rid the world of this fear complex which saps the vitality of nations with the enormous burdens of maintaining great armaments of war? Are the interests which tremble and demand protection, worthy of protection? If nations were willing to do the right thing, would they be afraid of one another? Can the masses be educated to see that what is good for the whole is also the best good for the units? Is there any means of control which will give men the vision to cease both this animal selfishness and barbarous destruction?

These international problems are mentioned merely as a background, for if this picture of the nations facing each other in the realm of their political and economic interests is important, the picture of the individual facing himself in the realm of social, moral and religious relations is still more important.

Here again things have happened. Modern science with its impersonal and more or less ruthless methods has dared to question the established codes of morality which held the loyalties of men. Religion has been asked to submit its case before the tribunal of facts and reasons. Superstitions and traditions have been brought into court and questioned and cross questioned. Systems supposed to have been established by the fiat of God have not escaped the hearing. Authority everywhere and in all lines of life has been asked to present its credentials. Personal authority has been disrobed of its power and aloofness. The modern mind is no longer content to quote as final authority the words of Socrates, Aristotle, Confucius, Buddha, or even Jesus, not because these men have been lowered in the estimation of the world, but because the modern mind seeks beyond the authoritative statement for its reasons.

Everywhere the progressive intelligence of the age is coming [Page 224]to look upon authority as a thing to be achieved rather than inherited a thing of insight and genuine influence rather than of position. A privilege to lead in the direction of the light rather than a right to dominate the minds of men. It becomes increasingly difficult to pick out the authorities of today, whose influence will extend to the next generation. One generation of Jews ostracized, excommunicated and consigned to hell a Spinoza. The children of these same Jews declared him the greatest Jewish mind since Jesus.

The breakdown of personal authority in the realm of science, philosophy and religion has had many far reaching effects. The true scientist in every field has, with sincerity, honesty, and a passion to know the truth, questioned the old form, not in a spirit of disrespect, but with the idea of a better understanding.

The success of the scientific method has given it great popularity. As is the case with all things which become popular, science has gained a superficial loyalty of the unthinking masses. The word "science" to many has been endowed with magical power. It has become, with some, even more tyrannical than the personal authority which it has displaced. Individuals who have become worshipers at the shrine of science without becoming worthy representatives of it, mistake the inquiry of the masters of science for criticism. Without thought or reason they mistake inquiry for denial; and thus proceed to deny. Then there is the class below these who take up the popular thing without reason or rhyme. Like a child in the china closet, with a hammer of thoughtless denunciation, they proceed to destroy the idols of the past which have been the objects of man's faith and hope. Since it is so much easier to destroy than to construct, the number of those who are left without foundation increases rapidly.

The first quarter of the twentieth century finds an increasing number with their foundations crumbling. Men and women are doing many things but thousands are wondering if there is any point to it all. People everywhere are busy with numerous tasks but not quite sure whether one pursuit is more important than another. The pictures which have upheld and organized men's motives, aims, and values in the past have been destroyed. From many [Page 225]indications it is evident that there is an increase in the number of individuals who sincerely ask: "Is life worth the living? Is all this struggle leading to any particular goal?"

Walter Lippmann in his "Preface to Morals" suggests that "the modern man has freed himself from many of the so-called superstitions, but he has not made peace with the underlying conditions which give rise to the need of his old ideas." The destruction of the old standards and ideals has furnished many a thrill, but now that these standards are knocked down, the destroyer too often is like the young man, "all dressed up with no place to go."

Professor Jay William Hudson, a contemporary American philosopher, fittingly described this very large class of humanity when he said: "The man of today has thought just enough to see the fallacies in the traditional forms of what used to be the great verities. He has not thought enough to see that these great verities need not disappear merely because their ancient reasons are faulty. Above all, he has not thought enough to adjust these verities to all the new means of proof that a complete logic insists upon before a final judgment is made. The modern man has thought enough to deny great things; he has not thought enough to affirm great things."

Not having the trusted standards of the past to guide them, many follow the impulse of the moment. Pleasure seeking in the indulgence of the physical has become a dominant characteristic of the age. Much of life seems to be taking the line of least resistance. Hedonism has become widespread through Europe and America. It is an age of moral skepticism and moral doubt. Many have lost their moral bearings. Some try to find a way out by turning to the quest of power and knowledge. Others would substitute beauty and art for morals. It is plain, however, to the moral philosopher that neither knowledge nor art is a substitute for morals. In many sections there is a sex madness equal almost to the fires of Corinth and Babylon. People are ready to sample every novel social adjustment. We have Judge Lindsey with his companionate marriage; Dr. and Mrs. Russell with their more or less refined promiscuity; Mrs. Sanger with her vigorous drive for birth control. There is in [Page 226]all the urban centers a decided tendency to shirk the responsibilities of married life. Many devices are on foot to enable the individual to taste the pleasures of life with the least amount of obligation. These are not new things in the world, they are old proposals in a new dress. Most of them have been tried over and over throughout the ages and found wanting.

As a result of all this uncertainty the modern mind ponders many questions. Is the universe friendly? Are we living in a world of caprice, chance, and uncertainty, or are we living in a world of law, uniformity, and dependability? Is there a moral order in nature as exact as the physical order, or do morals depend upon social conscience or current opinion? Is there a good life? Is it a life of temperance or of indulgence? Is one life any better than another? If so, is it possible to discern the principles which lead to it? Is man the slave of blind automatic forces, or can he become master of his own fate? Is his salvation by grace or by self-effort? Does knowledge help the good life? If so, just what is its function? Is there a "path," a "way" or a "plan" which is safe for us to follow? Is the "Brotherhood of Man" an idle dream or does it represent a possibility?

(To be continued) [Page 227]ORIENT AND OCCIDENT by HANS KOHN Doctor Juris, University of Pregne

II. THE POLITICAL PROBLEM

(Continued)

The Modern State

THE modern state which is being formed in all countries of the Orient today is going to replace the medieval political structure, and thus repeat the process which worked itself out in Europe from the close of the Middle Ages to the Nineteenth Century. Notwithstanding this analogy Europe remains intellectually in a different position, for it has from the Renaissance to Kant provided the intellectual basis for this process. The mathematically scientific rationalism has entirely reshaped the medieval world and has introduced calculable rationality not only into science but into social and political thought as well. On this basis was effected the secularization of the European state into a constitutional government in which man lives under rational, universally valid laws which he is capable of understanding. The oriental state of the present accepts the consequences of this modern intellectual tendency, and must accept them (through the necessity of defending itself against their ascendency) before it has gone through the underlying intellectual process. Out of this contrast between political demand and cultural basis arise the grave cultural crises, whose field the Orient is today.

The modern state is founded upon the rationalization and systematization of political and economic relationships and functions. Its theory is the centralization of the common public life under a common law. It has its origin in the struggle of the growing central [Page 228]authority against the despotism of feudal lords and satraps whose autocratic rights made any uniform social and economic order impossible, and in the self-limitation of the central authority through legislation which renders its official actions predictable and calculable. The development of the modern state depends upon the facilitation of the centralization process through an extension of the commercial network to the organization of state finances, the formation of a professionally qualified officialdom dependent upon the central authority, and the building up of a standing army at the disposal of the central authority only. Personal relationships and functions are objectified and at the same time, through the transition from personal to financial economics, divested of all connection with landed property. In the secularized state the nation takes the place of religion as the supreme shaping force of the body politic.

The political world of the Orient finds itself in this formative process today. In Abyssinia or in the Wahhabi realm of Hejaz and Nejd this process has hardly set in, as yet. In the oriental states, autonomous republics and provinces which belong to the Soviet Union it is advancing with disconcerting rapidity, tending, through a complete secularization and technicalization, to reorganize the hitherto existing bases of activity in the shortest possible time. Between these two extremes the public and political life of the other oriental countries moves. Japan has already fully achieved the transition to a mechanized and technicalized constitutional state Siam is on the way to it, as its international financial credit (which many European states might envy) and the more celebrated superiority of its home-managed government railways show. In the Near East, during the last decade, Turkey, Persia and Afghanistan have exhibited efforts towards reform, all in the same direction. As a result of these efforts the reorganization process made the most radical advance in the westernmost part of Turkey, so that Turkey today—viewed from the formally legal side, at least—can be taken as the type of the secularized European constitutional state. The separation of state and church has been carried out, and religion as a basis for public activity, is more restricted than it is in [Page 229]

ORIENT AND OCCIDENT

Europe. The ideal of centralized national government has been realized to its fullest implications. Turkey serves as a pattern for Persia and Afghanistan. The community of aim and effort has been strengthened through a system of friendship treaties and alliances among the three states. The modernization of the state in these three countries has been carried out in diminishing intensity from west to east, according to their historical emergence and their geographical situation opposite Europe. The opposition of the Shiitic priesthood in Persia thwarted Riza Khan in the carrying out of his plan for making Persia a republic, and forced upon him the crown of the shahs. During the few years of his reign important changes have taken place in every decisive field of governmental activity. Through treaties with foreign nations the country has attained full independence, and capitulations have been repealed; the legal system was reformed; compulsory military service was introduced and put into effect in all parts of the kingdom, in opposition to satraps and tribes which were almost independent up to that time; the financial system was organized and a Persian national bank established, which should make possible the carrying out of great public works without foreign loans; the impracticable condition of the roads, rendering each former administration of Persia more difficult, was overcome through the building of roads and railways and the introduction of the automobile and the airplane; the fight against malaria was taken up and the foundation laid for a public health service; and finally, the general educational system was reformed-established in part for the first time, in fact--and the way opened for the introduction of compulsory school attendance. Persian students are sent to foreign countries on behalf of the state, to be educated there as teachers, physicians and engineers. The introduction of a registrar’s list was decided upon in Persia in the summer of 1928, and all Persians were required within three years to assume family names after the European fashion. A similar reform movement in Afghanistan was temporarily interrupted by the overthrow of King Aman Ullah. Afghanistan’s full independence was recognized by Great Britain in the peace of Rawalpindi on August 8. 1919. A cabinet was formed and, through the convening of the [Page 230]supreme assembly and a national council, a constitutional administration was established. The last supreme assembly under Aman Ullah in Paghman decided to extend the service period in the army from two to three years, and to abolish the soldier's right of buying himself off. The soldier must obtain khaki uniform. The incomes of public officials are taxed for the upkeep of army equipment. More extensive reforms in the fields of religion and the law—which are indeed one in orthodox Muhammadan states—were frustrated by the opposition of the priesthood.

The newly adopted flag and coat of arms mark best the transitional character of the state. In place of the former black banner a black, red and green tricolor was adopted, in which black stands for the sorrowful years of Afghanistan’s dependence, red for the struggle for freedom and green for hope. In the middle of the flag the sun rises over mountains and a grain-wreath, symbolizing the nature of the country, with its mountain chains and its agriculture. The colors bear the inscription of Allah and Muhammad. The coat of arms displays a silver mosque on a black ground, with the modern European military shako of the king above, and below two crossed swords, surmounted by the Quran. When Aman Ullah returned from his journey through the principal cities of Europe and the Near East, he must have perceived, in the uprising which he happened upon, how closely all reforms were related to him, personally. The struggle between mosque and shako seems won again by the mosque, for a short time. But there can be no doubt about the ultimate victory.

(To be continued) [Page 231]

EDUCATION, WORLD UNITY AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION

by ALFRED P. JAMES Department of History, University of Pittsburgh

IN the complexity and troubles of our times every earnest citizen of the world should attack himself or herself, in however modest a position, to the solution of at least one of the important problems which face human society. The men whom posterity calls great have indeed always done so. In the language of Woodrow Wilson while he was yet in school, "We find every truly great man identified with some special cause. His purposes are steadfastly set in some definite direction." Or as one of Wilson's biographers expresses it, "We live in our visions,' Wilson truly said of himself."

