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RELIGIOUS UNITY ' RACIAL UNITY
' (DBLD
UNITY
ELASS UNITY ' INTERNATIONAL UNITY
/cmwary, 1935
VOLUME FIFTEEN NUMBER FOUR
RELIGION AND WORLD ORDER. VI, Horace Halley. EVOLVING INYER-AMERICANISM, Philip Leonard Green‘ THE MALADY OF THE MODERN WORLD, Sranlon A. Coblemz. CAN SCIENCE LONG REMAIN INHUMANV T. Swarm Harding. "IE CRUSADES VIEWED THROUGH EASTERN EYES, John W. Kigchfi READING THE QURAN IN TURKISH, C. F. Gulex‘ THE FEDERAL PRINCIPLE. IS DISARMAMENT IMPOSSIBLE? John Richard Mez. WORLD ADVANCE, A MONTHLV INTERN‘ATIONAL REVIEW, Oscar Newiang. THE WAY OUT. BOOK NOTES, Ozcar Newfang, Joseph S. Roucek, Paul
Russell Andaman.
JUSTICE ' BROTHEBHOOD ° PEACE
STATEMENT OF PURPOSE
HE aim of WORLD Um is to promote the "applimion of [In T printiplz o/ fedwnlhm” underlying uh: American government "tn
- 5: ulatiom‘bipl now existing between the people: and nation: vi the
world."
This eventual world order is upheld as (he only firm bnsis for internm'onal peace, and the sole insuumenmlity :hrough which mankind can
solve its economic and other vital social pmbluns.
In its pursuit of the goal of world ordex, the magazine will endeavor to constitute n medium for discussion of fundamcnul aspects of the cutrem movu'ncm of thought from the old en [0 the new, And to provide a
meeting plate for those who smnd above the competition: of race, class and creed.
World Unity Horace Holley. Edmu119 leeny Plum New York
Contents Copyrighted 1935 by World Unity Publishing Corporation
RELIGION AND WORLD ORDER 1’7 HORACE HOLLEY
VI. THE WORLD OF TRUTH
HE external surface of human life, as recorded by sym pathetic observers in every country, has become marked by
appalling personal misery. Its innumerable details consti tute a catalog which oppresses the heart like a Book of Doom. By war, by influenza, by poverty and by revolution a vast number of people have been reduced to a narrow margin of existence we thought had been left behind with the memories of the stone age before history began.
But this external surface does not reflect the entire content of modem life. The observer who concentrates all his attention upon the evidences of misfortune and suffering must be balanced by those who look with equal Clarity beneath physical evidence to the inner surface and the foundations upon which human life is established. The world of the mind is rich with infinite possibilities, in tragic contrast to the poverty of the world of the body.
From the world of truth, as from :m inexhaustible mine, we have derived truly miraculous reinforcement for the feeble body in its eternal struggle against the environment of nature. No longer need human aspiration and will be limited in fulfillment by the inadequate tool of hand and arm, directed by the inaccurate and in: complete guidance of the five physical senses. Mechanisms as sensitive a5 thought itself, as powerful as human ambition requires, stand as servants ready to carry out any material command. However far imagination may fly ahead, it can reach no ultimate limit beyond which the creative thought of the race dare not go.
Here is no return of a stone age, when side by side with the modern hunter Who cannot bring down a job we have contact With
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and apparently command over the universal bounfies of nature itself,
But these two worlds, the world of body and the world of mind, though man lives native in both, appear to co—exist independently, in a relationship which is a separation no less than it is a contact. The scientist's achievement in the form of truth has no human equivalent in the form of social security. The inventor's technic has complicated existence but multiplied poverty. The world of truth is the modem Tantalus cup, offering what life cannot receive, even while it is likened to the slave of the lamp, fulfilling every command.
Social systems and programs devised during the last hundred years have one and all been eEorts to confirm the contact and overcome the separation between the world of truth and the world of human experience. They have sought to mediate between the possibility of mind and the actuality of social need. What thought has accomplished in efficiency of mechanism it has endeavored to duplicate in eficiency of human relations. But every system and program combining the possibility of scientific truth with the social ingredient of human nature has produced not order but an increase of conflict. What appears perfectly fused in the crucible of abstract speculation teasserts its duality when put to the test of life. Socialism, communism, capitalism fundamentalist or reformedall these systems alikhare unmistakably incapable of reconciling and blending the worlds of body and mind, the truths of science and society. The more that arbitrary power is applied to compel their acceptance as programs, the more explosive becomes the reaction of the human nature coerced in the name of efficiency and truth. Ours is not the first civilization to be brought to an end by mental capacity devoid of spiritual truth.
It is of vital importance to note that the world of truth—-the source of mental discovery and achievement—has too long been identified merely with that small area of knowledge embraced by the natural sciences. The belief that the sea of the universe can only be plumbed by the scientific intelligence has become well nigh a fatal belief. It has distorted human consciousness and developed
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a disastrous tyPe of relationship between man and life. To destroy this battlement arbitrarily raised around the human spirit, admitting only one narrow gate through which the universe can testify to mankind, is a sacred obligation that must he assumed by all people of spiritual insight and undistorted conscience. The modem world did not pass beyond medieval dogma and superstition; it merely transferred them from the church to the laboratory and the factory; for while the mind advanced in the realm of fact, the heart dung passionately to the means of its own drugged stupor. The tragic separation between the world of truth and the world of social or: gmization is nothing else than the projection of the isolation between heart and mind.
The fatal distortion of the modem conscience has resulted from the fact that natural science, as :1 form of immense power, is passive to the human will. Mental clarity and capacity to perceive the principles of tmth, or capacity to embody those principles in technical instruments, is a quality independent of the heart. A laboratory and a factory will function with equal efficiency no matter by what motive they are operated. Moreover, once :1 principle has been established and applied, the degree of reverence and good will whid’l might have animated the original workers has no influence upon those Who afterward manufacture and who subsequently buy, sell and use the device Science has, in fact, duplicated Aladdin’s lamp, but science has never transformed the nature of Aladdin.
But this passive relationship, by Which the human will has been apparently given the means of fulfillment without any necessity for will itself to be transformed, by no means reveals the complete reality of the universe nor does it truly establish the quality of man’s real relationship to life. In its wholeness of impact—as the evidence of history itself plainly testifies~the universe is not man's passive slave but his active destiny. By seeking to establish society upon the undoubted fact of our collective mastery over the realm of natural law, Without reckoning upon our simultaneous dependence upon truth in other degrees and forms, we have reached the end of a blind path; our mental powers are become incorporated in instruments committed to death and destruction. The hitter contrast
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between man’s social helplessness and man's scientific possibility reveals how abject has been the slavery to self of that which in appearance was the master of the univetse.
This universe of infinite significance surrounding and interpenetrating human life: how can it be regarded merely as an automatic slave to every arbitrary ambition, every transcient Caprice, every personal or group desire? Not the laboratory, but human history in its psychological as well as public events, its arts and poetry no less than its economic struggle, its religion as well as its politics and its science, its failures as well as its triumphs, constitutes the mirror in which we may see reflected all the implications of human existence upon earth, all the gates through which the universe acts upon man’s being.
The unescapable historic fact is that the mediator between universe and humanity, the link between the world of truth and the world of social experience, has never been the speculative mind but the Prophet. The mind discovers only that which it seeks; its voyages of exploration bring back only that reality which can be confined in the small cage of material reason. The universe is not such captive truth, such mastered knowledge. The universe is the \V/ill above and beyond man's physical will; that \Vill by which man must become and not merely possess, by which man must serve and not merely enslave to himselfi The life and words of :1 Moses, :1 Jesus, a Muhammad, by the spirit inspiring them me truth. Within that truth, since it contains man and is not merely man’s exploitation of what he contains, the life of the race is secure and progressive. Outside that truth, human existence moves ever toward destruction; for the Prophet is truth in that form in which it applies to the life of mankind.
By each Prophet is established a new civilization, because each Prophet establishes a spiritual world for the soul not less real than the nature which is the world of the body The modem age, in all its social relationships, lies outside the spiritual world Hence its agony, its frustration physical and mental, the degradation of an unrepentent Prodigal Son.
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EVOLVING INTER-AMERICANISM
11;
PHILIP LEONARD GREEN
tual breakdown of woxld peace machinery that has taken
place within our time, vaguely realize that something must
have been radically wrong with that machinery. Just what it is, they are practically at a loss to say.
Students of international affairs, however, are beginning to locate the weak sports. As a result, they are coming to the condusion that an almost entirely new start must be made.
Most international misunderstandings, they observe, arise from antipathics and conflicts of interests between neighboring nations. Rarely do the people of one country work up a genuine hatred of the people inhabiting a far—off land. Hence, the most practical step in the direction of international peace would seem to be the development of understanding and cooperation between nearby nations.
Granted, that is by far a more difficult pmgxam than the procclamation of high-sounding platitudes about the oneness of mankind and the brotherhood of all nations. Yet it stands to reason that if genuine neighboxliness could be developed among an appreciable number of nations in even one portion of the globe, an inspiration would be provided to other countries and the attainment of world unity would be that much nearer to realization.
Nature has provided a region of the globe that is peculiarly fitted to be a gathering-up place for values and forces that could later be used in a vaster program of international cooperation. That region is the American Hemisphere.
The promotion of \mderstanding among the nations of the New World, therefore, is not only an end in itself, but one of the means to a still greater finality.
THE man and woman on the street who read about the vir I97
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Now, it would be fooihardy to assert that inter-Ameriam cm opetation constitutes the only step toward world unity. But few will deny that the nations of America are today more favorably situated than probably any other group of nations, to give potent aid to the cause of world peace by the example of their own interrelationships. And example is far more effective than preaching, among nations as among individuals.
Outside of the Americas, age—old habits of thought and action have engendered fears and hatred: which make international peace little more than a pious wish at this time. In direct contrast, the New World presents a more hopeful picture, dwpite the deplorable instances of international friction which have been registered here and there, for the general trend has been to build up international comity on .1 scale hitherto unknown in the aEairs of mankind.
From the earliest days of their existence, American nations have produced far-seeing statesmen nude! whose direction they have steadily moved toward closer understanding.
The first gropings for the foundations of solidarity among American nations took place in South and Central America, under the inspiration and leadership of the same genius whom so many nations in that region call their founder—the immortal Simén Bolivar, often referred to as the Washington of South America.
As the Liberator of a considerable part of that continent, he had already made a lasting name for himself in history. But when the smoke of battle had died away and once the new nations which he called into being had embarked on their independent careers, he began that part of his life‘s work which entitles him to be hailed as the first great inter-Americm figure.
It was Bolivar who had the foresight and the courage to call the first Pan American congress of nations to meet at Panama, which he termed the "Corinth of the Americas."
That was in 1826. This congress, while not a brilliant success, was certainly far from being the dismal failure which many hiy torians paint it. It was the first time nations had met, not after a. wax, to dismiss the partition of territories, but in peacetime, to lay the foundations of dose: cooperation. There at Panama, the seed
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EVOLVING XNTER~AMERICANISM I 9 9
was sown for future efforts on behalf of inter-American understanding. There, too, was born America’s outstanding contribution to the world—the principle of arbitration.
The congress of 1826 was indeed the point of departure for a number of other serious efforts to attain inter-American cooperation. It was the forerunner of a number of similar gatherings at which American nations endeavored to keep alive the growing spirit of unity.
Rightly has Nestor Carbonell, Colombian publicist, said that “Pan Americanism as a noble ideal of fraternity had its origin in Spanish America."
Although more than a hundred years have passed, present—day workers for Inter-Americanism seeking inspiration need go no farther than Simén Bolivar, first great champion of that cause. His vision still remains the synthesis of the intet-American ideal in all its purity.
In the United States, too, the cause of inter-American fraternity early enlisted the sympathy of both the government and a Considerable sector of the people. The feeling of brotherhood toward Latin American nations at that time was genuine, undefiled by material considerations, as so many subsequent Pan American efi‘orts originating in this country have been.