What are some of the great problems to the solution of which any individual may well devote at least a part of his or her life?

Some of them are well set forth by my colleague, Professor Ralph E. Turner in his excellent little study of human society entitled, America in Civilization. In his language, "The critical problems of present life appear to be, first, the excessive breeding of the inferior biological strains, which augments poverty, disease, crime and insanity; second, the discomfiture of men in machine industry, which appears, on the one hand, as demands for better living conditions and a redistribution of economic goods and powers, and, on the other hand, as intemperance and superficiality; third, the renovation of the traditional culture by the use of scientific knowledge and methods-a renovation now going on in the women's movement, educational growth, religious controversy, economic reorganization, and political inovations; fourth, war-chiefly the question of organizing peace among the white nations; and fifth, the determination of the relations of these white nations to the colored peoples. [Page 232]It is hardly necessary to point out that these problems are ultimately related and that all others seem to underlie our subject for consideration to-night, the problem of peace versus warfare in human society.

Warfare in human society is a disgrace to civilization. It is a most serious reflection on human intelligence. Since the Kellogg Briand Pact of August, 1928, war is even a crime. It has been officially outlawed by the great powers of the world. In the language of an editorial in the Christian Century, March 28, 1929, "Congress has the power but no longer the right to declare war... The war-maker, the war-instigator, the militarist, the jingoist, is working against his government. He is henceforth an enemy of the state."

Recently we have read in the daily papers of runaway oil and gas wells in Oklahoma. It is a common affair in drilling for the wealth stored up below the surface of the earth. Columns of oil and gas shoot high in the air and spread waste and danger over a vast area. Sometimes the rich and valuable but dangerous materials take fire. It is with difficulty that the fire can be extinguished and the well capped by heroic and risky endeavour. Just such is the nature and character of war. Human riches and even human lives are caught in the outburst and conflagration of oil wells and war alike. Can the eruption of war also be capped and brought under control? This is the matter under discussion, not only here, but in many parts of the world to-day.

Now there are many proposals for the limitation and, if possible, the elimination of warfare in human society. Some of them are individual, some national and some international. I have long been sympathetic with the helpful suggestion of William James that we must find a moral equivalent for warfare. He would have the seemingly innate pugnacity and combativeness of ma. directed against the drudgery and social evils of the world. National competitive success he would have turned toward art, science, learning, social welfare and other more humane and beneficial activities.

What in my humble opinion is really needed, is a profound change in all education in every country in the world.

From the point of view of world unity, international coopera [Page 233]

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tion and universal peace, education has been and remains highly defective. From bottom to top it is in need of renovation and remotivation. I believe that here is where real progress can be made and should be attempted. You may have seen the famous statement of Dean Briggs of Harvard University to the effect that given the proper kind of education the world can be profoundly changed in two generations.

We need a new kind of education-an education devoted to the promotion of humanitarianism, cosmopolitanism and world peace. Mere adjectives could be used to describe it, but it seems to me a matter of such universal importance that I shall take up the remainder of my time in the discussion of it.

In the first place in the new education, instruction should be given a more universal content. Sir Gilbert Murray, in his article says, "I think the better road to international good-will is to cultivate common memories, associations and aims." He advocates the cultivation of such subjects as "ancient history, Latin or physical science." To his list I should want to add, in advanced education, such additional subjects as anthropology, sociology, philosophy and psychology. In religious education, in particular, the study of comparative religion, if properly done, would be highly beneficial. Such subjects are the common intellectual material of educated civilized people of all countries and races. The corollary of attention to such subjects, is, of course, less attention to the literature, history and governmental institutions of the country of one's nativity and residence. But only in this way, in all probability, may a human culture, common in some respects to all civilized men, be slowly brought into existence and a common bond between all men established.

The matter of science and technology seems to me of great and peculiar importance. In a special degree they become and are the common possession of mankind. Somewhat as a degression, I should like, in this connection to dwell upon a prophetic address made by Professor James T. Shotwell, which is printed in a pamphlet, International Conciliation, No. 229, April 1927, under the title, "A Turning Point in History." Professor Shotwell claims that mastery [Page 234]of the forces of nature put an end to legal slavery in the nineteenth century. He foresees that "just as practical science brought substitutes for labor, so its destructive inventions bring substitutes for the ancient ways of waging war." He says, "We are therefore at a point in human development in which science promises to rid us of the ancient institution of war just as it has been the most efficient factor in ridding the world of slavery." He adds that "it is plain that the high progress made in . . . science has taken war today out of human control." War has become suicidal. "It is capable of destroying not only the most determined of enemies, but also our very civilization." The romance and glory of warfare is dead. War is now mechanical and scientific destruction. Noncombatants cannot escape its horrors. And mankind presumably will no longer be willing to bear its burden.

Science, in the new education, will be important in yet another sense. The new education must be more scientific and critical in its attitude and methodology. At present there is too little of this outside of administration, educational psychology, and the natural sciences. James Harvey Robinson in his Mind in the Making has told the story and stated the case. The scientific attitude and methodology must be applied to all aspects of life. By improved educational attitudes and methods future generations must be trained in what Walter Lippmann might call "disinterested" knowledge and habits. All the facts of human experience must, as far as possible, be analyzed, and evaluated with the impartial attitude of the laboratory scientist. We must have what I have seen called "anti-stampede education." Our schools must be relied upon to turn out, not buffaloes, but men and women of principles and judgment. This can only be done by conscientious and scientific search for and devotion to truth in all its aspects. A rigid adherence in education to well-rounded and realistic truth and an abhorrence of all distortion, deception, lies, and propaganda, would do much to promote peace and establish international understanding.

This realistic pursuit of and adherence to truth, should, particularly, be a feature of the study of the common culture of mankind mentioned in a preceding point. It must especially be a part of all [Page 235]

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study of international relations. Actual recognition of the present cultural, social, and economic integration of human life will be an inevitable result of the full discovery of truth. Blindness to the interdependence of all peoples is responsible for much of warfare.

But the new education should be even more than critical, scientific and devoted to truth. It should be tolerant, sympathetic and humanitarian, whereas it is frequently, if not usually, competitive and aggressive in its character and results. Philosophers and sociologists have long held that cooperation is as much a law of life as competition. Even business now begins to use this language. Nations and races must come eventually to see it. Education is false even to the age, unless it promotes altruism and humanitarianism rather than egoism and competition. Mankind cannot afford longer to have education mainly directed to the inculcation of the mores and traditions of any one group in human society. Such education does not adequately fit in with the conditions of the twentieth century.

This brings us directly to the fundamental trouble, the matter of nationalism and patriotism. In these we have the driving force in warfare in modern times. What shall we advocate that education do about them? Frankly, I am in favor of toning down the emphasis upon them in our entire educational system. In this matter responsibility for warfare rests, in a way, upon all educators, in home, church, school, journalism and theatre. But I am inclined to lay the responsibility particularly upon those engaged directly or indirectly in school work. Our textbooks are frequently distorted perversions of full-rounded truth. Teachers of literature and history are the greatest sinners against the brotherhood of man. A less nationalistic instruction in literature, and the teaching of history in truer perspective and from a universally human point of view, would in my opinion in a few generations bring about a profound change in world relations.

Most teachers of history are aware of the fact but few make the point significant that nationalism is a comparatively recent thing in human society; that it did not exist in the Middle Ages; that it is not more than a few hundred years old in most countries; that it is just coming into vogue in some countries; and that it may be [Page 236]a passing phenomenon in the great pageant of the political story of mankind. Inattention to known fact, or in some cases ignorance, lead people to assume that nationalism, patriotism and the sovereign authority of individual nations always have existed and are a permanent feature of life. It is, for many, hard to believe that, in the sarcastic language of one writer, "The State Almighty" is not possessed of all the attributes of divinity.

In a valuable article in the Christian Century, January 19, 1928, entitled "Christianity's Supreme Rival," Harry Emerson Fosdick analyzes the items in the creed of nationalism and points out their danger to humanity. He says it is "the most dangerous rival of Christian principles on earth." He holds nationalism responsible for the international anarchy which continues to exist in the world. In this opinion, Dr. Fosdick is in unison with thousands of others in all walks of life. In the same magazine, for May 31, 1928, Samuel McCrea Covert, says "A vigorous challenge to the modern worship of the state, to the notion that whatever the state enjoins has a mora! preeminence, is long overdue." Harry F. Ward, in the same journal. issue of August 19, 1928, demands that we give up the blind acceptance of the state as the instrument of God and judge it as we do other things in human society. In the language of Reinhold Niebuhr, in the issue of the same magazine for September 27, 1928. "Patriotism is a relative virtue" and "must be qualified by loyalty to other values," adding that experience has taught him to be critical of all loyalties. Does not, indeed, much of the common talk of patriotism consist of distorted ideas? I am inclined to accept the Quaker point of view that war involves essentially, not a willingness to die for one's country, but a readiness to kill for one's country.

In education we are going to have to do something about the inculcation of nationalism and patriotism. Studies of the distortion of education in such matters, particularly in history teaching, have been made of the situation in Germany, France, England, and the United States and are easily accessible in print. A study of textbooks in Germany made in 1921 by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, concluded that children there were still being taught that Germany is God's elect and that might makes right in human [Page 237]

EDUCATION AND INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION

affairs. And the same deplorable condition will be found in Great Britain, France, Italy, and the United States. Such education is the basis of the unfortunate nationalistic reactions which continue to trouble statesmen and retard the organization of the world on the basis of something like the common welfare of all.

The worst of this is that relatively new evidences of such spirit are coming to the front in China, India, Turkey, and other parts of the world and no one can foresee what trouble may result.

A dozen years ago I was willing to accept the idea of Arnold Toynbee that internationalism could be superimposed on a highly developed nationalism. I have come to doubt it. The two are altogether too much in conflict. I believe we shall have to promote world unity and internationalism at the expense of the old patriotic nationalism.

An address delivered at the World Unity Conference, First Baptist Church, Pittsburgh. [Page 238]

THE PATH OF HISTORY

by PAUL HINNER

Preface

HISTORIANS have repeatedly made the assertion that it is impossible for mankind to draw conclusions for future conduct out of past history. This may have been true formerly when the mental horizon of mankind was still very narrow and the knowledge about the process of evolution and the development of human affairs yet very limited, but to uphold that assertion today would indeed question the value of all progress. In the past only the highest political leaders were enabled to acquire an international outlook. History, as a branch of human knowledge, failed to sum up the experiences of mankind and to consider them as a whole, but confined itself to the recording of political affairs on a national scale. A dependable news service to keep interested persons informed about current events was not in existence and it was impossible to recognize and to observe the interlocking of the affairs of mankind in a definite process of development. However, the progress made in all fields of human endeavor and the extension of the scope of the affairs of most nations beyond the limits of their boundaries have altered these conditions. The leading nations have practically eliminated illiteracy and even in backward countries increasing numbers of people are mastering the arts of reading and writing, and are in this way becoming a medium for the extension of knowledge and a broadening of the viewpoint of their illiterate countrymen. Distance has ceased to be an obstacle to the exchange of thoughts and opinions between different parts of the human race. Telegraph and radio carry the news about current events instantaneously to all parts of the world, where a widely [Page 239]branched press makes it available to all who desire it. Through the improvement of the means of transportation many people are enabled to travel and in this way become acquainted with countries and customs of distant nations. The World War and its consequences have demonstrated that all parts of the human race are of equal value. If a balance is drawn between their good and bad qualities and allowance is made for the advantages and disadvantages entering into their lives, the result will be found to be equal for all. As a result of these circumstances large masses of people in all countries have widened their viewpoint beyond the narrow limits of nationalism and are beginning to think internationally.