In their common history and common dangers, the peoples of the New World in those early days of their independence found bonds Which bade fair to assure a brotherhood of nations in practice such as had until then existed only in the imagination of man,
Had the United States remained a small nation, who knows what might have happened from that point on? But that was not to be. This Country embarked on its great era of expansion, Which did not stop until a. considerable part of what had been Mexico was absorbed, and until the Pacific Ocean had been reached.
It would hardly be an exaggeration to say that the acquisition of Mexican territory by the United States set back the cause of Intet-Americanism by at least half a century, for other Latin American nations began to fear for their own future.
The United States, their erstwhile inspiration, which they had
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‘ freely admired and even unwisely imitated in their constitutions, f became the "Octopus of the North."
‘ International gatherings were still held in America but the United States was no longer invited, as it had been to the Bolivarian congress in 1826. At one of these so-cdled "American Congresses," a delegate said: “The political policies of North America continue to be threatening and the enthusiasm for her statesmen during 1826 is now lost."
The gatherings of Latin American nations which took place at intervals were described by Ernesto Quesada of Argentina in these terms: “These conventions remain as a monument to the honor of Bolivar and Latin America as heralds of the lofty aspirations which they embody."
In addition to the actual mcorporation of Latin Amezican territory, there was the irritating use of the term “Manifest Destiny" by leading men in the United States, which led Latin American statesmen to live in an almost constant state of apprehension of what the morrow would bring. International amity does not grow in that sort of atmosphere. Nor is it nurtured by the sort of superiority complex that grew up in the United States with regard to Latin American nations because of the latters’ rather frequent political upheavals.
It was only after the Civil War in the United Stata, that this feeling somewhat subsided. Sad experiences usually make us more tolerant.
In the meanwhile, the original feeling of unity in Latin America had given way to rivalries. They no longer held weir international gatherings as frequently as before, since rivalries breed unwillingness to recognize leadership.
Hence, when Secretary of State James G. Blaine of the United States issued a call for an international American conference, to be opened at Washington in 1899 (a previous call had been sent out as early as 188x but the conference was not held due to the War of the Pacific) , the nations of Latin America were, on the whole, glad to accept the new leadership of the United States.
Thus was initiated what historians call the second phase of
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EVOLVmG lNTERVAMERIULNISM 7.0!
lnter—American relations, for this first so-called Pan American Conference was the beginning of a series of such gatherings which have been held since, at different capitals of America
The first Pan American Conference established an International Bureau of American Republics, the first permanent international office of its kind in history, antedating the League of Nations by three decades. Other than that, there were no definite results, not had any been hoped for.
Mexico was host to the second Pan American conference, in 1901 and 1902. A majority of the nations of America—and representatives of all were ptesent—agreed that there countries should become signers of the Hague Conventions of 1899 providing for voluntary arbitration, while ten of them signed a txeaty proposal covering compulsory arbitration.
The year 1906 saw the third of these Pan American conferences meeting at the Monroe Palace in Rio de Janeiro. Secretary of State Root of the United States made a profound impression hy disclaiming further territorial ambitions for the United States in his now famous “We wish for no victories but those of peace" speech. At this conference, the scope of work entrusted to the International Bureau of American Republics was widened.
At the fourth Pan American conference, held in Buenos Aires in 1910, the name of this bureau was changed to "The Pan American Union" and the chainmanship of its governing board was given to the Secretary of the United States. The governing board was to consist of the Latin American diplomatic representatives at Wash ington. More progress was made at this fourth gathering than at any of the previous ones. A well-ptepared agenda, including such important topics as patents, trademarks and copyrights, facilitated the work of the conference.
The World War began just in the year when the fifth Pan American conference was to have met. It was not until 1923 that the gathering finally took place, in Santiago, Chile.
Much had happened in the meanwhile. The entrance of the United States into the War on behalf of "high principles and idealistic motives" caused a general revision of opinion throughout Latin
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Ametim regatding the materialism of this nation but our failure ho join the League of Nations after having inspired its formation and after having obtained the inclusion in its Covenant of the muchhated Monroe Doctrine under the erroneous term "regional understanding," brought about a complete change in Latin American public opinion, as to our former protestations of idealism.
Seufiment had become frankly hostile to the United States and to Pan Americanism, so that little was accomplished at this fifth Pan American conference. One important step that was taken, however, was to provide that countries not having diplomatic representatives at Washington could still be represented on the governing board of the Pan American Union, thus taking away from the United States the power of controlling the complexion of the Union‘s directing body through its policy of non-recognition of certain Latin American government;
At the Santiago gathering, it was the United States delegation which opposed the idea presented by the delegates from Uruguay, for an American League of Nations.
At the Sixth International Conference 01’ American: States, held in Havana five years later, sentiment was generally unfriendly to the United States, despite the fact that President Coolidge himself took the trouble to make a special trip for the purpose of addressing the gathering, It was only the silvery oratory of Secretary of State Hughes and certain disagreements among some of the Latin American delegations that prevented a historic outburst of denunciation of the United States over interventions in the aflairs of certain other American nations supposedly sovereign.
The seventh and last of these Pan American conferences took Place only about a year ago at Montevideo, Uruguay. This was the first time that the United States very wisely allowed other American countries to take the initiative and did not try to prevent the discussion of questions which in other years had been considered taboo.
Naturally, in this thumbnail sketch of intemational official gatherings on the American Hemisphere, it would be impossible to convey an adequate idea of What each gathering accomplished or failed to accomplish. But we can get some idea as to the txend
EVOLVING INTER-AMERICANISM 7.03
of the efforts made by Amerimn governments to promote interAmerican understanding even from this short account. Some of these efioxts have borne fruit. Odieis have been wild shots in the air, simply because they have not been supplemented by a popular Pan American movement
True, there have been Pan American gatherings other than d1egeneral,officialmeetings of government: described above. There have been sanitary congresses, scientific congresses, financial congresses, a congress of joumaiists and a host of others. But even these have been usually official in that the various governments either chose the delegates or financed them.
In all too many cases, the agenda Were either too ambitious or not carefully prepared, so that little has been accomplished other than a good time was had by all.
Of privately organized movements to promote inter—American amity, there have been practically none which have made a real contribution to the cause.
The reasons for this have been many. They are too numerous to discuss in any general description of evolving Inter-Americnnism. Suffice it to say that it is absolutely necessary to the further development of inter-American understanding that official efforts be suppoited by popular movements.
The first stage in the evolution of inter-Americzm contacts was definitely under the lmdership of certain Latin American governments The second stage, beginning in 1889, was under the aegis of the United States government. We are now entering a third stage. in which the people of both Latin America and the United States must take a more active part in these contacts if governmental efforts are to have an ultimate meaning. To bring this about is the immediate task of those who axe sincerely interested in the promotion of intcr-American understanding and cmperation.
Th mu! mick by Mr. Gum ‘m . min on lmnAnm-im mam.
THE MALADY OF THE MODERN WORLD by
STANTON A, COBLEN'IZ Aulhw a! "Mavthiw Mm." ‘ 7hr Am" a! the Alu," 1m
HE more I observe of the blind groping and confusion of l“ modern life; the more I see how men halt and stumble amid
the labyrinths of a social system that eludes their compre hension, the more surprised I am at a fault of analysis that makes it possible to look clearly upon the present or the past. It appears to me that, in viewing our own age against the great perspective of history, most of us are guilty of an error in classification as basic and as far-reaching as though, in describing the geography of our globe, we failed to discriminate between land and water or between mountains and plains. And the results of that error, it seems to me, have been not only to blur our vision but to make it impossible to realize the larger nature of the problems confronting our times.
The orthodox division of history—a. division firmly fixed in the minds of most of us by the time we leave the elementary school —is into ancient, medieval, and modem. And this serves very well for purposes of convenience, although a sober analysis would tell one that it is more arbitrary than inevitable But there is a different classification which I would suggest; a classification based upon the three great stages of human progress, and the three Widely diverse social orders belonging to these stages; a classification which runs not so much by years as by economic development, and which will help us to understand not only the relationship of the present to the past but the nature of those internal dislocations, those social maladjustments which have been increasingly evident in our civilization.
Building our analysis upon the development of means of pro
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THE MALADY OF THE MODERN WORLD ms
duction and the accompanying social complexities, I should say that the first great stage of human existence is what may be termed the primitive: the stage when man is still neat to the beast of the woods and the fields, when he has not yet developed his inventiveness, and when he employs no tool other than the sticks and the unpolished stones given him by nature. This period of evolution, which comes to an and long before the dawn of written history, is succeeded by what may be termed the manual stage: the stage of the craftsman, the artisan; the stage when man, having devised his own tools, fashions many of the necessities and most of the adornments of existence by the practiced labor of his own hands Thousands of years are occupied by this phase of development, thousands of years wherein its essential feature of manual work alters scarcely at all; it reaches from the time of Neolithic man well into the eighteenth century~indeed, in many parts of the world it has not yet been supplanted. But in England of the mideighteenth century there arises a new invention or series of inventions, which are destined to work as profound a change in the fabric of civilization as was produced by the first polished implements of stone and bronze in the cave of the prehistoric hunter. Powerdriven machines—machines which owe their energy not to the brawn of man, but to the external nature of steam and fite—make their sudden appearance. and in an incredibly short time have conA quered the western world. And thus is inaugurated the third great stage of history; the stage that is to end the supremacy of the handicrafts and of the manual worket—the stage of the machine. Before turning to consider this later em of development, let us glance briefly at the two great transformations that marked the transition from period to period. Of the change from the primitive to the manual stage of history—the change from the day of the Paleolithic hunter to that of the first rude hmdictafts—we cannot speak with absolute definiteness, since no written record remains to us; but this much we may be sure of: that the innovation was introduced with great slowness, and perhaps required generations or Centuries for its acceptance; that it traveled only gradually from community to community and from district to district, and for a
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long time made no widevreaching modification in methods of life; and that, accordingly, there was ample opportunity for men and customs to adapt themselves to the new order and so to avert any severe strain upon the social organism. This much we can assert with confidence, for we know that the means of communication among all primitive peoples are remote and slow; that the force of tradition is iron—bound, and forbids rapid or radical change; and that the new methods themselves, depending upon the skill of the hand and upon tools that were scantily and laboriome produced, could be mastered only after long application and could multiply only over wide periods of time.
Moreover, once the transformation to handicrafts had been accomplished, there ensued not only generations but centuries and thousands of years of comparative immobility, wherein civilization had abundant opportunity to draw together any loose threads within its fabric, without the danger that its equilibrium would be upset by fresh innovations or that vital new dmges would have to be absorbed before the old had been pedectly assimilated.
Hence if the transformation to the manual ants produced any crisis in society, that crisis was mild in nature and was mastered with relative ease.