Beside that, even a casual review of history reveals the fact that in the past, leadership in human affairs has successively passed from one branch of the human race to another and the varied experiences of recent years show that this process is still in operation. These different circumstances make the consideration of world history from a strictly neutral point of view a necessity, if the progress of mankind and the development of human affairs is to proceed in a natural and peaceful manner. This little book, therefore, has been written for the purpose of pointing the way towards a review of the progress of the human race in the light of present-day knowledge and experience. It lies within reach of all people who possess average intelligence and are able to read, to acquire the necessary knowledge for taking part in this undertaking, because popular books on the solar system, on the process of evolution and on world history are easily obtainable. To the necessary minimum of knowledge must be added the resolve to judge all features of human progress impartially and without fear of colliding with established opinions.

Past events must be considered as accomplished facts of which present conditions are the consequences and our judgment must not be distorted through speculations as to how certain efforts might have brought about different results. Our spirit must travel far into space and from there, free from human prejudices, view the development of the planet, the evolution of organic life and the history of mankind as a homogeneous process. However, it must be [Page 240]borne in mind that the extension of the mental horizon of mankind is a part of this process and that therefore a complete and final understanding of the universe and of life yet lies beyond human capacity.

The result of such a summing up of human knowledge and experience and the review of history in that light, surprises through its beauty and simplicity. It defines clearly the path along which the human race has traveled and makes it possible to draw reliable conclusions out of past and present for the progress of mankind in the future. However, these conclusions must not be considered as a prophecy, but as what they really are: "The description of the consequences of previous developments and present conditions." just as the farmer, who in the Fall sows his wheat, can predict that in the following Summer a mass of waving grain will cover the field, without being hailed as a prophet. In this light the suggested studies and reviews must be carried on and the result be made the basis for shaping the future conduct of mankind. The formulation of a line of conduct on this basis is necessary if impending international developments are to be directed into constructive channels

In this book the United States, Germany, Poland and Russia have been emphasized above other countries for the sole reason that they are pivotal for the development of the affairs of mankind in the near future.

(To be continued) [Page 241]

THE NOVEL OF THE WAR YEARS

EVELYN NEWMAN Professor of English, Rollins College, Winter Park, Florida

III

DUHAMEL relates tales concerning the conferring of medals with an irony comparable to that of C. E. Montague in Honours Easy and Rough Justice. He tells of one much be-decorated personage who visited the wards one day, to confer spoken honours upon many shattered bodies. He stopped beside the bed of a dying man. Refusing to heed the signs made by orderly and nurse, he continued his ritual. When he had finished, he asked what they had wished to say. "Only to tell you that he had died," they answered.

In another case Rabot who had been gifted with too little of physical, mental, and spiritual good from his birth, and had been grievously wounded, was visited by a Staff Officer: "That is the man... I have brought him the Military Medal and the Croix de Guerre." Rabot put the case on the bedclothes. All that day until three o'clock in the afternoon he gazed upon them. At that hour, the Staff Officer returned, declaring that he had made a mistake. The decorations were not for Rabot but for Raboux. So he took the ornaments away. Rabot cried until he went to sleep that night. He cried the next day until the hospital director went to headquarters and brought him back a medal and a cross just like those that were taken from him. Though Rabot stopped crying, he was always haunted by the fear that again his treasures might be snatched away. . Throughout the book a sympathy for the wounded men is blended with a severe indictment of civilization that brought on [Page 242]the war and caused these wounds. The final sketch expresses absolute revolt from such a world: "I hate the twentieth century as I hate this degenerate Europe. . . I had thought of escaping among the savages, but... They are all riding bicycles and clamouring for medals and honours... we have done our best to corrupt them: I have seen it done too well at Soissons."

Then the author, as a medical sergeant, describes some of his most recent experiences in the Corps Ambulance Division, of his difficulty of getting suitable stretcher-bearers for carrying the constant flow of wounded into the operating rooms. At this critical moment a superior officer recommended some Madagascans—"They're excellent stretcher men, these fellows." And they were. They carried the wounded as though they were carrying bales of cotton, most unconcernedly. When M. Duhamel went into the operating room, looked at the huge steriliser out of whose "bowels" came all sorts of boxes and packages, when he saw magnificently strong young men with their healthy blood dripping from wounds, he felt a great disgust arise within him. At that moment, he looked upon the little Madagascan negroes: "Their dark slender necks yoked with the straps, and their fingers clutching the handles of the stretchers, reminded one of the sacred apes trained to carry idols." He caught the eye of one of the negroes and felt most uncomfortable: "It was the calm deep look of a child or a young dog."

Civilization does exist, but its highest instruments are not those of that operating-room. It is defined by M. Duhamel: "In my mind it is the harmony of a choir chanting a hymn; it is a marble statue on an arid, burnt-up hillside; it is the Man who said 'Love one another,' or 'Return good for evil'... La Civilisation si elle n'est pas dans le coeur de l'homme, eh bien! elle n'est nulle part."

His message is very much the same in Possession du Monde, to be discussed in the section on War Diary and Essay, under which heading it really falls. Les Sept Dernières Plaies (1928), the third of this trilogy of War's martyrs, is a collection of short stories similar in plan to the other two books. In it, however, the philosophy is mellowed, more poised in judgment. The author is at once [Page 243]

THE NOVEL OF THE WAR YEARS

more objective and yet more personal. One instinctively feels the absence of hate in M. Duhamel even for the civilization of warring Europe, against which he so bitterly inveighed in 1918.

As does Ibanez in his Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse, he turns to the Revelation of St. John the Divine for the symbolism of his title. M. Duhamel has chosen the first paragraph of the fifteenth chapter: "Je vis dans le ciel un autre prodige grand et admirable: c'étaient sept anges qui avaient les sept dernières plaies, par lesquelles la colère de Dieu est consommée."

These thirteen short stories told by Cauchois—an auxiliary doctor in a small hospital—deal with the weakness and moral strength of different classes of men during the war. There is Colonel Piâtre in full enjoyment of the comfort of the best room in the hospital, abusing his subordinates and completely breaking down when he hears he is cured and must resume his duties. He is a moral and physical coward. There is the mysterious Armand Branche, lying on his deathbed, always asking whether the attack had started, interested in nothing else whatever. A friend who comes to see him tells Cauchois of how he received his death wounds. He mounted the parapet of a German trench one clear morning and, as Joan of Arc had once demanded of the English, he called out: "Listen, you are not in your own country. What are you doing here? You have been deceived! Go away and the war will be over. Go away and we shall all live together in peace. You will be happy and so shall we!" The next moment he fell, shot in many places, mortally wounded. As did Wells' hero Benham, in the Research Magnificent, "he looked like a man who had nothing more to say and never again will say anything."

There is the story of the twenty-five mad soldiers who were being evacuated from the sector near the fighting line. When counted by Cauchois, just before leaving, he finds there are twentysix of them. One of the attendants calls: "Halloa there, let him who is not mad speak up," whereupon dull voices called out: "Here! Here!" from many men. Finally the sane man is found. The attendant says: "Tubeut, you are of the 201st Infantry—Pneumonia, right lung." When asked why he had not said that he was not mad, he [Page 244]replied trembling: "Sir, Sir, because I did not know myself that I was not mad."

In April 1916, Cauchois was in charge of a Normandy ambulance. He made friends with three Rouenese,-Sub-Lieutenant Cerné, aged twenty, an auxiliary doctor Claverie, and a captain. When the Germans were being abused in a conversation with the head doctor who was filled with anger at seeing such young men-mere boys-thrown into the horror of war, Cerné spoke solemnly: "We don't hate the Germans-I have killed some, but . . ." The others agreed silently. These three young men were killed directly they reached the firing line at Baleycourt: "Their remains, no doubt, sleep in the ossuary together with the fragments of one hundred thousand young men on that terrible Hill-dead without hatred."

Pure unselfishness, of which M. Duhamel has so much in the stories of his soldiers, again appears in the one entitled Un Concert. A small group of wounded are gathered for a concert in a hospital room. One of them is so seriously ill that he knows he may die at any moment. He does not wish, however, to cast a shadow upon his comrades' rare pleasure that they are experiencing in listening to the music. With superhuman effort the dying man succeeds in holding to his last breath of life until the end. Like Franz Werfel's appealing little story of the man who "conquered" death beyond the appointed time, through the desire to make good his insurance policy for his ailing old wife. This soldier's will to save others from the shock of his death at such a time carries on the beliet of the unfailing goodness of man.

"Lacrimae rerum," we feel indeed in reading this artist physician, who even before the World War gave up ministering to the body that he might, through the written word, minister to the soul. Something of the mystic and much of the poet as well are blended with the scientist and physician in M. Duhamel. He, much more than his two compatriots with whom he has been grouped for some of the most vivid literature of war years, has progressed in development of a wider art and profounder philosophy. Henri Barbusse. on the other hand, has done nothing to compare with Le Feu's [Page 245]

THE NOVEL OF THE WAR YEARS

(1916) artistic power. Clarté his next work, is as weakened by its propaganda appeal as was his master Zola's final message La Vérité. In Clarté, the war scenes are but poor repetitions of the material of Le Feu. His characters have nothing of the wit of Volpatte, the mind of Cocon or the sincerity of Bertrand. They are all lay figures to give the message with which he closes his book: "The only human voice which harmonizes with nature itself, the thinking music of the dawn and the sun is the song of the International."

In his recent group of short stories published in 1928, he has done no better. These stories are avowed propaganda. They contain protest against the injustice and crime committed upon the helpless and the under-priviliged of the world. Like the American Upton Sinclair who inveighs against the special privilege of great wealth, against the cruelties and hypocrisies of our machine and materialistic age, Barbusse loses the sense of proportion and of poise and, therefore, of art in the violence of his protest.

(To be continued) [Page 246]

TOWARD A MODERN CULTURE

by ERNST JONSON Author of "The Kingdom of God," etc.

MODERN mechanized industry has failed to provide a dependable living for the people. This failure is a real menace to our civilization. That the root of the trouble is not material is clear to everybody. Starvation from overproduction can mean nothing less than that our intellectual and moral development has not kept pace with mechanical progress. Intellectual vision and moral sensibility are the fruits of that spiritual enlightenment which forms the vital center of a mature civilization, and which alone entitles it to be called a culture. Evidently modern civilization has not yet reached the point where it may be regarded as a culture. The Great War, our deplorable political impotence, our conspicuous inability to find good use for our leisure only justify this judgment. The lack of unity and co-ordination in modern life makes it evident that the achievements of the modern age, though considerable, have been merely preliminary, that for these last five hundred years the Western world has been merely laying the foundations for a modern culture, but that it has not as yet achieved that vital integration which alone deserves to be called a culture. It is proposed, therefore, that planned organized action be taken to promote the creation of a modern culture.

While the chief expressions of a culture are social and economic stability, and religious and artistic vitality, the root and marrow of it is the educational system. All our educational activities must be related to a governing center consisting in the teaching of philosophy and art, for these are the two ways of apprehending the universe in the wholeness of its vitality. From this center the [Page 247]

TOWARD A MODERN CULTURE

process of education must work itself out in various directions, into politics and into the art of the personal life, into professional artistry, into science and productive industry and business. It is proposed to promote such integration of our educational process.

A modern culture does not mean the obliteration of existing varieties of religious belief. It means that the sects will be provided with a common philosophical ground upon which they may meet in fraternal relation. For such meeting ground there is required a truly non-sectarian modern philosophy, that is to say, a philosophy which not merely stands in vital relation with modern science, but which also assimiliates the entire cultural heritage of mankind. In Christian Platonism we have the nucleus of such philosophy. It is proposed to adopt Christian Platonism to modern requirements, by conceiving the idea as the evolving form of life, and to bring it into relation with our science by means of a vitalistic interpretation of nature.