Totally different, however, was the case With the second great
transformation. When industrialism suddenly appeared in eighteenth century England, it came like a god full-fledged from the
brain of civilization; like a robust and Gargantuan god, filled with
youthful spirits and energy, and checked by no forethought and no
restraint. There was no brake of tradition to halt it as in the case
of innovations among savage communities, but there was the powerful goad of greed to spur it on; there were the individualistic
theories of the economic philosophers; and there was, above all,
the fecund might of steam and fire, which promised to perform
miracles and which dazzled the world as by the appearance of an
Aladdin’s genie. Controlled by some lever of social restraint; regulated by a reasoned authority, and adjusted so that its introduction
might be unobtrusive and gradual, the new era might have brought
with it the blessings that its ardent advocates foresaw; but it de
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THE MALADY OF THE MODERN WORLD 7.07
scended like a thunderbolt, and, almost without warning, transformed the cities and the countrysides of nations that were ill prepared to receive it. Factories sprang up, slum districts arose and multiplied, population increased with a prodigious spurt, and the groans of overworked men and women and the cries of exploited children became a thing of widespread reproach and horror. Along with all the advantages of the new epoch—and there were practical advantages so well known that enumeration would be needlessthere arose a social cleavage and a disharmony which has had the most dire results, and which today seems further than ever from being repaired. The multitude and complexity of lattervday evils and problems—the problems of capital and labor, the gross inequalities in distribution, the rise of colossal fortunes along with the prevalence of destitution, the tendency to periodic economic breakdowns or "depressions,” the increase in the range and destructiveness of wars—are all but parts of the disastrous heritage left us by the transition to the stage of the machine; and these, deep ening in scope and deadlincss, have incurred a danger whose possible termination is nothing less than the demise of civilization
This much is widely realized, and has frequently been acknowledged; but what has not been so generally recognized is the precise nature of the malady from which we are suffering, and its relation to the rapidity of the transformation from the second or manual stage of civilization to the third or machine stage. The facts, briefly stated, would seem to be as follows: during the manual stage, certain methods of life, certain economic theories and practices were in vogue Which were well adapted to the manual phase of Civilization, but were no better adapted to the succeeding stage than the legs of a duck would be suited to the body of a rhinoceros; and yet so sudden and cataclysmic was the transformation that there was neither time nor forethought to make the adjustment and to evolve new economic theories and practices; consequently, we retained the ducks legs even though the body of the fowl had given Place to that of a rhinoceros, and are still at a loss to understand Why mechanical civilization has never been able to assume a proper Posture‘
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Chief mung the errors in adaptation—and an error which today we are making frantic but blundering efl'orts to remedyWas the retention of the individualistic theories of the manual eta; individualistic theories which, unfortunately, had been given a special impetus just before the dawn of industxialism by the freethinking philosophers of France and England, and in particular by Adam Smith. Under the system of handicrafts—especially after that system had already existed for some thousands of years—no artisan or employer was likely to do otherwise than good to the commutfity by following his own devices, since he could not con ceivably produce any radical innovation in the social order; while the range of his influence was, at most, apt to be only local. Under these conditions, consequently, individual freedom was to be weicomed as making toward unchecked social development. Quite different, however, is the case when the introduction of a new invention may reshape an industry or a group of industries, throwing scores of thousands cut of work or into new employments, and altering the living conditions of a continent; quite different is the case when single employers may have control of the destinies of multitudes of employees, and when the welfare of great communities may be deliberately subverted by Powerful individuals {or the sake of private gain.
The distinction is so obvious that it is diflficult today to understand how it could have been overlooked; but that it was overlooked by the iudustxial enthusiasts of the late eighteenth century is an historical commonplace. In part, the rapacity of individuals may provide an explanation; but in part, unquestionably, there was a general failure to appraise the new conditions, and to realize the iniquity of a system Which, calling upon the lowest forces in human nature to be the arbiters of social justice, placed a premium on private actions inimical to the public good. Today, after more than a century and a half of tumult and oppression, we are coming vaguely to understand that the individualistic ideas, the utilitarianism of the eighteenth century can work only disaster in the age of the machine. Yet that individualism is now so strongly eattenched that the effort to dislodge it, if carried out to the last
THE MALAIJY OF THE MODERN WORLD 109
bitter inch, may shatter the social mechanism; While on the other hand, if it is not dislodged, it will itself shatter the social mechanism through its own anti-social qualities.
Hence, caught between the horns of a txagic dilemma, the modem world stands by in bewilderment and helplessness while some of its members nonchalantly wreak min and calamity upon their fellows. What could be more loathsome, for example, than the spectacle of the armament makers, who, in pursuance of no high end but private profit, have formed an international combine that stimulates warfare and the use of warlike materials! What could be more abhorrent to any truly democratic ideal than the power of the great industrialists, which reaches not only over the working lives and destinies of thousands, but over the fortunes of the cousuming public, who are forced to contribute to private dividends that are often legally protected! What could be more repugnant to any high social vision than the system of private banking, which may manipulate the currency of :1 nation for the sake of individual gain, which may bring widespread suffering and disaster by its failures although its successes benefit but the few, and which on occasion may act as the dictator of public policy, as when the banks of New York recently had a leading share in shaping that city’s financial program! And what, finally, is more profoundly hostile to the welfare of the great masses than 2m institution such as the Stock Exchange, an exclusive private banking establishment wherein speculators reap fortunes through a species of legalized jugglery with the wheat and the cotton, the iron and the oil, the very farms and the homes of the unspeculutive multitudes!
Despite the increasing range and prevalence of governmental efforts to control private enterprise—as in the widesweeping attarks of President Roosevelt's N. R. A‘ movement upon the freedom of the employer—xwe have still to realize the fundamental discrepancy between the theories and methods of the manual stage of development and the xequircments of the machine age. At present the im congmity is so great and the strain so severe that only two possibilities present themselves: either we will continue pellmcll on Our present course, widening the breach between the needs and the
1.10 WWW
usages of our age until civilization is tom and dismanbered in the process; or else we will undemke a thoroughgoing readjustment, and will complete the still unfinished transformation from the manual to the mechanical era. That is to say, we will bring the theories and activities of our age into conformity with the physical fan of machine production; we will recognize that neither private enterprise not private aggrandizement must continue to be a controlling force in society; and we will institute a system of state domination or ownership, which will put it forever beyond the power of the individual to change the fortunes of the group in the interests of his own finances. For let us not forget that the machine, from the moment of its first appearance, pointed to a certain line of development which led away from individualism to a rigid control by the community; and let us, although with reluctance, admit that while the machine remains there will be no alternative other than a centralized economic dominance or out eventual submergence amid the shreds and tattets of a disrupted civilization.
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CAN SCIENCE LONG REMAIN INHUMAN?
5:! T. SWANN HARDING
Auk.» n! ”Tin Dlmdafio- of 5mm” m.
By "humanism” I have reference to no particular philo sophic sect I mean in mere dictionary terms any system,
mode, or attitude of thought or action centering distinctly upon human interests and ideals. The scientist engaged in research in his laboratory is one aspect of the problem; but the ultimate product of that research as it teaches the average human being is something altogether different While nutrition scientists are still puzzled about vitamins and their behavior, the market is full of advertising clamor urging us to take this or that vitamin concentrate and be healed of all ills. It seems almost impossible accurately to state the findings of science in terms of lay understanding.
Yet if this gap can not be bridged science remains too inhuman. Does the existence of Lhat Chasm even bother scientists as much as it should? For the past decade or more my own work has involved me in laboratory investigations: in the reading of technical papers in Which others have recorded their findings, and in preparing occasional scientific papers of my own for publication. [11 more recent years I have been compelled to read critically the papers prepared by scientists of all varieties upon topics that run the gamut from physics to botany, {mm chemistry to plant pathology, and from bacteriology to forestry and meterology, and back again.
T hese manuscripts and published papers, like practically all such contributions, are expressed in a carefully uniform Style from which all human values have been abstracted with utmost care. Except for very rare and occasional bits of individualisticnlly cumbersome or obscure syntax, or put grammatical lapses, one might
&- YAWNING chasm separates science from humanism today
In
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easily suppose that every one of these papers had been written by the self—same person fat the past forty years, though I should hesitate to give a description of that persun. This is not altogether true because in rare instances a human personality does somehow crawl through the network of studied rhetorical mediocrity. But it is an apparent ideal, and so called literary or humanistic expressions are per se tabu among both scientists and technical editors. For the Goddess of Science is named Impersonality, and she is an austere and forbidding, not a voluptuous creature.
In order to worship that Goddess the scientist finds himself in perpetual conflict with himself. He sets out to clarify his judgment, to keep his emotions on ice, to make due allowance for his idiosyncrasies, and thus to teach unprejudiced conclusions. He is at wax with his own organism and with the common customs and habits of mankind. To aid himself in his work he deliberately cultivates an arid and extreme impersonality Which tends to lack life, vigor, and human touches. Rather than use the first personal pronoun he will undertake almost any verbal circumlocution no matter how horrid or ofiensive.
In a larger sense the scientist has been trained to brush the humanities aside. Time was, of course, When the humanities brushed science aside. Science had to fight desperately to win a respectable place in university curricula. That time, however, is no more. Science now feels self—sufficient and tends, With public adulation, to brush the humanities aside. True, scientists but rarely go on record as to the actual truth that, in so far as they are actually scientists, they are out and out materialists. But they are never in actuality as dehumanized as their technical papers might lead one to think. Yet as Eddington said in the 1927 Gifiord Lectures when you write "the body of the elephant slid down the grassy slope” your true scientist has no interest whatever. But when you add that the ele phant weighed 20 tons, he is interested at once.
For he has been trained to abstract weights, or pointer read‘ ings, from the vastness of his physical environment, and to proceed from them to his broader deductions which he may or may not later be able to apply to humanity in general. This is pious and decomus
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work, this abstracting segments of reality and making Pointer readings. It makes for quiet, order, and an absence of controversy. Therefore whenever some scientist with a generalized rather than merely a highly specialized mental equipment, suddenly whips across the horizon with some wise or useful saying that is directly applicable in human terms, the decent solemnities have been violated and order seems revoked.
One can refer again to 1927 for an example. It was at the meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science that year that Prof. Harry Elmer Barnes became very candid in speaking about God. His address was a frank deviation into almost pure humanism. Almost at once he was indirectly rebuked by the President of the Section he addressed. It was feared that he might olfend the churches. But, aside from that, no true scientist had a right to bring a humanistic problem to the shocked attention of his fellows. That was not done. Yet has science become so utterly precieuse that even a sociologist must not dare consider a human problem of such magnitude and importance as the interpretation of those subjective, slightly morbid psychological phenomena called religious?
Reverting now to the scientists who wrote the hundreds of
apers I have read,—they were each and every one imbued with the idea that their conclusions were characterized by finality and truth. Their expressions were remotely objective as if God himself had spoken, impersonal and severe. Yet one could not take their statements as revealed truth because the human element stuck out Of every pore of every scientific paper that could be traced to its lair. Not only that, humanism every once in a while breaks right out in the paper itself, a form of modem sacrilege that merits excommunication.
Thus the investigator will now and then very frankly confess his own shortcomings and say that the reader must allow for these limitations and for what are yoften purely human deficiencies In a moment of aberration he threw away all the samples for a period of two days and he trusts you will take his composite reports on samples taken each day for a period of two months as just as accur
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ate as if he had also analysed the samples for those two days. In the best of cases each paper published is no more than this: It is a presentation of the sincere and honest (one hopes) conclusions of this human organism, James Jones, when he has done his utmost to clear his mind of bias, to observe with care, to report with accuracy, and to conclude with sound logic from the facts as he understands the facts, the good Lord help him.
Thus a certain noted biologist draws certain conclusions about the rate of living or future human population increases from data relating to the activities of certain flies. Well and good. But that is after all his collection of data, and his individual conclusion from that data. It is more reliable work than mine would be because he is a trained investigator in this subject and I am not. He is also trying to be objective and unbiased. But he can not finally eliminate himself altogether, his desires, his beliefs, and his hopes. I am not reprehending him, He simply does What every other research worker has to do.
I myself once got into a very remote and obscure field in nutrition. I isolated from blood a compound another investigator had isolated from yeast and from tissues but claimed did not occur in blood, Two or three other workers entered the field in different laboratories. They isolated the same substance that I had, The original investigator now tried his hand again and found, to his amazement, that he could not prepare either the substance we had prepared or the one he had originally made himself from yeast and tissue. Five laboratories in three different countries became involved in the chase of that organic substance only at last to find that we were all wrong!
The substance did not exist either as we had prepared it from blood or as the original investigator had from yeast and tissues. The true substance was more complicated than ours and it broke clown during our method of preparation. Oddly enough we all worked so nearly alike that we all broke off one large fragment of the compound, perhaps three quarters of it, analysed that and an' nounced it as the real thing. Indeed the original investigator actually claimed to have synthesized it from its simple constituents,
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yet he had not done so. In good time all concerned recognized the true substance and learned how to make it, but for many long months they argued about a material which they merely believed, with no little passion, to be what they were after.
So back of very investigator's published data. curves, and verbiage stand all these things. But what the laity want to know is life evaluated in terms of achievement and happiness and how this new knowledge will effect life. Can you compare Thomas Parr with Schubert, or with Shelley? Who got the most out of life, and why? And what did science ever have to do with it anyway? It is one thing to know that one person out of so many will live to be mo but shall I live to be too and, if so, shallI have full possession of my faculties and enjoy life? That is What I want to know.