Art is the chief source of human life-value, but to the modern man the realm of art is an undiscovered country, a continent dimly visible on the horizon. It is proposed, therefore, to promote a national art which shall be rooted in popular appreciation. Existing schools do little or nothing toward this aim; their endeavor is focussed upon the realization of professional standards of skill.

It is proposed to further economic stability by advocating industrial organization based upon the idea that if industry shall sell its product to the people it must pay wages high enough to enable them to buy the product, and the recognition of the fact that the profiteer is a parasite upon the general body of business, and a menace to prosperity.

In endeavoring to realize these aims it is proposed to seek the cooperation of publications in the field of industry and trade, in the field of art, and in that of religion and philosophy. To bring about such cooperation there is required a publication which would devote itself to the idea of a modern culture, to the exposition of this idea in its different aspects, economic, esthetic, religious.

The next thing needed is the cooperation of institutions of learning, of churches, of art schools and art museums, of profes [Page 248]sional societies, trade associations, labor unions, and all institutions dedicated to social welfare and spiritual vitality.

For the promotion of a national art there will be required, in addition, a nation-wide chain of local art centers. The idea of the local art center differs from that of the art gallery in that it is not conceived as a repository for artistic preciosities, but rather as a place where essential, artistic quality is made freely accessible to the masses of the people. And it differs from the art school in that it does not aim at professional standards of skill but rather at the qualities of folk art and a popular appreciation of those subtler qualities which come from inspiration and from the national character. The local art center, then, is conceived as a small and rather unpretentious institution in the galleries of which are to be seen competently made copies of the masterpieces of the various arts, and works which are produced in manifold, such as prints and the works of the craftsmen. It is conceived also, as containing auditoriums where simple but adequate renderings of the masterpieces of the arts of music, of the dance, poetry and the drama would be freely presented to the people, and where popularized lectures upon economics, government, art and philosophy would be given. In these local art centers also, there would be provided instruction in the different forms of folk-art-art-craft, folk-dance, music in its simpler forms, vocal and instrumental, and in literary and histrionic expression.

Another thing needed for the formation of popular taste is the fuller introduction of art into industry, especially in those branches of industry which produce the goods which form the daily environment of the people, such as the advertising and publishing industries, the housing, furniture and utensil industries, the textile industry, the vehicle and transportation industries, the amusement industry. [Page 249]

THIS PRAYING WORLD

by JOHN WILLIAM KITCHING Author of "Azrubaal and Lamorna," etc.

Foreword

NOTHING is more likely to produce within the mind an appreciation of the organic oneness or unity of humanity, than a study of the recorded prayers of individuals, widely separated by time, place and nationality.

Each one of the prayers offered in this series of articles will strike, in one way or another, a responsive chord in the heart of the reader.

While these prayers have arisen out of very divergent stages of culture and environment, from differing problems, needs, viewpoints and ideals, it is significant to the student of religions that one fundamental unity seems to underlie them all, and one is brought into contact with a deeper stratum of spiritual life that is independent of religious institutions, theologies or creeds.

Multitudinous as are the sources at the disposal of the scholar, they give but an insignificant hint as to the vastness of the spiritual outpourings of the human soul in prayer through the ages.

Along with the prayers there is given a short biographical sketch of the author of the prayer, or a description of the God or Goddess to whom it is addressed.

I WEST AFRICA

"Give me rice today, yams, gold, slaves, riches, swiftness to run and health!"

This is the prayer uttered by a Gold Coast Negro, furnishing [Page 250]us with a vivid illustration of the type of prayer that arises from the heart of savage Africa.

The values sought in the history of prayer range from the highest to the lowest. Primitive man prayed more frequently, more passionately and more persistently than does cultured man. Primitive man poured out in his prayers every concern, major and minor, of his life.

Nothing was too trivial or matter-of-fact to bring into the presence of his God or Gods. In a most unhindered and unhampered fashion his praying released his emotions of fear and anxiety, his feeling of awe and wonder, expressed his faith and confidence. his sense of need as well as his momentary wish or whim and often gave vent to his vexation and displeasure with his God.

In prayer, at times, he did not even hesitate to threaten and intimidate his God. Primitive man prayed for sunshine and rain, food and clothing, shelter and for increase in family and field and flock, as well as for his own personal safety and prosperity.

These things were the central concerns of his life and their abundance or shortage, he linked up with his God or Gods and their doings. Consequently his prayers poured forth with all of his native primitive passion.

There is a "Pool of Life" in Southern Nigeria where married couples come to pray for children. Amid varied ceremonies, the wife wades into the water of the pool and prays:

"O Great Mother! Keeper of Souls! What have I done to anger Thee? Look upon me-Behold! I bring gifts and beg Thee to have pity upon me and give me a child. Grant but this prayer and all my life I will be Thy servant."

II ASSYRIA

"O Marduk, lord of countries, terrible one *** Powerful, independent, perfect *** Exalted, lofty, whose *** cannot be changed (The next eight lines are too badly broken to translate.) [Page 251]

THIS PRAYING WORLD

Lord of the fountains, mountains and seas, overseer of the mountains, Lord of *** and fortresses, who directeth the course of the rivers, Bestower of corn and grain (?), grower of wheat and barley (?), who maketh the green herb to spring forth. Thou createst what god and goddess create, in the midst of their *** art thou. Ruler of Anunnaki, leader of the Igigi, Wise one, first-born of Ea, creator of all mankind, Lord art thou, and like a father and a mother in *** art thou, And thou, like the Sun-god, makest light their dark- ness. (Twenty-four lines omitted). O my lord, stand by me at this time and hear my cry, Pronounce judgment and determine fate. The sickness of *** do thou destroy and the disease of my body do thou take away. O my God and goddess, judge mankind and *** By command of thy mouth, may no evil approach me, The magic of the sorcerer and sorceress!"

This prayer was offered up nearly four thousand years ago from the then fertile valley of the river Tigris. The deity to whom it was offered was Marduk who was probably a sun-god. He came later to be regarded as the god of fertility, the creator and arbiter of all destinies. Stupendous cataclysms have disrupted these mighty civilizations of the past, hurling them into oblivion, yet amid all these changes, this prayer reveals one fact, imperfectly preserved as it is, that the heart of man has changed only slightly.

(To be continued) [Page 252]

WHY EAST AND WEST ARE DIFFERENT

by GROVER CLARK Consultant on Far Eastern Affairs (Continued)

VIII

THE field of politics supplies another striking illustration of the differences in the effect of agricultural and hunting conditions.

The hunters realized well enough that an army or a hunting band, while in the field, could not be run by a committee. Prompt and unquestioning obedience to the chosen leader were essential. But, for them, the obedience was voluntary, and to a leader who was demonstrably superior. The authority remained absolute, too, only during the crisis; except for such times, individual freedom was the rule. Policies were decided by discussion; no man could impose his arbitrary whims on another.

This situation was inevitable because, among the hunting peoples, the balance of power was with the individual. Not even the group itself could compel continuing and involuntary obedience by those recognized as members; and any leader who tried to impose arbitrarily on his followers soon found himself without followers. Democratic ideas and institutions therefore naturally enough developed in the regions where the descendants of the North European hunters started to create modern western civilization. Feudalism saw a partial establishment of autocratic practices; but the autocracy was toward the conquered serfs; among the aristocracy basically democratic ways prevailed. In due course the hunter-bred individualistic democratic urge overthrew the structure of autocracy; and as these North European peoples spread, democracy spread too. [Page 253]

WHY EAST AND WEST ARE DIFFERENT

Whether it will continue to spread, or even succeed in maintaining itself, now that more stable and thickly-settled conditions are the rule among the descendants of these earlier hunters, remains to be seen. The recent springing up of dictatorships in southern Europe is suggestive, in this connection.

Meanwhile, however, these descendants of the hunters have carried over into modern western political thought the concepts which their ancestors had developed in practice if not in consciously-formulated theory: that the basic rights of individuals are the same and their place in the community depends on their personal abilities; that the final authority for each individual is his own will, though for particular purposes particular powers may be delegated to certain individuals; that the governmental machinery is created by the people for their own convenience, not for the benefit of the governors; that the governors are the servants of the people and entitled to govern only so long as they render satisfactory service.

Quite a different sort of political development was to be expected among the typically agricultural peoples.

Whether as an invader from outside or as a "sport" from within these peoples, a vigorous, dominant man would appear from time to time. If he came as an invader, with fighting supporters, he simply enslaved the people. If he sprang up at home, he would have little difficulty in gathering fighting supporters from among those who were quite ready to give up their rather precarious and strenuously laborious ways of getting a living for a chance at an easier life of plunder. The harder the times the more easily such a leader could get followers. (Witness how easily the Chinese "war-lords" recruit their armies in these days.)

Ruthlessness in crushing opposition and some shrewdness in the distribution of rewards—these would be enough to secure and keep for a determined man an effective measure of control in an agricultural country. A bit of the Robin Hood in his methods of dealing with those outside his immediate band would do no particular harm; it might even help him to maintain his position against possible competitors. [Page 254]The foundation of his authority, however, would be force and force alone, not the consent of those over whom he ruled. He would secure the continuing loyalty of his own ruling group by keeping its members satisfied with their share of the perquisites of power—and by elimiating forcibly and promptly all those who showed signs of not being satisfied.

The histories of the founding of new dynasties in agricultural lands—and of the formation of new "bandit" gangs in such lands today—give plenty of illustration of how governments get started and develop in these regions.

The only conception of government that could be expected to develop out of such a situation was one which took it for granted that the ruler had absolute authority and that the governmental machinery was organized and run for the benefit of the governors and without reference to the consent of the governed. An Emperor now and then might appear who would show a particularly shrewd sense of the advantage to be gained by winning the goodwill of those he governed. Sometimes such a ruler was honestly unselfish, sometimes not. In any case, the theory was most carefully maintained that the Emperor was the supreme authority deriving his right to rule from his own power or, perhaps, from a vague "Heaven," but certainly not from the consent of the ruled.

We find in the doings of the barbarian hordes of northern hunters who swept down into the Mediterranean basin a most illuminating illustration of the difference between the two conceptions of government. In Greece, for example, the conquering invaders assumed over the people they conquered an absolute mastership; they put the despotic idea completely into practice. At the same time, among themselves they maintained the typically democratic forms and practices of the hunters—for some generations, at least, and until they in turn began to be absorbed into the agricultural life. Then the "tyrants"—paralleling our modern Dictators—appeared.

IX

This interpretation of the reasons for the differences between the East and the West throws light, too, on the question of why the [Page 255]

WHY EAST AND WEST ARE DIFFERENT

Machine Age should have come as a product of the development of modern western civilization instead of considerably earlier. Whenever a man experiments with a new device or method he takes a chance. He cannot be sure in advance that his new tool, his new weapon, his new way of producing food, will yield as good results as the old. But to develop that tool or weapon or method takes time or materials or both—i.e. temporarily reduces the available or securable food supply—and the actual experiment involves a substitution of the new and untried for the old and tried, with the possibility of failure. Some sort of surplus must be available, therefore, on which to fall back during the preparation of the new device or method and for use in case the experiment fails. The amount of the surplus needed depends on the amount of material and time consumed in preparing for the experiment and the delay involved in food production in case of failure.

The typical inhabitant of agricultural lands, however, had practically no surplus. Furthermore, he got his food supplies only at harvest time—i.e. at comparatively long intervals. He knew that by following the old routine he probably would get enough to carry himself and his family through to the next crop. A new method might bring better results. But it might bring worse—and the gamble was not with food for a day or two but with the lives of his entire group since, if the new method failed, there might be no food for that long period. He scarcely was justified in taking that great risk.

To a lesser degree, but for the same reasons, experimenting and invention in other fields was discouraged in agricultural countries by the lack of a food surplus.

Nor was there any great incentive to make new inventions, especially in the field of labor-saving devices. There were plenty of people to do whatever work needed to be done; and a machine that eliminated the need for human labor easily might be a distinct disadvantage because, to use the expressive Chinese phrase, it would break the rice bowls of many.