At every point these humanistic problems pop out of scientific problems, demand consideration, yet are often politely ignored. I once worked on what are called the "rare sugars," sugars truly in chemical structure, but very rare. This was a remote and theoretical subject for research. What use were rate sugars? Then the influenza epidemic of 1918«I9I9 persuaded many bacteriologists to seek the causitive organism. They used these sugars in trying to make their differentiations between bacteria. In time they failed and the sugars lost their humanistic properties, pregnant with the possibility of saving lives. But to me those sugars were always names, labels of bottles containing white powders with certain solubilities, ash contents, specific rotations and other propertiesutterly dehumanized.
Later I worked on the nutrition of cattle. What did I do? Did I feed cows? Not at all. I analysed smnIl samples of their blood for elusive organic compounds there in infinitesimal quantities. I did this by a colorimetric method which involved many errors and was all as uncowlike as a rolling mill. I published impersonal papers and have yet to feed a cow. Indeed I seldom even saw one. The work was feed research of a kind and may ultimately have had some practical utility. To me it had specific, intrinsic, but nonhuman value. But note the opposition I had to overcome here to be dehumanized enough to perform this work. The example is typical.
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Each scientific specialist is in his compartment 50 complex and remote from life is his work that he could not even find words to explain it to the average educated person. No wonder humanists feel that it is esoteric and perhaps of small value. No wonder at all they resent it when a scientist dares what scientists seldom dare, to express himself humanistically.
So when Barnes discussed religion at a scientific meeting he violated a very sacred tabu. His manner was perhaps emotionally provocative, though his hearers should, impetsomlly, have allowed for that. The reaction was somewhat the one would expect if he appeared nude at a very proper reception The general feeling was that science should be indifferent to—i.e. not get involved with religion. But this is absurd. For even the human values that seep out of the driest and most inhuman papers by scientists are important and should come within the purview of science.
A scientist should know why he believes what he believes. Yet it is quite possible for a research worker to get into such a rarified atmosphere that he not only neglects human values altogether, but fails to act even intelligently. Thus I knew one who became so humanly seduced by the Perfection of his abstracting, indexing, and filing system, that he began to Collect abstracts of scientific articles as others do postage stamps; he became so enamouxed of his new pursuit that he followed this fruitless occupation (for some of his “abstracts" were longer than the original articles) for over two years before it occurred to him to work in the laboratory again. I have known others to plan and to carry out, yes, and to publish. work that was shallow, unorigiml, and entirely superfluous because the possibilities of some new technic bewitched them.
These are secrets of the research laboratory, seldom told, but very revealing of the human beings there. These things are true of even the most materialistically inclined laboratories and today even psychology seeks to become materialistic. Behaviotism has vowed itself undeniably to dehumanized objectivity. This is not to be condemned so long as a science does not resolutely determine to progress only by aping the methods of other and perhaps too unrelated sciences which appear to be more “exact", though no
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science is ever really exact Behaviorism is a necessary segment of psychology and a legitimate one. But it is not psychology and those who believe that it is forget human values.
On the other hand that most stable, exact, Ponderable, invariant, deterministic, materialistic of sciences, physics, has reverted from these adjectives. It has gone in the opposite direction in recent years. It embraces philosophy and some of its practitioners make its metaphysics quite spiritualistic (not spiritistic.) Eddington, Jeans and others have gone so far towards humanizing physics that they have given their abstractions unwarranted values whereupon Einstein gently remarks that these thaumaturgic gentlemen do actually reason logically and scientifically . . . in their respective laboratories! Yet America has a leading physicist Who is an evangelical Christian and seeks to state all scientific laws in terms satisfactory to quasi-fundamentalist theology.
In short, physics is humanized, but has humanism been treated with sufficient science for its own good? One physicist looks into the atom and sees the image of an unrelenting God; another looks at the quantum unit and does not see God, but rather a mandate for free will. One astronomer sweeps the heavens and sees divine omnipotence while another observes the very same panorama and sees only aimless fortuity, vastness, and human inconsequence. One person looks out upon nature and the birds and animals and sees God’s handiwork; another surveys the same scene and sees pure beauty, nothing more Yet another observes it and sees simply nature; this he studies scientifically but secularly.
What can be done? It appears that studied scientific indifferentism has gone on long enough. Science may become so abstract and otherworldly as to have no human significance whatever and, after all, we answer the scientist as we do the philosopher who expatiates on the puny unimportance of man—on our human scale of values humanity, its acts, beliefs, desires, impulses, aspirations and happiness are supremely important. Science must not only accumulate facts. It must consider sensations, the technic of apprehending knowledge, and the motives and feelings which lie behind the gathering of knowledge, subtly affecting this or that paper on
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pure research in this or that way.
Here is a subjective feeling. The religious man notes it and says, "That is God working in and through me. I feel it. I am happy! I am saved!" The agnostic feels it and says, "That is undoubtedly my nerves. Or else the cheese I eat at nights—or the tobacco I smoke; or I work too hard; or I am getting neuroticoh I don‘t know What it is butI feel terrible." The atheist feels it and says, “I know jolly well that’s not God making me feel that way. I have bad teeth and high blood pressure. Glory be to NOGod!"
There is the basic Problem for science. Why do we all interpret the very same facts or feelings in such widely divergent ways? Here are the feelings and facts. There are the interpretations. Here are the sensations; there are the conclusions. Here is the knowledge; there are the deductions. Why do these twain differ so when different individuals are concerned? Science, soon or late, must face and solve such problems as these.
Consider one more example, in morals. Morals have long been imbedded in folklore, mores, custom, religion, even whim. There are no reliable criteria of ethis in a scientific sense. Cteeds have disintegrated but science has failed to formulate any sound ethical doctrincs~this in spite of the fact that the laboratory attitude of the scientist towards facts and the relations the best of scientists have with each other are constantly exemplifying the highest ethics man has so far known. Why has science failed?
Because humanism is tabu and shush shush always meets it in gatherings of pure scientists. “That is indecent in this holy place. These are the sacred precincts of Impersonality Respect the tabs:nacle of science. " Then, in tum, scientists become incensed when religious writers deny science respect, say it should keep to a re stricted sphere, and that its methods have no value in broad human relations. This is not true, but scientists have brought the accusation directly upon themselves. Peuple generally and rightly fear a desiccated and dehumanized science, and often prefer ignorant, though at least human, clergymen and politicians to run their aEairs. They can not be blamed.
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Yet science has the key to all problems in human relations. It alone can temper emotion with accurate, critical, observation; fancy with reliably ascertained and carefully validated facts. To face the facts as intelligently and as objectively as possible is the only way for humanity to get anywhere. Observation must follow observation until statistical results largely eliminate the individual prejudice and error necessarily inherent in the work of the best scientists, but science must invade the realm of humanism. It can only do so after having come to a full realization of the fundamental importance of plain human values.
Writing a few years ago to Prof. Raymond Pearl, William E. Ritter said: "For my part, I do not see how we special students of living nature can escape much longer the responsibility of doing our share towards analyzing our knmvledge-getting, and especially our knowledge-using activities. This responsibility we must face, it seems to me, despite the, at first sight, rather staggering prospect of having to take a hand with philosophers, ethicists, religionists, artists and the rest in shaping human affairs towards human welfare at the highest levels it seems capable of reaching."
Scientists then did not realize the actual fact that their job was that of conquering the world‘ Today they dimly realize it and we actually have social scientists highly placed in the Administration following the experimental method in their attempted solutions of our economic problems This process must continue, regardless of virulent criticism and gross superstitions Of the banker—industrialist age. We am only work out our destiny as :1 nation by the fearless utilization of the experimental laboratory method. When a President can say not "I intend to do this and in this manner because my method can not fail" but, as President Roosevelt says, "We shall try to do this in one way if possible; if not we shall try another method, but do it we shall" a new epoch has dawned, though the fact passes strangely unobserved.
[n the past just sufficient respect for science has been generated to be dangerous, because it was grounded in awe at the crudest practical applications of research and was based upon a misconception. It is probably true that a slogan announcing a man as a great
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engineer, and therefore a scientist, was capable of gathering to him many votes. But the fact that a man is an engineer does not mean at all that he is a scientist or a practitioner of scientific method. and that alone is impottant—that football—teamwork attitude of developing plays that become necessary in the immediate situation. That a man is an engineer means merely that he has mastered certain technical processes and that he knows how to perform certain complex operations better than ordinary men. It vouchsafes nothing whatever about the man's general intelligence, his ability as a statesman in modern times, his fundamental philosophy, or what he may be expected actually to do under specific conditions.
Our problems today demand that power be placed in the hands of men who know the technic of using scientific methods, not men who hold certain economic or other dogmas and who are determined that amelioration of conditions can only occur if it does so within a particular frame of reference they do not intend to sacrifice at any Cost. Even the fact that a man is a scientist would not qualify him for office as President because the occupant of that office must be a humanistic or biological engineer in the broadest possible sense, a Person with a sweeping philosophic outlook1 extreme tolerance, and the highest intelligence. As for specialized knowledge, that is always at hand to use in the minds of the experts.
The scientist of today is more likely to be a timid and exceedingly narrow specialist who mthlessly dehumanizes himself in one segment of his mental life that he may ascertain certain facts therein, but who in his general life is as emotional, as unbalanced, and as incompetent as other men. He thus ceases to be a whole man, but has a compartmentalized mind in which one compartment works deliberately against the others. Yet, at his best, he becomes the finest type humanity has so far produced. He uses a technic which can completely renovate our socalled social system or civilization, when he fuses his scientific method with humanism, realizes the general utility of that method, and overcomes his diffidence and timidity about facing the pressing problems of real, everyday life which alone matter to mankind in the mass.
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THE CRUSADES VIEWED THROUGH
EASTERN EYES
A Study in Orientnl-Otcidemal Relatiam
by
JOHN W‘ Kncuma AIIW of ”TM: Pram Wadi," «e.
ImonucnoN
HE other day I paid a visit to a cottage at a lake. The boy
of the family, a lad of twelve years of age, claimed one of
the rooms as his own. Around the walls he had arranged
a number of colored prints illustrating episodes from the Crusades.
It was plain that all the ingenuity of the artist had been expended upon making this series of pictures a portrayal of all that was chivalric, romantic and heroic.
The representations of mail-clad warriors in knightly armor with the sign of the cross emblazoned on shield and helm and waving pennant, made an heroic appeal.
It would have been dilficult indeed to persuade the boy that between the artist's conception and the actual occurrences there was an incalculablc difference.
These brilliant illustrations were like the false prophets silver veil in the eastern tale. The prophet declared he wore the silver covering to hide his divinelyvendowed beauty. When however the veil was raised, it disclosed not brightness or glory but foul and baneful ugliness beneath.
An impartial examination of the historical documents reveals the fact that at the inception of this so~called Christian movement, false and lying propaganda was deliberately resorted to, in order that popular enthusiasm and fanaticism might be aroused.
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In the prosecution of the Crusades there was involved all the brutality, horror, social confusion and futile WMe of human life and pmpetty which mark any war whether “religious" 01' otherwise.
It is hoped that the present paper may not only shed an interesting light upon a little understood subject and make a contribution to the general subject of the relations between East and West, but also show the need for universal peace.
I. PIe—Cmadt Movement;
We may discover the longest and deepest room of the Crusades in the practice of making pilgrimages to the Holy Land. This practice was as old as the fourth century. Statistics prove that through the centuries onward these pilgrimages wexe becoming increasingly more numerous and vastet in the numbers of the pilgrims participating We have record of six pilgrimages in the eighth century; twelve in the ninth; sixteen in the tenth; and one hundred 'and seventeen in the eleventh.
Of all these expeditions, the most celebrated and most important was that of some bishops and knights of Southern Germany which took place m 1065 under the leadership of Gunther Bishop of Bamberg and which included more than U ,000 persons. For the passage of this army [odgment was prepared in advance.
The conversion of the Hungarians to Christianity under St. Stephen (9971038) rendered easy pilgrimages by way of the valley of the Danube. The future continental route of the Crusades was therefore already opened up and we find hospices founded here by high personages in order to give test to the pilgrims.
Before the First Crusade there Was a Christian hospital in Je. rusalem founded by a citizen of Amaifl, for the care of pilgrims.