Ch'in Shih Huang, for example, had no need for steam derricks and electric cable cars when he was building the Great Wall. He [Page 256]had a million men to do his work for him-and if these died of too hard labor, another million was to be had without difficulty.

In the circumstances, it is small wonder that the agricultural peoples continued century after century to use the old and tried methods and techniques. They knew what the old would do; they had no surplus on which to fall back if an experiment with some new method failed; there was no urgent need for increasing the working efficiency of the group by developing machines. Furthermore, any change was per se likely to be undesireable because it would upset the routine of the group's life.

Yet this persisting repetition of old ways is entirely compatible with a marked readiness to take up new-once someone else has made the experiment and demonstrated that the new brings better results. The Chinese farmers still, in the main, farm as their long past ancestors did; but no farmers elsewhere are quicker to take up new farming methods once they have been given a successful demonstration.

Among the hunters, on the other hand, experimenting was practicable, and there was every incentive to devise new ways of doing things which would increase efficiency.

The hunters usually had no larger surplus of food than the farmers. They also lived from hand to mouth. But they got their food more or less day by day, generally, instead of at widely-separated harvest times. If a new hunting method failed, therefore that failure meant the loss of food for a day or two, rather than for six months or even a year. If it succeeded, it might mean an increase in the food producing capacity equal to several hunters, without the addition of corresponding new mouths to feed. The risk was small, and the possible gain relatively great. The gamble was well worth taking.

Because the hunting group was small, too, new devices which would save labor or increase hunting or fighting effectiveness were at a premium. Such devices broke no one's rice bowl, among the hunters; instead they made the rice bowls of everyone larger.

It is not surprising, therefore, that the hunting peoples and their descendants, rather than the agriculturalists, should have been [Page 257]

WHY EAST AND WEST ARE DIFFERENT

active in pushing forward new ways of doing things. Most of the basic inventions were made in agricultural lands long before they were taken up and developed in the modern world. Some of these were put to practical use in crude forms. Others remained simply as toys-the steam engine, in Egypt and China, for example.

The Machine Age came in the modern West, however, rather than in an earlier East, because the descendants of the hunters have had the temperament to shape the environment to fit their desires, the inclination to try new ways, the necessity for machines to do the vast amount of work required in opening up new continents with comparatively few people-and the surplus to permit experiments.

In the nature of loyalty, in the attitude toward those outside the immediate group and in the value attached to human life as such, appear other consequences of the difference between the conditions of life of the hunters and the farmers.

The fact that the ordinary single person in agricultural countries had no chance to secure a living, no place in the scheme of things, except as a member of some group, very definitely determined the basis of his loyalty to his fellows. That loyalty was negative rather than positive; one stayed in the group, submitted to its dictates, because one feared the inevitable loss of the chance to live if one broke away. Fear, rather than voluntary choice, kept one loyal. To remain in the group was the lesser of two evils, not the greater of two goods.

Among the hunters, on the other hand, while life in the group was desirable, the individual did not depend exclusively on the group for his chance to live and, except at brief times of crisis, he had great freedom. Yet at the crisis of the hunt or battle, effective and unquestioning obedience was essential precisely because the hunting or fighting band was small. Parallel with the assertion of individual rights against the group in times of quiet, therefore, went complete subordination during crises. The very life of the group and with it the life of the individual for the time being, depended on such subordination. Hence loyalty meant not a surrender of one's will and freedom at all times, but complete and voluntary cooperation in times of special crisis. (One might quarrel [Page 258]with one's brothers, as it were, but the family stood solidly united against outsiders.) The loyalty of the hunters was positive, not negative. Voluntary choice, rather than fear, kept one loyal. To remain with the group was the greater of two goods, not the lesser of two evils.

Thus it came about that the hunters developed the team idea in its many and varied forms. Among the agricultural peoples no such conception of relations within the group appeared—relations of the closest cooperation during crisis combined with almost unqualified freedom at other times.

The agriculturalists, furthermore, could not afford to be generous to those outside the immediate group. The competition for livelihood between the groups was too keen, and the available margin of food was too small, to warrant any group in reducing its own resources to help those who did not belong within its circle. Any generosity to outsiders meant deprivation of those inside. Generosity, helping others, therefore, was an unwarranted luxury, and the greatest care was necessary to avoid involvement in complications which might bring further responsibilities. Members of the immediate group were cared for; nothing could be done for outsiders.

This is the situation out of which developed that apparent callousness to the suffering of others, that absence of state-administered charity, that seeming indifference to the welfare of people in general, which at first come as a shock to sentimentally idealistic westerners who visit eastern lands. Yet the agricultural peoples have survived through the long centuries in no small part precisely because they did learn that, in the circumstances in which they lived each small group must horde its own resources; because, that is, they did develop inter-group selfishness along with intra-group communism.

Contrastingly, among the hunters—and among their descendants in the West in these more recent days—normally there was food enough in hand or easily procurable for everyone, with something to spare. Food shortage was the exception, not the chronic condition. The jealous hording of resources, vitally necessary in agricultural countries, was not required. Hence generosity was [Page 259]

WHY EAST AND WEST ARE DIFFERENT

possible, to all comers; the normal human gregarious impulse to such friendliness had more or less free play.

Because the individual rather than the group was the basic social unit among the hunters, too, special provision had to be made for caring for the needy and unfit; this charge fell on the group as a whole. Thus the foundation was laid for the large-scale organization of charities and the assumption by the state as such of responsibility for the care of the unfit.

Both East and West have had this problem of the unfit. The East has met it by making the smaller group of which the single person was a member responsible for providing the needed care; the West, by making the larger community as a whole responsible.

Still another difference is apparent. The East attaches much less value to human life as such than does the West.

In agricultural lands, the single person is of little value. If by accident or sickness he becomes socially no longer useful, even temporarily, in many ways it is better for him and for the rest that he be allowed to die. There is no point in merely keeping him alive; efforts in that direction are justified only if, clearly, his social usefulness after recovery will be great—which is not likely for the vast majority.

The very fact that the hunting groups were small, on the other hand, made it vitally important that everything possible should be done to keep as many as possible among the effectives. In the East, the wounded could be left to die on the field of battle and the feeble left to perish by the roadside—because there were plenty to take their places, and too many mouths to be fed anyway. Among the hunters, no such waste of possibly useful life could be tolerated because the lives were few.

(To be concluded) [Page 260]

THE SOCIALIZATION OF AGRICULTURE

I by E. B. DIETRICH Department of Economics and Sociology, Mount Holyoke College.

HE harvest is good in Russia to-day-90,000,000 tons of grain according to the last figures. For the first time since secret walls of the Kremlin there is great rejoicing for it means not only food for the people and a possible export surplus to enlarge the precious foreign credits, but it also means that the scheme for socialized agriculture has not failed. The machine is conquering the All-Russian Sphinx, as Turgeniev called the Russian peasant.

Disappointment of the Russian Peasant

From many aspects the revolution has been a disappointment to the Russian peasant. Having seized the landed estates, he was told that he could not own them, that the land belonged to the state. and the land was apportioned according to the size of the family and the commune. Buying and selling of land was prohibited. In addition the government requisitioned a percentage of his grain at a fixed price, levied high taxes and failed to adjust agricultural prices to the rapid rise of the prices of manufactured goods. In consequence, the peasant lost his desire to produce (for what did he get out of it?) and the surplus which had come in large part from the landed estates, now broken up into 10,000,000 small holdings, disappeared. During recent years exports of grain, formerl amounting to 10,000,000 metric tons, have become negligible. [Page 261]

Forced Collectivization

Convinced of the need for drastic action if agriculture was to fulfill its part in the five-year plan in supplying food for the factory workers, raw materials for industry and export credits, the Government began a drive on the collectivization of farms and sanctioned forceful methods. Since the 5,000,000 Kulaks, or rich peasants, were the backbone of the opposition with nothing to gain and everything to lose, under the slogan, "the liquidation of the Kulak," their property was confiscated and they were driven either into exile where many today are cutting Siberian timber so objected to by our senators, or were herded into special "Kulak nests," small settlements outside the villages on poor land. Other peasants slaughtered their livestock (one of the causes of the present meat shortage) and disposed of other capital such as grain for seed, preferring to obtain some immediate enjoyment of their possessions rather than pool them.

So serious was the situation which developed, and so dangerous politically that on March 1, 1930 Stalin decreed that membership in the collectives was to be voluntary and that the peasants were not to be compelled to join. Immediately, numbers dropped out. The Kremlin, however, has other means at its disposal to favor the collectives, such as credits, certain tax exemptions, the use of machines, distribution of seed and perhaps most of all, the distribution of manufactured goods, and since he must sell a portion of his grain at a fixed price to the Government in any case, it will be increasingly difficult for the individual peasant to stay out.

The State Farms

In general there are two types of socialized agriculture:—the state farms or sovhoz and the collective farms or kolhoz, each of which has a different rôle. The state farms are state enterprises, often called "grain factories," because they are operated almost entirely with machinery. At the head of each is a Red Director, a party man who may or may not have any connection with agriculture, and directly under him is the technical expert. On the cattle farms there are two technical experts, one for livestock and one [Page 262]for fodder. The workers are hired from the labor exchanges and are paid money wages, varying from 70 roubles to 100 roubles a month for unskilled workers and 300 roubles a month for skilled workers in addition to free living accommodations. They work eight hours a day and receive the benefits of the different types of social insurance. The total crop is turned over to the state grain purchasing organizations. In practically every instance the land on which the state farms have been developed has been virgin soil so that they are literally as one Director said, "turning weeds into gold." At present 25,000,000 hectares of land are operated in the sovhozes, 15,000,000 of which are given over to diversified agriculture and 10,000,000, hectares exclusively to grain production.

Gigant, the state farm which we visited in the north Caucasus is the largest of them all, containing 300,000 acres. On either side of it are located two towns about 40 miles apart in which are administrative offices, housing quarters, restaurants, machine shops for repair work, telephones, public baths, stores and most important of all the mammoth grain elevator of skyscraper dimensions. It was harvest time and all day long and all night long could be heard the hum of the elevator and the droning whirr of the combines and across the sky in the evening could be seen the flash of the searchlights, for during the sowing season and the harvesting, tractors and combines work 24 hours a day. Standing in the midst of that golden sea of wheat, we saw at one time ten great combines sweeping down in formation from the rim of the horizon, followed by Ford trucks which gathered up their harvest and bore it off on the first lap of its long journey. Two years ago the land had never felt the plow and today they have harvested 8,000,000 bushels.

In addition to the actual production program, it is planned to use some of the state farms as agricultural schools, agricultural experiment stations and tractor stations. The outstanding one at the present time is Verblud, about 60 kilometers from Rostov, which when the two and one million rouble building program is completed will accommodate one thousand students. In general the Director prefers to recruit his students from the machine shops in the city rather than from nearby farms, for it takes two years to [Page 263]train a man with shop experience to become a "farm mechanizer" whereas it takes five years to train a peasant. Students are paid between 75 and 135 roubles a month according to the size of the family in addition to their living and in connection with their theoretical training will do the actual work on this 287,000 acre farm Eventually they will go out as expert farm mechanics to "staff" the collectives and state farms.

Though the experimental department is not fully organized, experiments are under way in the use of Diesel engines in tractors to save fuel, the efficiency of different makes of tractors, harvesting soyea beans with combines and qualities of seed. As a tractor station it is a center for mechanical power and equipment for the collectives within a radius of 15 to 20 kilometers. It is planned to have similar tractor stations scattered throughout the farm areas as it is felt that expensive farm machinery can be used by more than one collective farm with a distinct saving on overhead as well as in the operation of the machines.