When the Crusaders took Jerusalem the “Xenodochium” was superintended by a certain Gerard. His work rapidly developed under the new conditions and received the support of Godfrey, Baldwin 1, and many others who recognized its value The poorer pilgrims and especially the sick were the objects of his care. Get{Ltd remained at the head of the institution until his death in September, n20.
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Those expeditions were not yet crusades. They did not differ from ordinary pilgrimages except for the number who took part in them. Nevertheless they played an important part in the history of the origins of the Crusades. They made western Europe familiu with the stages of the road to Palestine and served to determine the itineraries which later were those of the Cmsaders. Furthermore, they aroused in Europe a fervid enthusiasm for the Holy Land.
Although the pilgrimages to the Holy Land were not Crusades, it is important to observe that before the First Crusade, Europe in the eleventh century had actually witnessed three enterprises which partook of the nature of a crusade.
First, the wars in Castile against the Moors (1072-99), second, the Norman conquest of Apulia and Sicily (1016—90) and third, the Norman conquest of England (1066). These were veritable crusades, and involved upon a smaller scale most of the motives which afterwards actuated the Crusades proper upon a grand scale. By example and contagion of influence these three events powerfully stimulated the warlike spirit and economic appetite of the western nations.
Numbers of these adventurers who had participated in one or
- mnthur of these expeditions went later on the First Crusade.
There is little in the conduct of the Crusaders or in their letters to indicate that they had generally left behind them the motives and passions which found expression in other medieval wars. It is true that their imaginations were fired by pidures of the hardships of pilgrims and the desecration of holy places; but they were also fired fund much more eEectually. it would appear—by tales of the fabulous wealth of the Orient, of the gold and silver and beautiful women awaiting the hand of the spoiler.
Men were the more inclined to accept this invitation because in spite of pestilence and war, the population of Europe had at: ready reached a point where the law of decreasing returns began to inflict hardship. Many of the feudal lords had fallen hopelessly in debt. From all these causes there resulted a dangerous social ferA men: and unrest; landless and impoverished men of every class stnod ready for any undertaking however desperate that promised
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relief from their misery. To all such the Crusades seemed indeed a call fxom Heaven.
The backwardness of Syria and Palestine in modern times must not deceive us into thinking that their condition was always thus, Under the Greeks and Romans as well as under the mly Byzantine Empire, Syria was a flourishing province commercially, industrially and agriculturally. Great domains were cultivated by setf and slave labor. Much of the land was also cultivated by the actual owners, who were small farmers, olive and vine growers.
The Mohammedan countries of the Mediterranim and western Asia were in advance of the Christian nations of the west. The highest point of Arabic civilization in the East and in Spain in the tenth century coincides with the greatest barbarian and greatest poverty in the west.
At the end of the eleventh century the isolation between the Eastern and Western worlds was brought to an end; and a permaA nent contact established between the two groups of peoples through the Crusades.
There seems to be no substantial evidence that the pilgrims from the west had any iust cause for complaint for the treatment they received. Nor do they seem to have complained until the vicissitudes of war in 969 delivered Syria again to Byzantine rule. It was then that the imperial government as a fiscal measure imposed special taxes upon pilgrims.
After that until the loss of Syria to the Turks in x071 and their capture of jemsalem, western grievances were wholly against Bymntium. The Seljuk domination in Syria and Palestine entailed little change in the status of the people of Syria and Palestine.
The principal new burden thrown on the land was the support of the Turkish garrisons established to hold the country against Byzantine attacks from Asia Minor or by fleet.
Most of the popul-u allegations made in regard to the suEerings of pilgrims in the East from Turkish atrocities just before the Crusades broke, owe their currency to anti-Islamic propaganda. which inflamed the fanaticism and preyed upon the credulity cf the masses.
CRUSADES VIEWED THROUGH EASTERN EYES 7.15
It is true that the Christian populations in Asia Minor suffered severely, but that was because the Byzantine Empire until the collapse of its power in Asia after the disastrous battle of Manzikett (1071) still disputed the mastery of these provinces with the Turks, and a chronic state of war and pillage existed. But this was not so in the Holy Land and Syria where Turkish rule was a fair attampl).
In fact there is evidence to prove that many Christians of the near East preferred Moslem rule to that of their co-religionists,
The remarkable thing is that when Christianity from the west through the Crusades entered Palestine, Islam met this new element and without any sort of compulsion won over to Islam actual Crusaders themselves
During the First Crusade a body of Germans and Lombards abandoned their faith and embraced Islam. Nor was this the only incident, for in the Second Crusade more than three thousand Crusaders became Moslems.
The story is told by the private chaplain to Louis VII, Who followed his master in the Crusade. The point he stresses is the cruelty of the Greeks to their fellow-Christians of the Latin faith. This, combined With the kind and generous treatment of the Saracens, won over this large body of men to Islam.
II. T13: Emperor Alexia; Appeal; To T195 Pope
In 1094 or 1095 Alexius, the Greek emperor, sent to the pope, Urban II, and asked for aid from the west against the Turks, who had taken nearly all Asia Minor from him.
In 1095 a great council Was held in Auvergne, in the City of Clermont. Pope Urban II accompanied by Cardinals and Bishops, presided over it. It was made famous by the presence of many bishops and princes from France and Germany.
The acts of the Council have not been preserved, but after the Council had attended to ecclesiastical matters, the pope went out into a public square, because no house was able to hold the people, and addressed them in a very persuasive speech in which he urged all to go to the aid of the Greeks and to recover Palestine from the rule of the Mohammedans.
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Few speechs have been so successful in their Purpose as this. Urban was a Frenchman and delighted his audience by breaking into their vernacular.
The speech was given on November 27th, 1095, and its interest lies in the fact that it gave the impulse which started 0H the crusading movement.
Four accounts have been preserved, written by men who were present and heard him. One of these was Robert the Monk, Who is beiieved to have been the monk elected as abbot of St. Remi in Rheims in 1094. He is believed to have reported the pope‘s appeal as it remained in his memory.
In Remeil dc: Hiltoriem dc! Craimdex, Volume 3, pages 727 ff, We have the Latin Text of the speech as recorded by Robert the Monk.
“0 Race of Franks . i . O people loved and chosen of God . . i We wish you to know what a grave matter has brought us to your country. The sad news has come from Jerusalem and Constantinople that the people of Persia, 2m accursed and foreign race, have invaded the lands of those Christians and devastated them with sword, rapine and fire, The churches they have either destroyed or turned into mosques. They desecratc the altars. They circumcise the Christians and pour the blood in the baptismal fonts. Some they kill in a horrible way by cutting open the abdomen, taking out a part of the entrails and tying them to a stake. They then beat them and compel them to walk until all their entrails are drawn out and they fall to the ground. It is better to say nothing of their horrible treatment of women
“For to you more than to other nations, the Lord has given the military spirit, courage, agile bodies, and the bravery to strike down those who resist you. O bravest of Knights, descendants of unconquered ancestors, do not be weaker than they, but remember their courage If you are kept back by love for your children, telatives and wives, remember What the Lord says in the Gospel: 'Qui amat pattern aut matrem super me, non est me dignus. Omnis (:ui reliquerit domum, mt pattern, aut matrem ant uxorem, aut filies, ant agros, propter nomen meum centuplum accipiet et vitam
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CRUSADES VIEWED THROUGH EASTERN EYES 17.7
aetemam possidebit.’
"Your land is shut in on all sides by the sea and mountains, and is too thickly populated. There is not much wealth here, and the soil scarcely yields enough to support you . . . Jerusalem is the best of all lands, more fruitful than all others, a second Paradise of delights. This land our Saviour made illustrious by his birth, beautiful with his life, and sacred with his suffering. He redeemed it with his death and glorified it with his tomb. This royal city is now held captive by her enemies, and made pagan by those who know not God. She asks and begs to be Liberated and does not cease to beg you to come to her aid. Set out on this journey and you will obtain the remission of your sins and be sure of the incotruptible glory of the Kingdom of Heaven."
When Pope Urban had said this . . . all who were present were moved to cry out "Deus Vult! Deus Vult!" "It is the will of God! It is the will of God!" When the Pope heard this he raised his eyes to Heaven and gave thanks to God, and commanding silence with a gesture of his hand, he said: "\Vhoever therefore shall determine to make this journey and shall make a vow to God and shall offer himself as a living sacrifice, holy, acceptible to God (Rom. 12:1), shall wear a cross on his breast, and when he returns after having fulfilled his vow, he shall wear the cross on his back In that way he will obey the command of the Lord, ‘Qui non bajulat crucem suam at venit past me, non est me dignus‘."
Such was the speech that started the First Crusade and more than one clear-headed contemporary historian of that time perceived the mixtuxe of motives in it and was not deceived by the verbiage Of the preachers. An analysis of the speech is interesting for the evidence it afl'ords of how adroitly Urban played upon every mm tive of excitement. The alleged sufferings of the Christians in the Orient, the “atrocities" of the Turks, fanaticism, plenary indulgence, naturally appealed to alL Love of adventure, promise of war, and the prospect of fiefs touched the feudality, commercial opportunity and :iggrandizement, though not mentioned in the speech were cxpressed motives in the papal letter to the Genocsc asking for naval assistance. Most interesting is the Pope‘s refer
12.8 WORLD UNITY “mm;
ence to the land of France as "too narrow for its dense population; nor does it abound in wealth, and it furnishes scucely food enough {or its Cultivators. Hence it is that you murder and devout one another, that you wage war."
One cannot wonder that some went to the East out of curiosity, others who had lived in pinching poverty, wanted to fight, either against the enemies or friends of Christianity, in order to end their poverty. Still othtrs fled from their debts, from duties which they ought to have petfonned, o: fxom punishmems which their crimes deserved. Only a few could be found who did not how their knees to Baal, and Who were actuated by a holy motive.
(Tob- Wand)
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THE READING OF THE QURAN IN TURKISH
b]
C. F. GATES
Rabin Culley: oi Cumin”:
URING the month of Rammn, which is the Turkish fast, Dme Quran in 1932 was read in the Turkish translation in
the mosques for the first time. It was first read in the
Mosque of Saint Sophia, now called the YereBattzn Mosque, that is, the mosque of the sunken sistems, which are near the Mosque of Saint Sophia.
It had been announced in the papers 21nd wurd had gone from mouth to mouth through the city that the Quran was to be read in Turkish in the mosque, and great crowds assembled so that it was impossible to gain access to the mosque and many crowded about the doors and windows. In consequence of this great desire to hear the Quran in their own language, renders “en;- appointed for other mosques also in djflerent parts of the city, and in one of these mosques the reading of the Quran was accompanied with music.
There have been some criticisms of the Turkish translation of the Quran. Others have denied that there are mistakes in the translation. There seems, however, to be a general opinion that the translation of the Qunm into Turkish still leaves something to be desired, and that a better translation should be prepared by competent scholars. In comparing the translation with the Arabic ‘ Quran, I find that in some places the Turkish is rather a paraphrase of the original text than a translation.
It is interesting to note how great a departure this is from the old Islamic idea of the inspiration of the Quran. It was furmei'ly held that the Quran was literally inspired, even to the letters of the words, and that it could not be translated into other languages but must be read only in the inspired text. Now it is read in the
“a
2.30 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
translation and it is commonly questioned whether the translation itself is accurate, and yet, notwithstanding this, the people throng the mosques with the eager desire to hear the Quran in their mother tongue.
It should be remembered that probably not one in ten of the Turks understood the Quran in the Arabic text so that for them it was read in a dead language, just as the Christian Scriptures have been read in the ancient languages in national churches. In most of the Christian churches the Scriptures are now being read in the modern tongue, but not in all, and in Turkey the same movement has been going on, that the sacred books should be read in a tongue which, to use the old English phrase, is “understanded of the people."
This is certainly an event of great importance. The eagerness with which the people flock to hear the Quran in their own lan‘ guage shows that their sacred book has not lost its power over them. It has been charged that the Turkish government has been hostile to religion and that it has developed a state of irreligion among the people, but now for the first time the Tutks are permitted to hear what the Quran actually teaches and to understand it. That is to say, they are making the Quran Turkish for Turks, and this is certainly by permission, perhaps by actual instigation, of the Govern ment itself. It Will be interesting to note what effect this may have upon the thinking and upon the character of the Turkish people.