Collective Farms

There are three types of collective farms, the cooperative farms, the artels and the communes. In all cases the fundamental change has been the obliteration of the ancient ditches which separated the narrow strips of land worked by the individual peasant so that the area belonging to the village could be farmed as a unit and so that machines when available could be used. In the case of the cooperative farms, the ground is tilled in common and the harvest is divided according to the amount of land equipment and labor contributed. In the artels, the land, working animals (horses, oxen and camels), and machines are owned jointly, whereas the individual families still maintain their ownership of milk cows, pigs, sheep, poultry and truck gardens as well as cottages. In the communes, on the other hand, there is little individual property. The group lives and eats and works together. In the commune in the Caucasus where we spent some hours, the peasants live in two or three long, low houses and share a common dining room, attractive in the simplicity of its narrow deal tables and benches and great copper [Page 264]cooking kettles. They were proud of a fine truck garden and a great new barn. The commune type, however, is considered too advanced for the majority, for as one Russian said, "We must not go too fast, since it is necessary to learn common work before common living."

About seventy-five percent of the collectivized farms are of the artel type and by their delightful names such as "On the Way to Socialism," "The Propellor," "Under the Banner of Lenin," signify the dynamic part they have to pla. Frequently the Red Director is an outside man, one of a group known as "the twenty-five thousanders," composed of trade union members, young communists and agricultural experts, sent out from Moscow to assist in organization and to kindle enthusiasms. The plans are made and discussed in group meetings, the most difficult being the division of the harvest and income. A more or less usual method following orders from the President of the Administration of the Kolhoz center is to reserve an "indivisible fund" for seed, fodder for the socialized cattle, the single agricultural tax and insurance on property and seed; also a certain sum as a social fund for cultural needs and a small amount for administrative expenses. A determined number of bushels of grain is assigned to each individual to insure a living ration. Work is paid for according to the amount and skill of the work performed and a varying dividend is paid on the capital brought into the collective by the individual peasants. The fact that this year as much as ten per cent in some instances has been paid has acted as an incentive to join. A certain percentage of the crop is contracted for ahead of time by the state purchasing organizations, a portion of which is paid for in manufactured goods, desperately needed, and the remainder is paid in cash. The work is divided among "brigades" under captains and as in industry the groups vie with each other for the best record, a practice known as "socialist competition."

At present an effort is being made to enliven the social life with the aid of radios and traveling moving pictures. Some collective farms publish newspapers and in all there is a definite movement to "liquidate illiteracy." It is a part of the job of every [Page 265]communist to take part in what is known as "social work," one of the most important forms of which is teaching the three Rs. In addition the day nursery is an adjunct of every collective, of which they are very proud, for it frees the mothers for work in the fields or elsewhere and insures healthy care and training for the children. There are today 82,000 collective farms which include about one-fourth of the 26,000,000 peasant households and by 1931 it is expected that 50% will be organized. Roughly speaking it is estimated that with mechanization the production is increased between 30% and 40% over the former individual method of agriculture.

Summary

It is difficult to estimate the value of any revolutionary change while it is still in process. As to agricultural methods there is no doubt but that the collectivized farm is vastly superior to the old strip system. The individual peasant is in the position today that the individual craftsman was at the dawn of the factory era and he stands to sacrifice his liberty and pride of individual work to the machine in return for a higher standard of living. Incidentally, he hopes to receive before too long the benefits of the city worker, such as social insurance in its various forms, two weeks vacation with pay and the use of sanatoria. Undoubtedly for some time there will be resistance from the stouter individualists and much waste and mismanagement, but it is difficult not to believe that the day of the narrow strip and hand flail, which one can still see, is not gone even as the day of the hand loom. And since a socialist economy cannot permit the growth of large individual holdings, collectivization would seem to be the only solution. [Page 266]

A PRACTICAL APPLICATION OF INTERNATIONALISM

by HELENE WITTMANN American Friends Service Committee

THE best interpretation of internationalism is—"to live it." With this concern in mind, English and American Friends Service Committee) have taken the initiative in creating a "home" for the Quaker student who goes abroad for some specialized study of shorter or longer duration.

An "International Quaker Student Hostel" has been opened at Geneva, the "capital of the world," where the atmosphere of internationalism is so strong, and where studies in almost any field may be made at the University, the School of International Studies, or the J. J. Rousseau Institute.

There are many individuals and organizations interested in the social welfare of students in Geneva. The raison d'etre of the Hostel is not only to encourage young Friends and others to come to a center which offers unique facilities for specialized training in fields of particular interest to them; but to bring together under one roof a group of young idealists from different countries and to encourage them to think and talk about the tasks and the service of those who share the Quaker point of view in this new age-the international age. And last, but not least, the Hostel strives to develop an international family life where all the members can become better acquainted individually and learn to understand certain characteristics of their respective nationalities.

The Hostel completed its second year of existence on July 1, 1929. Already an interesting, as well as an international group of [Page 267]

INTERNATIONALISM

students, has been at the Hostel. The total number which can be received at the Hostel is very limited. The winter semester counted 14 students among whom eight nationalities (American, German, British, Canadian, Armenian, Czech, Japanese, Swiss) were represented. The Hostel is at any time glad to welcome visitors. Their various interests and messages are always a new stimulation to the group. The Hostel students also have unusual opportunities to meet, in an informal way, with prominent members of the League of Nations Secretariats and the Labor Office, and with outstanding leaders of international organizations and movements.

This summer the Hostel has tried a new experiment which seems to promise excellent results. It received, in July and August, a group of twelve picked students including ten nationalities, attending Zimmern’s Geneva School of International Studies.

The Hostel is in close touch with the Geneva Friends’ Center (Service International de la Société des Amis-Quakers)—whose life and work in the international community add another valuable phase to the experience of the foreign student.

The summer is the "beehive" season for the Friends’ Center. Visitors from all corners of the world find a hearty welcome and are urged to share in as many activities of the Center as their time will allow them to do.

Regular social gatherings for which a program of some kind (a lecture, music, recitation etc.) is provided, are held on Saturday afternoon. Their purpose is to create an opportunity for informal discussions and exchange of thoughts and experience. Special meetings are arranged for visitors who are experts on a subject of particular interest to the group. A lecture or an address given by them is always deeply appreciated.

In Geneva, as a center of information and cooperative action, Friends play their part by giving advice to students and others who come to Geneva for a special purpose and want to make the best use of their often limited time. The representative of the Friends’ Center, Bertram Pickard, is extremely well informed about events of the day, and during the League of Nations Assembly he is [Page 268]always glad to make helpful suggestions and to assist visitors in obtaining cards for the sessions.

The function of the international organizations shows that Friends' efforts to promote international cooperation have extended beyond their own circles. The initiative was taken by the Friends International Service at Geneva in 1925 when representatives of about 20 organizations met to exchange ideas and to lay their respective purposes before each other. As an upshot of this meeting, series of monthly lunches (or dinners) were organized by the Friends to create possibilities for personal contact and to promote mutual understanding, as well as to give opportunity for eminent members of the various secretariats (or visitors) to share their knowledge in the form of lectures and discussions with the members of the international community. There are about seventy international organizations established in Geneva now.

A movement towards spiritual "rapprochement" and cooperation was recently started at the suggestion of the International Christian Social Institute. In collaboration with the World's Committee of the Y.M.C.A., the Student Christian Federation and the Friends, short monthly devotional services were organized to make opportunity for seeking together the spiritual power necessary for the accomplishment of their respective tasks. Each organization is to be responsible for the service in turn.

There are many more phases of international work worth mentioning. But our suggestion would be that people who want to find out more about "the world we live in" call at the Friends Center in Geneva whenever their path leads them in that direction.

The thirty-first modern movement presented by WORLD UNITY in its department "The Week We Live In." [Page 269]

YOUTH REBUILDING THE WORLD

by HENRY H. STEBBINS, III Undergraduate, Amherst College

N order that the work of the leaders of the peace movement of today may be carried on to success, the leaders of tomorrow must be enlisted. Peace is a necessity for every generation but its importance looms greatest to us of the younger generation. Our generation which still can remember the horrors of the past war must be enrolled in the army of peace-lest the world forget its recent folly and war may again seem a noble thing in the eyes of future generations. Other nations see the importance of molding its youth. Russia puts most of its hopes in its younger generation, it realizes its importance for the perpetuity of Soviet ideals. Germany and Italy also have their youth movements in which the younger generation is cooperating with the older in definitely planning for the future. What is the youth of America doing? There is approximately a million students in institutions of higher learning. Most of them are as yet unprejudiced-in search of truth. They offer an unrivalled opportunity to our peace leaders, who by the force of facts, of the truth about war and peace, could enroll them as ardent pacifists. The opportunity awaits.

Our generation is already afforded the means to a universal understanding and sympathy which is the cornerstone of universal peace. Unconsciously we are offered the opportunity of a world outlook. The opportunity is offered by our improved system of travel and communication. Most people, especially our generation, seems to take these opportunities for granted, for they have been [Page 270]handed to us freely. But, inspired by the ideal of world peace we must learn to make more intelligent use of these facilities. Every morning we may have the news of the world for the preceding day at our door. The radio also offers us a means of universal understanding, as does the telegraph, the cablegram, the transoceanic liner and the airplane. Our machines unconsciously prepare a way for the unification of the world and for cementing a universal peace, but we cannot let our machines do it for us because they are merely our tools. So, out of our generation with this new freedom. this new facility, must rise leaders who will carry on the work of the present peace leaders. On these new leaders we will rely to make peace a fact, not merely a movement.

It is well known that the more industrialized a nation becomes, the closer will its association be with other countries. As our country grew from a very small group of colonies into one of the leading powers of the world, we gradually realized that we could no longer retain our isolation. If the United States is to continue to be one of the leaders of the world, our generation must be led to become internationally minded now, so that we can strive toward the ideal of world unity. We must begin our preparation now while we are in the mold, by realizing that peace brings the only hope of progress and that war is an inestimable hindrance. We must take a definite stand now, if we are to check the rise of the nationalistic spirit. It seems utter folly that every fourth generation has to learn by the experience of a horrible war, that war must be outlawed, and that it is an unsuccessful way of settling an international dispute. Why must the peace movements that follow war be so short-lived? It is for the simple reason that the younger generations are not taught the experience of its forbears and adopt the outworn belief that war is necessary.

At present we have two excellent peace institutions in the League and the World Court. They are our legacy and their success depends upon whether we offer them our support. For this reason we must be enrolled in their support to make them enduring. We must realize that upon such organizations rests the hope of future generations, in their attempt to achieve their goal of universal [Page 271]

Youth Demands Peace

peace. In every effort our support must be gained. Since we now have the machinery for an all powerful movement to abolish war, we must increase the momentum of our daily efforts so that unthinking masses of people cannot be so easily swayed by propaganda. The time has come when people have got to realize that the next war means the end of humanity. In order to combat this awful thought we must turn our attention toward more difficult problems, ones other than petty intrigues between nations. Already we have outgrown our present economic system which must be corrected by human energy, so much of which is continually wasted in wars. Until the present time man has only just begun to use the forces of nature advantageously. Science is still in its infancy. Welfare and social problems are still far from unsolved. In spite of these facts, people in some quarters of the world today dodge the more difficult and far more important problems to exert their whole attention towards some dispute that will ultimately lead to war. In these actions they show the rest of the more intelligent world that they haven't made much progress from their barbarous forefathers. The nation that attacks the hard problems of reconstruction is the one that will ultimately succeed. By succeeding in these enterprises a nation can gain more lasting prestige than in any war in which it might successfully partake. What more could be desired?

In conclusion I should like to say that when war is abolished, youth may be free to choose any particular branch of activity to devote his life for the betterment of the world. But we want first to put war out of the picture, so that with a free hand we can put all our energy to rebuilding the world on a firmer foundation. We must have a more secure foundation and from that sense of security will come a happier generation of men. Youth must rebuild the world. [Page 272]

THE SOVIET CHALLENGE TO AMERICA

by BRENT DOW ALLINSON Recently, Adviser in the Social Studies, Cleveland Board of Education

PROFESSOR George S. Counts* believed, before he ever went to Russia, that education cannot evade the perpetual task of social reconstruction. That opinion is the fruitful source of the most intellectually exciting thinking in the broad field of education which we know at the present time. It is more dramatically demonstrated in Soviet Russia, certainly, than anywhere else on earth. The volume under review is primarily an appraisal of the most creative aspects of the Russian Revolution and an analysis of the way this fecundating idea of close and conscious correlation of educational endeavor with the economic and cultural objectives of the great Five-Year Plan of National Reconstruction works in theory and in practice.

The book begins and ends with a challenge, in a paean of praise of this idea. It is an idea so brilliant, so well-defined and anchored in growing institutions so concrete and grandiose in conception, in Soviet Russia, as to render it in all probability of universal appeal and enduring significance in world history. Indeed it is already apparent that the linking of public education with social and economic planning has become historically identified with the progress of the October Revolution, even as a triune system of separate and balanced powers and a divided sovereignty are identified with the political theory and practice of the American Revolution; and as the Code Napoleon and a rigidly centralize. system of state education are identified with the development of the French Revolution.

• "The Soviet Challenge to America," by George S. Counts, (John Day Co., 1931) pp. aibliography; index.

[Page 273]

THE SOVIET CHALLENGE TO AMERICA

The author, who is Associate Director of the International Institute and Professor of Education in Teachers College, Columbia University, is likewise the author of several original studies in the field of American public secondary education, including one on The Social Constitution of Boards of Education," and another entitled "Secondary Education and Industrialism." He has made two extensive journeys through Soviet Russia, in 1927 and 1929, traveling, in the latter year, in his own Ford car some 6,000 miles across the Red Empire, visiting outlying villages and agricultural enterprises as well as the great centers of political education and the new industrialism.

His story opens with an eloquent description of the challenge which Soviet Russia hurls at the Western Nations, not so much by way of the Communist International or the Red Army, as through her State Planning Commission and her expanding system of public education. "At no point," he confesses with refreshing candor at the outset, "have I sought to appease American prejudices or feed American vanities. Too long have we looked out upon the world through deceptive glasses of utter complacency; too long have we thanked God that we are not like other nations. Only further misunderstanding can arise from the common practice in high places of dismissing the whole (Russian) matter with a few smart phrases, as if it were a brawl of drunken men. The Russian Revolutionary movement flows out of the very vitals of society and is wrestling with certain of the most fundamental problems of industrial civilization. It consequently possesses far greater strength than is apparent on the surface."

The general attitude of mind, which is important to recognize in any writer on Russia, and with which Professor Counts approaches the Russian riddle, is discovered at the outset. He says, for instance: "While generations will have to come and go before the experiment can be accurately appraised in all its departments, quite possibly the stage is being set for one of the most stupendous acts of history—the open and conscious competition between two radically different social systems. That this competition may be peaceful should be the devout wish of all who feel any concern [Page 274]regarding the future of mankind.

And adds: "If the competition is to be peaceful the facts in the situation must be faced with intelligence, understanding, and charity by the citizens of capitalistic countries. The time has passed when man can ridicule the Communist and caricature him as an uncouth, half-crazed, and vicious-minded ignoramus, certain to make a failure of everything he undertakes and bent on destroying civilization. While, on the other hand, he is no angel of mercy. bestowing alms and smiles on the sons and daughters of men, he is at home in the modern world and is animated by a vision of unquestioned power. Men who have lived perpetually in close communion with death are not easily frightened or disheartened. And now a federation of peoples, fond of calling itself the ‘first workers republic of history,’ appears to be moving through suffering and hardship, but from victory to victory, to a position of unsurpassed power among the nations of the earth. . . . To millions belonging to the underpriviliged races and classes, who have felt themselves ground beneath the iron heel of imperialistic capitalism. it is a sign hung in the firmament of history, presaging the dawn of a better day.

This impressive work is divided in four parts, entitled respectively: "Building a New Society; to Surpass America!"; "The Five-Year Plan of Construction;" "The Mobilization of Human Resources;" "Today and Tomorrow,"—in which the advances and retardations on the far-flung agricultural and economic "fronts" during the first two years of the Great Plan are vividly and statistically summarized. In the very first chapter a number of the most striking reflections are made. It is observed, for instance, that: "in the societies of the West in general, and in the United States in particular, the evolution of institutions proceeds for the most part without plan or design, as a sort of by-product of the selfish competition of individuals, groups, and enterprises for private gain... In Soviet Russia, in the great Five-Year Plan of Construction, a whole civilization is harnessing its energies and is on the march towards consciously determined goals... A great nation is organizing to banish poverty, solve the problem of unemployment, abolish [Page 275]the pauperism of sickness and old age.. and wipe out superstition."

Proceeding to an analysis of the controlling ideas by which these intrepid architects are building their "new social order," the author cogently summarizes these, saying: "Five great concepts occupy such a dominant position in the revolutionary movement that no list could be regarded as complete without them. These are dialectical materialism, (i.e. Being determines Consciousness, according to Marx, and not the reverse,-whence arises the economic interpretation of history, each social class with respect to its economic conditions developing an appropriate philosophy to guard and advance its interests; consequently ideas, to be effective, must give expression to the desires and aspirations of some particular social class); Collectivism, (which means the relative equality of wealth); Equality of Nationalities; Equality of the Sexes; and Industrialization (the exaltation of science and technology as instruments by which they hope 'to lift a great country from the 18th into the latter part of the 20th century, in the short span of 30 years'!)"

Definite reflections of the economic and cultural objectives of the Great Plan are traced in the Soviet Educational Programs in some detail. For example, thus: "the basic idea of the equality of the sexes leads inevitably to fundamental changes in the home and the family, and to extension of vocational opportunities equally to both sexes. Under provisions for the care of children, new arrangements for housekeeping, and new programs for the occupational training of women form a definite part of the Soviet educational system. Already great numbers of girls and young women are being trained as blacksmiths, carpenters, mechanics, technicians, and engineers" (and, I may add, soldiers). "That the social, economic, and political differences between the sexes, which are known to history, are mainly the product of circumstances, is confidently assumed."

It would be difficult to find in all the literature on Soviet Russia a more balanced, sane, comprehensive, and concise summary of the physical achievements and disappointments, the moral assets, and spiritual liabilities of this extraordinary human upheaval, involving 182 different races and peoples toiling under the sharp spur [Page 276]of Bolshevism, than in the long chapter entitled "The Chances of Success." In it Professor Counts admits that the repudiation of the past has been so complete that "the slate has been wiped clean for the building of the new order," and that "the tendency toward the wholesale rejection of practices linked with pre-revolutionary times on the ground that they are bourgeois, and the too narrow concentration on the cult of the proletariat no doubt will result on occasion in throwing away the good with the bad and in sedulously nursing spurious values. Nevertheless, in order to shift society to a new foundation, if the process is not to consume generations, such risks may have to be run."

It is the opinion of the author that if every great project outlined should be achieved "not a single man will make a great fortune unless he should do so by some form of corruption, in which case, unless he escapes to a foreign country, he would probably be shot;"... and that "all of these factors working together have already produced a degree of earnestness and spiritual fervor among those elements committed to the revolutionary program that can be matched only in the more profound religious movements of history...Clearly either these Soviet economists are riding to one of the worst falls ever recorded, or they are going to achieve what men have commonly thought impossible."

Most encouraging of all, however, is the author's statement that "the surest possible guarantee of peaceful intentions of the Soviet government is the fact that war means a literal scrapping of the Five-Year Plan, and that the Communist leaders are entirely in earnest when they show alarm at the appearance of even relatively inconscpicuous war clouds above the international horizon. Until their heavy industries are well established they will go to any lengths to keep the peace. Thereafter, it may be a different story."

The volume contains analyses of the entire political and educational structure of the Soviet state, of the Party (which Professor Counts characterizes as not a political party at all, in our sense, but rather as "a closed order of believers"); and of the Trade Unions. the police and the Red Army, which has known how to make "the most dependable soldiers in the world by its program of education. [Page 277]which has taught its soldiers to obey their officers only so long as their commands are in the interests of the working class." In the chapter on the "The Maintenance of Morale," the meaning of socialistic or group-competition is set forth as a by-product of the transfer of social prestige and administrative power to the proletariat, and the operation of the factories for the workers and, to a large degree, by them. The measure and the psychology of coercion is suggested, if not condemned; and the use of violence throughout the Russian movement is recognized.

The volume concludes its masterly survey with a description of the intimate connection of the educational machine with the social and economic objectives of the Great Plan. "This principle," says Professor Counts, "has left its stamp on the practices, the organization, and the support of education; it has affected the curriculum, the methods of instruction, and the position of the teachers;" and has "raised in acute form a number of basic considerations regarding the questions of indoctrination, the nature of freedom, and the integration of culture." The general purpose of Russian education is the building of a new society. To this end the very character of the people is to be changed. The "program of great works has banished all vagueness from education, has charted the actual outlines and indicated the practical methods of procedure towards the goal. It has defined the building of socialism in terms so clear and unequivocal that even the most simple-minded can understand." It has thus markedly increased the social significance of education and of the teachers. Indeed, the chief responsibility for the attainment of the accepted social ends has now been placed squarely on education in the wider sense. [Page 278]THE AMERICAN PEACE MOVEMENT

CURRENT PLANS AND ACTIVITIES

by RUSSELL M. COOPER Graduate School, Columbia University

THE peace organizations in America have made a decided shift in emphasis during the past six weeks. To be sure, the Conference is continuing with increased fervor, but new and important factors have been injected into the discussion. It is recognized that nations will never disarm as long as they feel themselves desperately insecure. They will insist upon the right of preparedness for self-defense, and if that right is fully granted, disarmament automatically becomes an impossibility. This demand for security has been a vital factor in every disarmament conference since the World War, and it promises again to be one of the gravest problems confronting the delegates when they meet in Geneva next month.

Leaders of the American peace movement fully realize that wholesale reductions will be very difficult as long as China and Japan are clutching at each other's throat, while France is trembling at the rise of a militant German nationalism, and while the machinery of peace is handicapped by the absence of certain strategic countries like the United States. A world which has been reared on the belief that armaments bring security will be very reluctant to surrender such protection at this time of exceptional unrest. If disarmament is to come, it is as necessary to quiet this international nervousness as it is to organize public opinion for reduction. Increased world vision at both points is essential. [Page 279]

THE AMERICAN PEACE MOVEMENT

So it is that while American peace societies have redoubled their efforts for a vocalized popular support of radical disarmament, they have also focused their attention upon the issue of security. They have manifested this in at least three different ways. First of all, they have sought to strengthen the League's hand in Manchuria by urging President Hoover and Secretary Stimson to cooperate more actively with the other nations in their efforts for pacification and settlement. The Interorganization Council for Disarmament, composed of over forty national peace societies, has been especially active in pressing for a more decisive stand by the American Government. If international effort can prevent a war in Manchuria, and can pacifically settle the dispute, the prestige of the League of Nations will be greatly increased and nations will feel more secure. If the League fails in Manchuria, international organization will be seriously discredited, security will be further endangered, and disarmament efforts will be practically futile.