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THE FEDERAL PRINCIPLE“
17 General Smuls described the issue of freedom as "the most
fundamental issue of all our civilization." As latter-day mmi festations of "the new tyranny" have shown, liberty can never be assured by out-of—date political organization. The need for a bold advance upon the political ideas of our forebears is incisively stated in a recent address by President Nicholas Murray Butler, of Columbia University, from which we extract the following passage: "In ancient Greece it was the cityvstate which was the political unit, and naturally so. For some two thousand years the nation, in some of its forms, has been the ideal political unit for reasons that can readily be understood. We have now come to the time, however, When, if liberty is to be preserved and extended its upholdexs and defenders must be prepared to lead the way to the next stage of political organization. We must find how to apply to the unorganized and economic world of today those wise and fat re: principles which Hamilton and Madison “rote into the Cons (ion of the United States, which were in the mind of Bismarck when he built the German Empire and which have guided British states‘ men in the organization of the British Comonweelth of Nations Joint action and responsibility in all that concerns every nation, with separate organization and responsibility for that which conccms but a single nation, is the ideal now to he nclxievedl The world is waiting for a new application of the federal principle. There must be brought into existence a society cf citizen-nations, Sovereignty. neutrality, freedom of the seas, are all eighteenth and
][N his rectorial address at St. Andrews University on October
‘Hepnntml mm. Th1 Km Cmmmh. Lvulau.
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ninetemd: century words; what they represent has been put behind us and has [used into history. The conception of a Lague of Mr lions was admirable and far-sighted, but unhappily the foundation upon which it was made to rest Was outwom and insecure. It must be rebuilt in terms of today and tomorrow. The whole daeoty of a world of med and jealous nations taking but most casual cognizance of their literally colossal joint and common interests, must be given up for ever. There will be no permanent prosperity for any nation, and no lasting peace until this is done."
”sz Attack an liberalism," by Nicholas Mums] Butler. An addrm delivered at the Pnrrixh Art Mureum, Southampton, Long Maud, September 2, 1934.
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IS DISARMAMEN T IMPOSSIBLE?
61
JOHN RICHARD MEZ Gm,5-u‘lnrku
HE arduous mad which the League of Nations' Disarmament Conference has travelled so far has led many an observer to the pessimistic conclusion that the entire effort to reach a goal in this intricate and complex problem has been a gigantic failure. There are those who give up all hope and revert to the fatalistic belief that, as no tangible results have been obtained thus far, the entire organization of the League of Nations might just as well be scrapped. But such a council of despair would be pre mature and unwarranted when one considers the portent of this stupendous undertaking from a long-range Point of view. Arma‘ ments have existed in the world for many thousand years. A can certed effort to disarm had scarcely been begun a little over a decade ago. It is perfectly true that the factors which make for the perpetuation and even for the increase of armaments throughout the world continue to be so much stronger as to prevent their immediate limitation or abolition, but on the other hand, the ground work for disarmament has already been laid and is still in the making. The ‘, League of Nations has not failed: it has not even been tried and has scarcely been given a chance to play its part in international affairs. The world still is divided into seventy or eighty nations existing side by side, or pitted against each other. Their people still cling to deeply ingrained national sentiments, memories and traditions, — an immense routine of ideas and century-nld institutions, strength med by dxerished notions about the glory of war, of patriotism, heroism, sacrifice and the usefulness of military force in the making of nations or the attainment of national grandeur. But the slowness of the process of reversing the wheels of a '1 5!
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machinery so powerful and so intricate as that of military armaments of all nations should surprise nobody. The organization itself which is in the making with a view to slowing down and ultimately halting the ever-growing trend to increase armaments can at best operate slowly in the complex reality which confronts it. The League is not in parliament which decides by a majority vote. Its decisions must be unanimous, or not at all. Thus the League is no outside or supta-national organization imposing an alien will upon reluctant nations or governments. It is but the executor of the will of the peoples composing it.
But apart from the technical difficulties of bridging time and distance and of conciliating widely divergent interests, claims and subjective estimates as to what constitutes security, or the minimum strength required for national defense, there are other powerful obstacles to the League's gallant effort to disarm the world. There axe the armament industries, great vested interests with huge capital investments, all intensely loyal to their respective countries and shareholders, all of them anxious to sell their steel, munitions, battleships, mnehine-guns or chemical gas and explosives through government contracts. Not one of them is in business for the sake of pleasure, all of them must, in the nature of their enterprise, make money and accumulate dividends, and in order to do this, they must create conditions and an atmosphere favorable to the sale of arms and munitions. No wonder that they are prone to support "pattiotic" sccurity-leagues, to emphasize this or that foreign menace and generally to maintain an atmosphere of international tension and of mutual distrust. Their powerful ally is the yellow press, vociferous in all countries, which preys upon gullible national prejudices, fears and apprehensions.
But then there are also the armies and navies of each country, with millions of soldicts and a powerful and influential generalstafl, whose avowed purpose it is always to prepare for war. always to build up and strengthen the nation's armaments—of course, for defensive purposes only. The wozld at large is thus still composed of about seventy or eighty nations living in an almost unchecked ”international anarchy," an aggregation of armed camps, each one
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xs ARMAMENT 1M POSSIBLE? 2.35
of which considers itself as a perfectly peaceful nation, surrounded by bellicose and aggressive neighbors against whom it must be on guard. That the security obtained by armaments is relative only, never scans to occur to them. Often the increased military prepara‘ tions of one nation is more than offset by the increased preparation , of its neighbors. Strength and security are relative terms, just as I the reduction of mmmmts mm at best only be viewed and ad1ieved ‘ relatively to those of others. All contentions about a nation‘s a1leged military needs are thus pumly subjective, and must always re , min guesswork of a hypothetical nature. There is no objective rod of measurement regarding the armaments necessary for any nation's security.
But even though no definite result has been attained by the League regarding a practical method of disarmament, the necessity of ultimately solving this delicate and almost superhuman task continues to persist. The colossal expenditures for armaments constitute a burden in our impoverished world so great that they threaten to destroy the civilization and happiness of mankind. Mr. Salvador de Madatiaga, former president of the Disarmament Commission, has figured that if the nations of the world were to turn over to the League of Nations the capital spent on armaments in
‘ any one given year, say in 1932, the interest of that sum at five per cent would suffice to cover the League's annual costs for all time tu come! The claim that armaments themselves lend to war may be exaggerated, but yet there are those who have come to see that there may be an inkling of truth in this allegation, at least under certain conditions. The problem is of course, not so simple as seen by some people who think that disarmament in itself will do away with all wars or threat of war. But on the other hand, world opinion is gradually realizing that a world armed to its teeth is not likely to remain peaceful. The danger of war is ever-present and can per haps never be eliminated altogether, although it certainly may be reduced. The list of wars which have been avoided through the organization of peace through methods of diplomacy. arbitration. compromise or otherwise, is already quite considerable. It will doubtless increase. War in our shrinking world is nu longer a con
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cem of the belligerent nations alone. Local conflicts always threaten to engulf all nations alike. Gradually, but inexorably, the realization impresses itself upon civilized nations that armaments cannot be permitted to remain the chief preoccupation and expenditure of mankind for centuries to come. Something must and will be done about this grave Problem. The most eEective way to take the wind out of the sails of the advocates of armaments and implements of war Will be to organize peace in such a manner as to rendet the necessity for armaments smaller and smaller. Once a state of affairs has been brought about in which the ineffectiveness of armaments to achieve national welfare, grandeur or even security will be obvious to everyone through the strengthening of such instrumentalities as the League of Nations, the World Court, anti-wat pacts, non-aggression pacts and similar treaties, then, and perhaps then alone, Will disarmament become practicable and comparatively easy to achieve. The way to disarmament is therefore the effective organization of international law and peace.
But to those impatient pessimists who are discouraged by the League of Nations’ temporary setback, we must emphatically reply: No! The League of Nations has not failed, it has scarcely been tried. It has not even been given a fair chance It can succeed only when all nations, great and small, including Germany, Japan, and the United States alike, in their very own interest, cooperate heartily and sincerely in the great task it has just only begun to undertake. Every nation without exception is at present burdened and oppressed by the colossal cost of armaments and menaced by the ever—present threat of war. The price to be paid for genuine security and the elfedive organization of peace is small Compared with the present cost of armaments. What is necessary is for each nation to renounce that futile and detrimental pride of maintaining a position of isolation and non-cooperation. If nations are to persist, they must give up a tiny fraction of their sovereignty. They must leam to live with others, in order to live at all!
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WORLD ADVANCE
A Monthly International Review
127
050m vama Ann.» of "Th4 Ron tn Wadi PM," "11. Um‘nl III)" 9! IA: WMIL" llt.
NAVAL RATIOS OR A WORLD NAVAL POLICE?
T has by this time become fairly clear that the parleys of the ][United States, Great Britain and Japan regarding a continua tion of the naval ratios established in the Washington Naval
Treaty will prove futile. The demands of the various powers are irreconcilable, and there appears to be little likelihood that concssions will be made by the three great naval powers which would make an agreement possible.
The Irreranrilallle Demand:
Japan has stated, repeatedly and forcibly, that she will no longer consent to be placed in a position inferior to that of Britain and the United States, and that as a sovereign nation equal to them she demands the right to naval equality. As against this demand Chairman Vinson, of the Naval Committee of the United States House of Representatives, has stated positively and unequivocally that the United States will not permit Japan to teach naval equality with this country, and that for every three ships that Japan lays down this country will lay down five. With the vastly greater wealth of the United States, this is far from being an idle threat.
A further serious point of naval disagreement between Japan and America is the demand of the former for a strict limitation on the construction of airplane carrieIs, which in the future will doubtless become one of the most powerful of offensive sea armaments There is very little likelihood that the United States will come to any agreement with Japan regarding this weapon.
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Between Great Britain and the United States there is also a serious disagreement as to the size and radius of cruisers. Great Britain, having numerous naval bases scattered throughout the world, desires to restrict the tonnage of cruisers to 7,500, and to limit the size and elevation of the guns to be carried by them. The United States, with few naval bases, insists upon her imperative need for large cruisers of great cruising radius, in order to protect her trade and her insular possessions.
Great Britain is probably no more disposed than the United States to accept the Jupmese demand for naval equality, but for the present she is willing to have the United States pull her chest nuts out of the fire. As long as the United States denies the Japanese claim1 Britain attains her end and at the same time escaps the odium of the Japanese government and Press
Altogether apart from these clashing demands of the three great naval powers is the fact that it is practically impossible to measure against one another the fighting strength of the various types of naval units. How many submarines, for instance, would equal an airplane carrier? What is the ratio of fighting strength between a 10,000 ton cruiser carrying eight-inch guns and having a cmising speed of thirty knots, and a 7,500 ton cruiser carrying six-indi guns and having a cruising speed of thirty-diree knots? How can the equality of fighting strength be determined between a power with numerous naval bases and one with few naval bases?
The whole problem of the measurement of naval strength is extremely complicated; it is, in fact, practically impossible of accurate determination; and the result of the naval parleys will therefore in all probability be the denunciation of the Wahington Naval Treaty at its expiration.
Tbs Comeqkem Naval Rate
If this occurs, there can be, with the present temper of the three great naval powers, only one Iesult,—a vicious race in naval armament. Chaimian Vinson's declaration is a clear indication what the policy of the United States would be in that event. While the British are not so outspoken, responsible English statesmm have
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WORLD ADVANCE 2.3 9
from time to time made it fairly clear that Great Britain, with her far—flung empire in the seven seas, feels that she needs a navy superior to any other in the world; and that, while the British have as a matter of courtesy conceded a nominal equality in tonnage to America, she would see to it that America did not build up to the point of actual equality, or else that the British naval base: were so improved and extended as to assure a fighting superiority over the American or the Japanese navy. The large expenditures recently made on the Singapore naval base constitute Britain’s answer to the Japanese naval threat.
While the United States Congress has authorized a naval building program which would bring the American navy up to the full present treaty limits and thus to a virtual equality with the British navy, construction is to some extent being held in abeyance until the result of the forthcoming naval parleys has been determined. If the Washington Treaty is abandoned, it is fairly certain that America will proceed with vigor in carrying out her building program.
Japan, on her part has alteady assumed that her demand for naval equality will either be allowed by the other signatories of the Washington Treaty; or that, if it is not allowed, the treaty will be permitted to lapse. Her government is therefore appropriating large sums of money for naval construction, and she is at present rapidly building up her naval strength.
It is, therefore, very likely that there will develop an intensive naval armament race, although there is still a possibility that some arrangement may be made to prevent or at least to limit it.
The Imponibility of Obtaining Sammy Tbrougb a Naval Rare
Unless the great naval powers, like the Bourbons, never learn anything and never forget anytlung, the naval rivalry between Germany and England prior to the \Vorld War should be a com clusive proof, that it IS impossible to obtain security through a naval race, That each of three powers cannot possibly be the strongest, is self-evident. It is, of course, possible that each of the three powers can achieve the greatest fighting strength in in own home waters;
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but this defensive security is not satisfactory to any of them. Since their foreign trade extends to all parts of the world, their interests demand that they should be in a position to protect that trade anywhere on the seven seas; and it therefore becomes their policy to try to achieve supreme fighting stxength anywhere in the world. This goal cannot possibly be achieved by more than one naval power; and should one of the trio through a naval race achieve this position of security, the other two will be automatically condemned to a position of insecurity.
The various types of naval construction, moreover, make it practically impossible for one of the thxee powers to achieve a position of absolute fighting superiority in all waters. Of what avail, for instance, is the most powerful navy in stopping an attack of a fleet of airplanes brought within striking distance by a high-speed airplane carrier? 0: what defense can surface craft oppose to a powerful fleet of ocean-going submarines? The result of a naval race, therefore, will inevitably be the insecurity of every one of the three signatories of the Washington Naval Treaty, with the consequent danger that this feeling of insecurity Will sooner or later lead to wax.
The Only Bdfil of Permanent Peace 1': :0 Iain in a Warld Naval Polite
The Covenant of the League of Nations recognizes that the maintenance of peace requires "the enforcement by common action of international obligations". In other words, it recognizes that permanent peace cannot be achieved, if every nation takes the law into its own hands and insists upon being both judge and executioner in its own case. This plain truth has for centuxies been accepted in the case of individuals and groups of individuals; and it is the basic principle of government in all countries, that no one shall be permitted to decide and enforce his own rights in a controversy, but that such decision and enforcanent shall be made by the action of the nation through government. The plain implication of this universal experience of mankind, when applied to international relations, is that justice and peace can be established and
WORLD AUVANCE L4!
maintained between nations only when they agree that rights and policies in controversy shall be decided and enforced "by common action". The inevitable corollary of this implication is, that the toad to world peace lies in the cooperation of the three leading mvies in acting as a World Naval Police in the enforcement of international obligations as thus laid down by the "common action” of nations.
Instead of attempting the impossible feat of balancing the power of the three dominating navies of the world, the principal objective of the parlays of the United States, Britain and Japan, if they really want justice. peace and security, is to find a basis on which their forces can act cooperatively as a World Naval Police. If such a pooling of the three leading navies can be realized, there is very little doubt that the peace of the world would be assured, since no nation would dare to defy the collective judgment of the nations, enforced by these united navies.
Not only would world peace be firmly established by the creation of such a World Naval Police, but a substantial disarmament, not merely a limitation of armaments at present levels, would be entirely feasible. If the three leading navies of the world are going to act together instead of against one another, the combined naval police force required to keep the world’s peace would be far less than the present combined strength of these navies. They could be reduced to one half or one third of their present strength, and still their united strength would be ample to serve as an effective international police. The burden of taxation could thus be materially lightened by naval co'cperation, as compared with the prospective large increase of that burden with naval competition and the threatened naval armament race.
The Method of EJIdlrliIbing a World Naval Polite
This may be all very fine in theory, the reader may say, but how can it be realized? The intense jealousy of one another among the three leading naval powers, it will be said, and their insistence upon their absolute and unrestricted sovereignty, that is their right to do whatever they please without any external restraint,
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make the plan of pooled navies as a World Naval Police merely an unreafizable dream.
Starting on the basis of existing reality, and assuming that the three great Davies have reached a condition of approximate equality, it is evident that none of the three would dare to take any action which the other two had jointly and definitely declared they wnuld prevent by their united power. On this basis of reality there could be formed an agreement among the three powers that none would take individual action, if such action were opposed by the united decision of the other twat A tripartite Naval Police Board, consisting of the three appropriate cabinet officers, could be set up to formulate such decisions covering the naval policing of the world.
But would there not be danger that the three leading naval powers would, in such an organization, agree among themselves to dominate and to oppress the rest of the world? Would they not divide the earth into “spheres of influence", each agreeing to don‘t inate and exploit his own particular bailiwick? Undoubtedly such a danger would exist In fact, it exists now. Japan would like to have the right to dominate the Far East, as Britain dominates the British Empire. and as the United States in lesser degree domimtes the \Vestem Hemisphere.
The progress of civilization, of pence and of human welfare has ever been in the proportion that right has been made superior to might. And right has been raised above might by the subordination of the arbitrary will and force of the individual to the common judgment and the united force of the community. Application of these first principles of government to the question of a World Naval Police would seem to indicate that, in order to avoid dominaA tion of the world by the Naval Police Board suggested above, it would be advisable for such board to include in its working agreement:
1. that it would submit all justiciable disputes (as defined in the League Covenant) to the Permanent Court of International Justice and that it would act as the executive arm to enforce the Court's decisions;
2‘ that it would submit non-justicinble disputes to the League
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Council and would await the Council's recommendation before making any decision as to naval action;
3. that it would give fair and full consideration to the Council’s recommendations before coming to a decision;
4. that 'm strictly European controversies file navies of France, Italy and Germany would be associated on some [air basis in the action of the World Naval Police Bond.
The Choir: Between Naval Competition and War, or Naval Cooperation and Peace
The writer is, of course, fully aware that it would not be an easy task to organize a World Naval Police on the basis here suggested, or, in fact, on any basis whatever. But the choice before the world lies between a continuance of the present anarchy, in de1 international relations are determined solely by the action of brute force or the threat of brute force, and the extension of law, oxdet and government to international relations. It is a choice between continuing warfare and threats of warfare and the establishment of world peace based upon international justice.
The extension of law and order to the international sphere will, of course, be a long and difficult process. Thxoughout the history of the world the extension of law and order has been the most dificult problem of the human race; first the task of bringing the individuals of the tribe under the rule of law; then that of bringing the tribes themselves under the wider law of small principalities, of bringing these small states under the still wider law of nations, and now the task of bringing the nations under the rule of world law and order. It will not be an easy task; but it must be faced and accomplished. The alternative to naval cooperation to keep the world's peace is naval competition ending in war.
THE WAY OUT*
Economic Demamzty, by Major C. H. Douglas. The Social Credii P7911, Melbourne. T12: Idea of Naliaml Imerext, by Charla: A. Beard. Matmillan. The Outlaw; of War, by Charla! Clayton Mom'mn. Willa”, Clark 6 Calby. The United State: of 1/2: World, by Omtr N twfarlg. Putnam.
AJOR DouaLAs‘s book, published originally in 1920,
Mcontains the theoretical basis and the general background out of which has developed the economic views animating the movement for Social Credit.
“As a result of the conditions produced by the European War, the play of forces usually only visible to expert observers, has be come apparent to many who previously xegaxded none of these things . . . . Before proceeding to the consideration of the remedies proposed, it may be well to emphasize the more salient features of the indictment. . . It is suggested that the primary requisite is to obtain in the readjustment of the economic and political structure such control of initiative that by its exercise every individual can avail himself of the benefits of science and mechanism . . . Systems were made for men, and not men for systems, and the interest of man, which is self—development, is above all systems, whether theological, political or economic . . ,The capitalistic system in the form in which we know it has served its purpose, and may be replaced with advantage;but in any social system proposed, the first necessity is to provide some bulwark against a dfipotism which might exceed that of the Trust. . .The danger which at the moment threatens individual liberty far more than any extension of individual enterprise is the Servile State; the erection of an irresistible and impersonal organization through which the ambition of able
'A yummy o! in urine: vinciplu M "M WI Mnnzd (a th! blah: xingd in '4" ‘muiva] h World umy uuu-uw u- Frau m m qnndan' What hook inum um ‘31! won my MI Iht up on- from me nm-Ienl inlmllnn‘l pmhlflnl?"
m
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THE WAY OUT 14 3
men, animated consciously or unconsciously by the lust of domination, may operate to the enslavemmt of their fellows. . .
"The capitalistic system is based fundamentally an the financial perversion of the law of supply and demand, which involves a claim that there exists an intrinsic relation between need or requitement, and legitimate price or exchange value. . . The book value of the world's stocks is always greater than the apparent financial ability to liquidate them, because these book values already include mobilized credits; the creation of subsidiary financial media, in the form of further bank credits, becomes necessary, and results in the piling up of a system on figures which the accountant calls capital, but which are in fact merely a function of prices . . . Real credit is a measure of the reserve of energy belonging to a community and in consequence drafts on this reserve should be accounted for by a financial system which reflects that fact.”
By divorcing credit from an artificial price structure, Major Douglas develops a principle of credit under which the individual's contribution in work time can be made to receive payment in terms of purchasing power sufficient for his freedom and for organic social unity. As a plan neither capitalistic nor socialistic in character, it merits weful consideration by those qualified to judge its merits.
"As a student of history," writes Prof. Beard in his Preface to "The Idea of National Interest," “having occasion to pore over thousands of pages of diplomatic documents, congressional debates, and state papers, I noticed what appeared to be a decline in reliance upon the term 'national honor' and the growing use of the formula ‘national interest' to explain and justify policy." What this book really means, from the point of view of the non-student, is that a citizen of broad outlook has begun to analyse exactly what statesmen actually mean when they base a policy upon "natural interest" —the formula which has come to replace the older formulas used when the monarch was himself the state. Prof. Beard feels that the diplomats consider themselves bound by some inexorable iron law, some superhuman necessity, overriding the ordinary samdards of decency and even commonsense. ln other words,why do responsible politicians and statesmen, when acting for the government, precipi<
2.45 WORLD UNITY MAGAZINE
tate wars and economic strife, when the results are so costly and bitter to the body of the citizens? Why should "national interest" so frequently justify deviation from standards of conduct found imperative in the relations of people as human beings? These words by a former Secretary of State are quoted by Prof‘ Beard at the opening of the book: "Foreign policies are not built upon abstractions. They are the result of practical conceptions of national interest arising from some immediate exigency or standing out vividly in historical perspective"
"Although none of the thinkers Who thus present the doctrine of national interest speak in the language of exact science, they ape patently conceive interest as a reality open to human understanding and as a kind of iron necessity which binds governments and governed alike. . . When Iong~maintained, policy becomes an inescapab'lE rule for the nation—a rule written in the nature of things, pattaking, it would seem, of the stem mandate imposed by the law of gravitation." The book then proceeds to examine the records and reveal some of the major forces working through the history of the United States.
Charles Clayton Morrison's own summary of his book is as follows: “If this book has any merit at all, it will be found, I think, in four theses: one, that the problem of war must be disentangled from all other controversies, and, thus isolated, brought directly before the nations for a yes or no decision; a second, that war is an institution—legal, established sanctified and supreme; a third, that it can be abolished only by disestablishing it, by casting it out of the legal system of the nations in which it is entrenched; and the fourth, that its disestablishment can be made effective only by establishing in its Place an institution of peace mnteived not under political bu! under juridic mttgorieJ. This can be done only by a basic change in international law. A general treaty renouncing war as a means of settling international disputes would crystallize in legal form the mom! will of the Civilized peoples of the world," This was written in 1927, before the adoption of the Brimd-Kcllogg Pact. Mr. Morrison has taken up the peace problem at the point of discouragement arising from the refusal of the United States
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m WAY our 2.47
to join the League. and found a new and firmer basis in the possibility of extending the domain of international law He takes the reader beyond the emotional state to the stage of proper social, that is, constitutional action. The logic is unquestionable, but the problem is one of collective will not yet apparent.