Peace organizations have also sought to reassure France and persuade her to join in armament reduction as a means to security. Ever since the Peace Conference of Versailles, France has struggled for the reenforcement of Article XVI of the Covenant, which calls for the international use of sanctions to restrain an aggressor nation. The Treaties of Locarno in 1925 brought guarantees from Great Britain and Italy that they would protect the Rhine from any aggression, but even so, France is very nervous, and perhaps understandably so. If the coming Conference is to succeed, France must either recede from her traditional position and reduce arms without further guarantees of security, or the other nations must provide these guarantees, or else the other nations must proceed to disarm without her. It was this latter position which Mr. Alanson B. Houghton, former Ambassador to Great Britain and Germany, took when he represented over forty peace organizations at the unofficial disarmament discussions in Paris, November 25, 26 and 27. It is not clear that all the peace groups accept Mr. Houghton's solution of the possible deadlock with France, but the issue is one that is being seriously considered by the leaders in the peace movement.

The third method by which the peace organizations are seeking [Page 280]to meet the security problem is by increased insistence upon the adherence of the United States to the Permanent Court of International Justice. It is urged that if the Senate will accept the Root formula and join the Court before the Disarmament Conference convenes, such demonstration of good faith upon the part of this country will be of incalculable benefit to the morale of the world. Senator Borah has promised to report the measure from the Foreign Relations Committee during the present session of the Senate, and the instruments of public opinion are concentrating their efforts to insure its prompt ratification.

It must not be presumed that this emphasis upon the security question has brought any relaxation of the disarmament efforts across the country. As the Conference approaches, these activities are becoming ever more widespread and the petitions more insistent. The past Christmas season with its annual emphasis upon peace and goodwill was especially significant this year as both press and pulpit urged the concrete expression of Christian idealism in efforts for wholesale disarmament. It is clearly realized that the success of the Geneva deliberations will greatly depend upon the vigorous leadership of the United States, and that this leadership will be forthcoming only to the degree that popular opinion arouses itself and assures the Government of its whole-hearted support.

All sections of the country are responding vigorously to this challenge. It is as true in the so-called "provincial" Middle-West as upon either coast. In Webster Groves, Missouri, for example, a group of energetic citizens have organized a Webster Groves Peace Council with the announced purpose "to further the cause of international peace by urging the employment of reason and arbitration rather than war in the adjustment of international disputes, and to encourage the direction for education towards ideals of constructive peace." The Council issues a monthly bulletin, and through cooperation with twenty affiliated organizations—including church societies, parent-teachers associations, civic and cultural clubs—is seeking to educate the community and to influence the public schools to be more internationally minded. In villages and cities of every state, enterprising citizens are assuming the responsibility for [Page 281]

THE AMERICAN PEACE MOVEMENT

the public opinion of their community with activities similar to these described above.

In the collegiate world, the peace movement is gaining ground rapidly. The Intercollegiate Disarmament Council has recently conducted an editorial contest among the colleges for the best student editorial to be printed in a college paper or magazine on the subject, "How Students Can Help Achieve World Disarmament." The contest closed December 21, and the prizes, amounting to $75.00 will be awarded soon. The winning editorials will be published in the February Intercollegian.

At the University of Minnesota, an extensive international relations project has been inaugurated with financial assistance of the Minneapolis Rotary Club. The program has three major emphases: friendly advisory relations with the foreign students of whom there are about 300 from 35 or 40 countries; counseling and coordinating relations with those student organizations which have international elements in their programs; and cooperation with clubs, schools, churches and other organizations which, in increasing numbers, look to the University for international programs.

The widespread interest in disarmament and world peace is manifest not only in wide areas, but also in nearly every stratum of society. The Rotary International with its declared sixth object to be "the advancement of understanding, goodwill, and international peace through a world fellowship of business and professional men united in the ideal of Service," is very active in its educational efforts for peace, the Minnesota University project being but one illustration. At a meeting of the National Grange at Madison, Wisconsin, embracing 32 states, a resolution was presented in favor of total disarmament for the United States and for all the world. The International Federation of Trade Unions and the Labor and Socialist International, with a combined world membership of 23,000,000 workers, are sponsoring resolutions calling for "complete, universal and controlled disarmament at the earliest possible time."

When all these forces bring their combined impact upon the Conference next February, the delegates must surely be seriously impressed with their responsibility for world peace. [Page 282]

ROUND TABLE

Greatly to our surprise, a recently published handbook listed World Unity under the heading "Religious" instead of the more general heading "International Affairs" or "Education." If, in comparison to periodicals issued by denominational bodies, World Unity occupies a far broader field, nevertheless, if one considers the original purpose of religion, and not merely its present ineffective sectarian condition, there can be no more universal term than "religion." The Editors will therefore accept this listing as a compliment, and endeavor to deserve the term. The sooner "religion" becomes synonymous with faith in a true human brotherhood, culminating in a worldwide social order, the better.

With this point of view in mind, we present, in the present issue, four articles meeting the highest standard of the universal religious spirit.

"The Common Message of the World's Great Teachers," by Hugh McCurdy Woodward, will, in its full sweep, traverse those ethical and social principles made vital by the prophets, only to be retired and stultified by the later substitution of dogmas and creeds Dr. Woodward's book grew up slowly and deliberately, in his classroom work, and comes to us as the fruit of scholarship combined with acute awareness of the present moral needs of mankind.

Those whose mental life revolves entirely around concrete programs, whether political or economic in character, will do well to adjust their outlook to this longer view.

Paul Hinner, in "The Path of History," arrives at much the same conclusion as Dr. Woodward, but through intuition rather than through scholarship. His thesis, that the great religions in the past have emphasized individualism, and that the time has come for a religion in terms of community, is the testimony of a man [Page 283]whose life has been spent as sailor and captain on the high seas. Reinforcing both the educator and the sailor is "This Praying World," compiled and edited by John William Kitching, former student of Dr. A. Eustace Haydon at the University of Chicago. His book closely resembles, but does not duplicate, the compilation by Dr. William Norman Guthrie published in World Unity last year under the title "Leaves of the Greater Bible."

The fourth contribution imbued with religious value is "Toward a Modern Culture," by Ernst Jonson, architect and engineer. Here we have a finely conceived public application of the ideas and principles now only passively maintained by the church. In later issues, Mr. Jonson will develop his attitude in greater detail.

Auguste Forel, whose death was recently reported from Switzerland, arrived, like David Starr Jordan, at the international outlook by way of science. The work which made him famous was study of the subjects of sex and alcoholism. An innate religious sense gradually made him aware of the need for world order and a revitalized religion. His friendly interest in World Unity was deeply gratifying to the Editors.

The military party in Japan, apparently, does not read the judgment inscribed upon the wall. Prolonging the pre-war mind of Europe and America, too apt student of a past which the West is vainly trying to repudiate, Japan stands today as the nemesis raised up to torment our own guilty conscience and reveal the consequences of our own nationalistic policies. The shock of this new threat may serve to stimulate the development of Europe and America toward international order; it may be one more pinprick driving China toward a deliberate militarism capable of repeating the historic invasion of Europe by an Eastern horde. From the world view, Japan is not the vital factor in the Orient. China is that vital factor; Japan is only important as it conditions the future development of the Chinese people. If China goes "peace" the world can have peace. If China goes "war" the war in Europe was only the kindergarten in which Mars learned how science can contribute to the forces of destruction. [Page 284]

TWELFTH ANNUAL CONFERENCE of the PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION ASSOCIATION

February 18, 19, 20, 1932 Baltimore, Maryland

Plans for the Twelfth Annual Conference of the Progressive Education Association include a notable list of speakers with topics bearing on the important relation of education to the changing social order. In addition there will be a series of Group Discussions under competent leaders covering a wide range of practical subjects. Exhibits of children's work and materials helpful in teaching will feature the convention.

Reduced railroad rates will be offered to members of the Association and their families. No admission fees will be charged to members. Join the Association, receive the benefits of reduced railroad rates and free admission to the sessions. Your membership will also entitle you to a year's subscription to PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION and all the services of the Association.

For hotel reservations, write direct to Mr. William H. Parker, Managing Director of the Emerson Hotel, Baltimore, Md., headquarters for the Conference. Make hotel reservations now. Join the Association and notify us of your intention to attend. Urge your friends to go. Send for copies of the preliminary program.

Annual membership in the Association is $3.00. Two year's membership - $5.00.

PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION ASSOCIATION 716 JACKSON PLACE WASHINGTON, D. C. [Page 285]

THE SAME FLESH AND SPIRIT

Letters from World Unity Readers-VII

It is a grateful reader who welcomes this opportunity to express appreciation of World Unity and its unique purpose. I know of no other periodical which presents such an ideal and holds to it.

I would mention the series of "Round the World Log of a Sociologist" by Herbert A. Miller. I was attracted to the article on "Dynamic China" by the title and I found an excellent presentation of the real China under all the miseries and struggles which have burdened the country for the past years. The emphasis on the country's possibilities under the new leadership gives a thrill of hope to the reader that with India the East is coming to be a part of the great world unity which will bring a new spirit and understanding to the West.

The articles on the Permanent Court of Justice by Charles Evan Hughes are most timely. They should be read by many more than the subscribers of World Unity. There should be a campaign of advertisement and a more general distribution of copies of World Unity. I suppose it is placed on the library table of all colleges where it will be accepted. A department of questions, answers and comments would add to the interest.

I would like to suggest as a feature a short story or sketch, presenting the human interest-showing that men of all races and colors are of the same flesh and spirit-have the same sacrificing loves, emotions and devotion to what seems truth and right to them which many of the white race consider especially the possession of the western civilization.

MARY A. KIRKUP Larchmont Gardens New York [Page 286]

THE TURN TOWARD PEACE

By FLORENCE BREWER BOECKEL. Combined with Subscription to World Unity Magazine

Special Offer

Five editions of this work have already been required to meet the demand from individuals and organizations appreciating the need for sound material on the Peace problem.

Mrs. Boeckel is Education Director of the National Council for Prevention of War, a position which has given her a broad contact with the forces working both for and against international order.

"What is it," she inquires in the Foreword, "that makes possible such parallel development between the forces making for peace and the forces making for war In the first place, as long as the movement toward peace is to a large extent a negative movement designed to avoid war, it can do little to weaken the emotional appeal of war. Progress toward peace therefore depends upon organized efic by that part of the government which is unofficial, the citizens themselves. Not a single effort of any individual can be spared."

The objective upheld is the World Court and the League of Nations. To this the book leads up in preliminary chapters on The World Today and Wa Today, and emphasizes the aim further by concluding chapters on Nationalistic Policies, The Menace of Armaments, The Organized Peace Movement, What You Can Do for Peace, and Treaty Charts.

"Peace is within reach for the first time in history," the author declares, and her book is designed to translate this conviction into concrete fact.

The Turn Toward Peace may be obtained postpaid for $1.00.

Book and yearly subscription to World Unity Magazine, $3.00.

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE 4 EAST 12TH STREET NEW YORK [Page 287]

A WORLD COMMUNITY, by John Herman Randall

THE book for those who seek to grasp the world movement as a whole, with the inter-relations of economic, political, industrial and social factors, and a careful analysis of the trends making for international organization.

It has been included in the reading list issued by the National Committee on the Cause and Cure of War.

NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM by Herbert Adams Gibbons

IN THIS book, Dr. Gibbons has infused his historical scholarship with a The result is a study accurate enough for the classroom and interesting enough for the average reader.

"Nationalism and Internationalism" traces the evolution of political force from its first expression in the movement toward modern nationalism, through the nineteenth century, to its present expression in internationalism as the true outcome of national ideals.

SEVEN GREAT BIBLES, by Alfred W. Martin

HERE, at last, are the essential truths about Hinduism, Buddhism, and Christianity that demonstrate the underlying unity and harmony in the texts from which these religions derive—a very history of the soul of man illumined from age to age by inspired teachers pointing the path to brotherhood and peace.

These three books have been published in the World Unity Library initiated and sponsored by this magazine. Per copy, $2.00. Any one title, with annual subscription to World Unity Magazine, $4.00; subscription and two books, $5.75; subscription and all three books, $7.50.

WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE 4 EAST 12TH STREET NEW YORK [Page 288]

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