Oscar Newt'ang, in “The United States of the \Vorld," carries this constitutional approach to its final conclusion, setting up .1 definite proposal not merely for international action against the one issue of war but also for the more fundamental issues of world order by which peace can become a way of life and not a static concept. "The states united by the Covenant of the League of Nations have now completed the first decade of flieir organization. Their experience has been in many respects similar to that of the states united in America under the Articles of Confederation during their first decade from 1777 to 1787. A comparison of the early experiences of the two groups of states and a discussion of the development found necessary by the states united in America will throw a flood of light upon the course that the League of Nations may wisely follow along the road to world peace."
The book, in short, is an examination of the two systems of international organization, confederation and the federated type, in the light of two great historical crises—the experience of the American states and the experience of the League of Nation. The author finds in current world conditions significant parallels to those which compelled the American states to abandon their "League of Nations" and adopt the “supcr-state" of the present Federal government. As the book emphasizes, the loose federation or league eSv tnblishes a central executive committee which has no direct relatingship with or sovereignty over the peoples within the states, but acts upon them only through the state governments. The federal type of union, on the contrary, creates a new and higher sovereignty commensurate with the scope and range of the problems to be overcome None in America would now go back to the weak confederation originally existing. World sovereignty, acting upon the people of the world, is the only power which can save humanity from its present war making facilities. H. H.
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BOOK NOTES
Oulline 0/ Gawrrlmmll, by Roger S/mw. Review: of Kevin)! Corp” 1934
In rapid, terse style Mr. Shaw outlines the nature and the dam inant features of very government on enrfil,——eighty in 311—, not forgetting such tiny territories as Monaco, Andorra, Liechtenstein, Vatican City, San Marino and Danzig; and such remote and little known countries as Bhutan, Yemen, Kuwcit and Oman. Not only does he deftly picture the external forms of these governments, but with swift strokes he sketches the spirit that inhabits each body of government.
In addition to this valuable mass of data regarding individual countries the author gives attention in brief outlines to the pxincipal general trends of government throughout the world. He shows the tendency of monarchy to vanish in the world and be replaced by responsible government, especially as a result of the World War. He discusses the prospects of democracy versus dictatorship in the post-war world. He argues in favor of the greater fairness of proportional representation, as established in Ireland, as against the general present method of voting for individual candidates, as in England and the United States. He considers the prospects of English or French as the final world language, both being at present official in the League of Nations; he weighs the trend of religion and irreligion in the various countries and gives a brief summary of the decisive battles of history in moulding the destiny of mankind.
In making this comprehensive survey of the national materials in the world the author does not fail to sketch the attemps which are being made to build these materials into a world organization for general peace and welfare: the League of Nations as the at‘ tempt of the capitalist nations to organize the world, and the Third I "i
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noox NOTES 7.49
International as the attempt of the socialist elements to form the world into a federation of socialist republics OSCAR NEWFANG
Immigration and Arrimilation, by Hannibal Gerald Duncan. Ba:Ion: D. C. Head) and Company, 1933. $3.80.
To the growing number of good studies of immigration and its effects on social processes must be added this one, written by Dr. Duncan of the Social Science Department, University of Colorado. There are several novel features in his approach. This zipplies to Book I, which is intended to give a general though brief treatment of the racial, political, economic, religious, educational, and social conditions that bear upon immigration. Then follows a general survey of immigration and the main problems of particulat groups. Book II contains thirty-three lifehjstory documan of first generation Americans, or immigrants proper, then thirty lifehistory documents of second generation Americms, or children of immigrants, and finally, twenty life—history documents of third generation Americans, or grandchildren of immigrants. Dr. Duncan justly claims "no life-history document of a third generation American has ever been published, and only a very few of the second generation."
It is, in our judgment, 3. very engrossing and valuable volume. It is true that the author has made numerous slips when dealing with the conditions of the various countries; in addition, his suggestions for further readings on various nations are altogether poor. But the portions of the volume dealing, with immigration proper show that the author is thoroughly at home with his subject. H's treatment should add much to our knowledge of how social conflicts can be ameliorated
JOSEPH S. Rouazx
International Organizalion, by, Harold M. Vinatke. F. 5. Craft: and Company, 1934. $5.00.
Adding another excellent study to the growing number of books dealing with Intematioml Relations (such as those of Buell,
2.50 WORLD UNITY MAGMNE
Mowrer, Eagleton, Schuman, Hodges, and others) , Professor Vinacke of the University of Cincinnati has planned his contribution upon the conception that international society has essentially the same needs to satisfy as has a national society: these are for “legislation, adjudication, execution, and administration." The volume is, therefore, a functional study, and analytical rather than descripfive, and covers the state in international relations, legal framework of intematinnal society, state organization {or the conduct of foreign relations, theoretical foundations of federalism, the international legislative process, the non—League conference system, the League of Nations and international legislation, the settlement of international disputes by arbitration. the Permanent Court of International Justice, conciliation, security and sanctions, supervision] of execution of the peace treaties, international administration, and administrative machinery of the League of Nations. The author denies that there is international government: "the basic principle of this organiution is associative rather than governmental" (p. 121) ; in the field of international administration, however, "voluntary association and cooperation has tended to give way somewhat
to the larger and stronger principle of government" (p. 102). It must be admitted that the book presents the material very objectively; it is also quite a readable text Those who are interested in the methods by which the community of nations acts must get 1:quainted with this most useful contribution.
JOSEPH S. Roucex
T17: Air Mnmre mid TIM Am‘wer, [2y Elvira K . Fmdkin. The MayMillmz Ca., 1934. $5.09
Mrs. Elvira K. Fradkin is well-known for her work for peace She was one of the four delegates of the National Committee on the Cause and Cure of War at the opening of the First World Conference on Limitation and Reduction of Armaments in Geneva. She is now State Chairman of the New Jersey Joint Council on International Relations and State Chairman on lntemational Relations of the New Jersey League of Women Voters. Her chapters review the character and effectiveness of war gases now known,
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BOOK NUI'ES 151
the power of aviation and heavy artillery to distribute them, the utter impossibility of protecting civil populations from them with masks or shelters, the feebleness or nonexistence of treaty defences, and the reasonable certainty that enemy populations will be attacked with these frightful instruments of mass destruction in the event of another major wu—not because the soldiers will wish to make such attacks but because the nature of the modem war system will compel them to do so. The probable fate of the civilians—and of civilization—in that case is indicated by this discussion with a horrible clarity. Mrs. Fradkin does not seem to exaggerate, and her book should be a requited reading not only for every pacifist and milimrist, but also for every voting citizen.
JOSEPH 8. Raven:
T112 Tum Amnimr, by Stephen Duggan. Charla: Stribnef: Sam, 1934~ 81-75
That venerable gentleman of intematioml reputation, Dr. Duggan, Director of the Institute of International Education, visited practically all of the countries of South America during Juneoctober, 1931, in order to strengthen the forces of educational and cultural cooperation between those countxies and the United States. He summarizes now his impression in this excellent volume, emphasizing most ably the comPaxisous between the United States and South America in respect to the backgrounds, civilizations, social institutions, and the economic transformations. As former Professor of Political Science at the College of the City of New York and Lecturer in International Relations at Columbia University, he could not avoid discussing our imperialistic policy in the Caribbean and the Monroe Doctrine and the problems of Pan-Americanism and of Anti~Amerimnism We are glad to report that Dr. Duggan was not dazzled by the splendid receptions given to him on his trip to such an extent that he did not keep his impartial attitude.h he does say some rather unpleasant things about our South American neighbors. There are already libraries of books on South America; but Dr. Duggan's handling of his timely theme is competent and comprehensive, and his argument is presented very
151. WORLD UNITY MAGAZD‘IE
interestingly and not without a certain eloquence. The little volume is likely to take its place as perhaps the most popular presentation of the subject for general reading that has yet been made.
JOSEPH S. Roucnx
T/Je Chirme, Their Hixtary and Culture, by Kenneth Sm” [Alauretle. Tb! Marmillrm Campany, 1934‘ 2 vols. 37-50
This will undoubtedly be a standard work on Chinese culture for some time to come because of the immense amount of scholarly material incorporated therein. The first volume deals with a chronological atcouut of the development of Chinese civilization while the second is a cross-sectiou view of various aspects of Chinese culture. Professor Latourette sees in China a vast, intertwining totalitarian culture dominated by the intellectual and moral motives of Confucianism. Its religionhas been eclectic, tolerant, optimistic, and humanistic, tied up with state control. Its political system has been led by socially—mindcd leaders, moved by Confucian ethical stznd< ards, and continued by a system of state education. Its life has been guided by a social quality of mind, uniting seemingly diverse elements into a schematic nation. The author points to the deep changes in this pattern which have taken place in the past century and visions a chaotic period in Chinese history before again the Chinese can attain a worthy civilization. 'Dfis picture of the disrupted condition of a vast nation in the Far East adds to the fear of trouble in that section of the globe. The volumes are most illuminating on the total picture of Chinese history.
PAUL RUSELL ANDERSON
[Page 253]
NOTES ON THE CURRENT ISSUE
The World Federation Committee of World Unity Foundation, Oscar Newfang, Secretary, has begun its work of organizing the promotion of the principle of world federation. The sponsors of the committee at present include: Paul Russel Anderson, Lake Erie College; John G. Barrow, Berea, Kentucky; Stanton A. Coblentz, New York City; J. Herschel Coflin, Whittier College; Helen S. Eaton, New York City; Albert Guémd, Stanford University; William E. Gilroy, Boston; Alfred P. James, University of Pius. burgh; Rev. Charles E. Jefferson, New York City; Charles R. Joy, Boston; S. Ralph Harlow, Smith College; Horace Holley, New York City; H‘ L. Latham, Chicago; Kirtley F. Mather, Harvard University; George R. H. Nicholson, Kingswood School; Rev. George L. Paine, Cambridge; Carl A. Ross, Albion, Michigan; Joseph A. Roucek, State College, Pennsylvania; Earnest Seaman, Durham, North Carolina; R. Marsh Smith, Rollins College; Edward L. TmX< ell, Trinity College; Jacob )3. Gross, Livermore, California; C. W. Young, Palo Alto, California; Genevieve L. Coy, New York City.
As the program of activity develops, the work of the World Federation Committee will be reported in this magazine.
The second article by Philip Leonard Green on the subject of Inter-Americzm relations makes a clear distinction between the older conception of Pan Americanism and that new Inter-Americanism for which the author makes appeal. It should be evidmt that the past and present differences bcm'een the peoples of North, Central and South America are completely overbalanced by their fundamental unity in the historic fact of freedom from those fundamental apparently unsolvable sources of Conflict afflicting Europe. Long ago the "new world" was called upon to redress the wrongs of the old.
1”
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A CIuJifwd lndex—1927 - 1935‘
4 Pomes AND EODNOMIG
Amcuu-uu, Tu: SouAuiArmx or, b,F. a. Dietrirh. January, 1932
Alma AND ImuNA’nuNAL Luau Rsrr vuno'x, by Fund: 5. wnm. Sep1m, 1934
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CHRISTIAN 51x IAL Pnun' Imv- Tn}: Ntw E&xnulc», 11y liurham Munsnm April.
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Cournrlnvu Eummm‘ "Sysmcs", 125;“. by Hurncc Holley. January,
1
CmosvamA. by Joseph 51 Rmmek, April, 1910
I): R); Rustin. by C. F Ansley, 01:1nbcl, 102‘)
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Ecbmmc 17131-11295, Tar. Rom or, by Edgar L. G. Prochnik. February. 1914
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1933
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WORLD UNITY READING LIST 2.55
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‘ BOOKS ABROAD
‘ An International Quarterly of Comment on Foreign Books Edited by Roy Temple House and Kenneth C. Kaufman
CONTENTS FOR JANUARY, 1935. Amnican Satin! nrm’ Literary Influence in Brazil (Fusc Instalmcnt) _-.u-«._.,.,...__-_..._._m_....,ALFn.AN10 PEIXOTO
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